Chapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part IV. 第三十六章 西部帝国的彻底覆灭——第四节
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In all his public declarations, the emperor Leo assumes the authority, and professes the affection, of a father, for his son Anthemius, with whom he had divided the administration of the universe. 83 The situation, and perhaps the character, of Leo, dissuaded him from exposing his person to the toils and dangers of an African war. But the powers of the Eastern empire were strenuously exerted to deliver Italy and the Mediterranean from the Vandals; and Genseric, who had so long oppressed both the land and sea, was threatened from every side with a formidable invasion. The campaign was opened by a bold and successful enterprise of the praefect Heraclius. 84 The troops of Egypt, Thebais, and Libya, were embarked, under his command; and the Arabs, with a train of horses and camels, opened the roads of the desert. Heraclius landed on the coast of Tripoli, surprised and subdued the cities of that province, and prepared, by a laborious march, which Cato had formerly executed, 85 to join the Imperial army under the walls of Carthage. The intelligence of this loss extorted from Genseric some insidious and ineffectual propositions of peace; but he was still more seriously alarmed by the reconciliation of Marcellinus with the two empires. The independent patrician had been persuaded to acknowledge the legitimate title of Anthemius, whom he accompanied in his journey to Rome; the Dalmatian fleet was received into the harbors of Italy; the active valor of Marcellinus expelled the Vandals from the Island of Sardinia; and the languid efforts of the West added some weight to the immense preparations of the Eastern Romans. The expense of the naval armament, which Leo sent against the Vandals, has been distinctly ascertained; and the curious and instructive account displays the wealth of the declining empire. The Royal demesnes, or private patrimony of the prince, supplied seventeen thousand pounds of gold; forty-seven thousand pounds of gold, and seven hundred thousand of silver, were levied and paid into the treasury by the Prætorian praefects. But the cities were reduced to extreme poverty; and the diligent calculation of fines and forfeitures, as a valuable object of the revenue, does not suggest the idea of a just or merciful administration. The whole expense, by whatsoever means it was defrayed, of the African campaign, amounted to the sum of one hundred and thirty thousand pounds of gold, about five millions two hundred thousand pounds sterling, at a time when the value of money appears, from the comparative price of corn, to have been somewhat higher than in the present age. 86 The fleet that sailed from Constantinople to Carthage, consisted of eleven hundred and thirteen ships, and the number of soldiers and mariners exceeded one hundred thousand men. Basiliscus, the brother of the empress Vorina, was intrusted with this important command. His sister, the wife of Leo, had exaggerated the merit of his former exploits against the Scythians. But the discovery of his guilt, or incapacity, was reserved for the African war; and his friends could only save his military reputation by asserting, that he had conspired with Aspar to spare Genseric, and to betray the last hope of the Western empire.
利奥皇帝已将天下的治理与安特米乌斯分掌，在一切公开的诏诰中，他都俨然以父亲自居，称安特米乌斯为其子：既宣示父亲的权威，又表白父亲的慈爱。83 无论出于所处的形势，还是出于其本人的性情，利奥都不愿亲身涉足阿非利加战争的艰险。然而东部帝国仍竭尽全力，要把意大利与地中海从汪达尔人手中解救出来；盖萨里克久已横行于海陆之间，如今却四面受敌，面临大军压境的威胁。战事的序幕，由长官希拉克略一举拉开，其行动既大胆又奏效。84 埃及、底比斯地区与利比亚的军队在他麾下登船，阿拉伯人则牵着成群的马匹与骆驼，为大军打通了沙漠中的道路。希拉克略在的黎波里海岸登陆，出其不意地征服了该省的各座城市，随即准备沿着当年加图走过的那条艰苦路线行军，85 前往迦太基城下与帝国主力会师。这一连串失地的消息传来，逼得盖萨里克提出了几项和议，看似恳切，实则暗藏诡计，终归无济于事；但更令他忧心忡忡的，是马尔切利努斯与东西两帝国的重修旧好。这位素来独立自主的贵族，终于被说动承认安特米乌斯的合法名位，并一路陪同他前往罗马；达尔马提亚的舰队获准驶入意大利的港口；马尔切利努斯又以其勇猛果决，将汪达尔人逐出撒丁岛；西部虽只勉力相助，多少也为东部罗马人浩大的军备添了几分声势。利奥派去讨伐汪达尔人的这支海上大军，其耗费有确切的记载；这份账目既发人深思，又颇具教益，恰好显示出这个日渐衰落的帝国究竟还有多少财富。皇室的领地，也就是皇帝的私产，供出了一万七千磅黄金；另有四万七千磅黄金与七十万磅白银，由禁卫军长官征收后缴入国库。然而各城市已被榨得一贫如洗；当局竟把罚金与没收充公也当作一宗重要的财源，锱铢必较地核算，这实在不像是一个公正或仁慈的政府所为。这场阿非利加战事的全部开销，不论是用何种手段筹措而来，总计达十三万磅黄金，约合五百二十万英镑；而当时若以谷价相较，货币的价值似乎还略高于今日。86 由君士坦丁堡开往迦太基的这支舰队，共有战船一千一百一十三艘，士兵与水手合计超过十万人。统领这支大军的重任，落在了皇后维丽娜之弟巴西利斯库斯身上。他姐姐既是利奥的皇后，便把他从前征讨斯基泰人的功绩夸大了一番。至于他究竟是有罪还是无能，则要留待这场阿非利加战争才见分晓；后来他的友人为保全其军名，也只能辩称他是与阿斯帕尔串通一气，有意放过盖萨里克，从而断送了西部帝国最后的希望。
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Experience has shown, that the success of an invader most commonly depends on the vigor and celerity of his operations. The strength and sharpness of the first impression are blunted by delay; the health and spirit of the troops insensibly languish in a distant climate; the naval and military force, a mighty effort which perhaps can never be repeated, is silently consumed; and every hour that is wasted in negotiation, accustoms the enemy to contemplate and examine those hostile terrors, which, on their first appearance, he deemed irresistible. The formidable navy of Basiliscus pursued its prosperous navigation from the Thracian Bosphorus to the coast of Africa. He landed his troops at Cape Bona, or the promontory of Mercury, about forty miles from Carthage. 87 The army of Heraclius, and the fleet of Marcellinus, either joined or seconded the Imperial lieutenant; and the Vandals who opposed his progress by sea or land, were successively vanquished. 88 If Basiliscus had seized the moment of consternation, and boldly advanced to the capital, Carthage must have surrendered, and the kingdom of the Vandals was extinguished. Genseric beheld the danger with firmness, and eluded it with his veteran dexterity. He protested, in the most respectful language, that he was ready to submit his person, and his dominions, to the will of the emperor; but he requested a truce of five days to regulate the terms of his submission; and it was universally believed, that his secret liberality contributed to the success of this public negotiation. Instead of obstinately refusing whatever indulgence his enemy so earnestly solicited, the guilty, or the credulous, Basiliscus consented to the fatal truce; and his imprudent security seemed to proclaim, that he already considered himself as the conqueror of Africa. During this short interval, the wind became favorable to the designs of Genseric. He manned his largest ships of war with the bravest of the Moors and Vandals; and they towed after them many large barks, filled with combustible materials. In the obscurity of the night, these destructive vessels were impelled against the unguarded and unsuspecting fleet of the Romans, who were awakened by the sense of their instant danger. Their close and crowded order assisted the progress of the fire, which was communicated with rapid and irresistible violence; and the noise of the wind, the crackling of the flames, the dissonant cries of the soldiers and mariners, who could neither command nor obey, increased the horror of the nocturnal tumult. Whilst they labored to extricate themselves from the fire-ships, and to save at least a part of the navy, the galleys of Genseric assaulted them with temperate and disciplined valor; and many of the Romans, who escaped the fury of the flames, were destroyed or taken by the victorious Vandals. Among the events of that disastrous night, the heroic, or rather desperate, courage of John, one of the principal officers of Basiliscus, has rescued his name from oblivion. When the ship, which he had bravely defended, was almost consumed, he threw himself in his armor into the sea, disdainfully rejected the esteem and pity of Genso, the son of Genseric, who pressed him to accept honorable quarter, and sunk under the waves; exclaiming, with his last breath, that he would never fall alive into the hands of those impious dogs. Actuated by a far different spirit, Basiliscus, whose station was the most remote from danger, disgracefully fled in the beginning of the engagement, returned to Constantinople with the loss of more than half of his fleet and army, and sheltered his guilty head in the sanctuary of St. Sophia, till his sister, by her tears and entreaties, could obtain his pardon from the indignant emperor. Heraclius effected his retreat through the desert; Marcellinus retired to Sicily, where he was assassinated, perhaps at the instigation of Ricimer, by one of his own captains; and the king of the Vandals expressed his surprise and satisfaction, that the Romans themselves should remove from the world his most formidable antagonists. 89 After the failure of this great expedition, 891 Genseric again became the tyrant of the sea: the coasts of Italy, Greece, and Asia, were again exposed to his revenge and avarice; Tripoli and Sardinia returned to his obedience; he added Sicily to the number of his provinces; and before he died, in the fulness of years and of glory, he beheld the final extinction of the empire of the West. 90
经验表明，入侵者能否成功，多半取决于其行动是否迅猛果决。一旦拖延，初来时那股锐不可当的冲击力便会钝挫；将士的体力与士气，在异域的水土中不知不觉地消磨殆尽；这支海陆大军原是倾国之力、或许再也无从重来的一次壮举，却在按兵不动中悄然耗竭；而谈判中虚掷的每一刻，都让敌人得以从容打量这些兵威——那些在初次出现时曾被他视作无可抵御的可怖景象。巴西利斯库斯这支声势浩大的舰队，一路顺风顺水，从色雷斯的博斯普鲁斯海峡驶抵阿非利加海岸。他在博纳角，即墨丘利海角登陆，此地距迦太基约四十英里。87 希拉克略的陆军与马尔切利努斯的舰队，或与这位帝国主帅会合，或从旁策应；凡在海上或陆上阻挡其前进的汪达尔人，都被一一击败。88 倘若巴西利斯库斯抓住敌方惊惶失措的这一刻，果断进逼其都城，迦太基必然俯首归降，汪达尔王国也就此覆灭了。盖萨里克却临危不乱，凭着老于世故的机变，把这场危局化解于无形。他言辞极其恭顺，声称自己连同疆土都愿听凭皇帝处置；只是请求休战五日，以便商定归顺的条款；而人人都相信，这场公开谈判之所以谈得成，暗中少不了他慷慨的贿赂。敌人如此恳切地讨要这点通融，巴西利斯库斯本应断然回绝，他却应允了这场招致灾祸的休战——究竟是他心怀鬼胎，还是轻信人言，不得而知；他那种毫无戒备的安然自得，仿佛在向众人宣告：他早已把自己当成阿非利加的征服者了。就在这短短几天里，风向转得正合盖萨里克的心意。他挑出摩尔人和汪达尔人中最勇猛的，充作最大战船上的水手，又让这些战船拖着许多满载易燃之物的大驳船。趁着夜色晦暗，这些用来纵火的船只被推向罗马人的舰队——后者既无戒备，又浑然不觉，直到大祸临头才惊醒过来。罗马船只挤挨得密密匝匝，反倒助长了火势，烈焰以不可遏止之势迅猛蔓延；风声呼啸，火焰噼啪作响，士兵与水手们乱作一团，号令既传不下去，也无人听命，各种嘈杂的呼喊交织在一起，更添了这场夜间大乱的恐怖。罗马人一面奋力从火船中脱身，一面想至少保住舰队的一部分；盖萨里克的战船却趁势杀来，勇猛而不失沉着与法度；许多侥幸逃过烈焰的罗马人，终究还是死在了得胜的汪达尔人手里，或做了俘虏。在那个惨烈之夜的种种事件中，巴西利斯库斯麾下一名主要将领约翰所表现的英勇——或者不如说是决绝——使他的名字免于湮没。他奋勇守卫的那艘船眼看就要焚毁，他便身披甲胄纵身投海；盖萨里克之子根索敬他、怜他，再三劝他接受体面的降服，他却傲然拒绝，随波沉没，临终之际还高呼：他决不愿活着落入那群不敬神明的狗东西之手。巴西利斯库斯却全然是另一副心肠：他所在的位置本就离危险最远，一交战便可耻地逃之夭夭，损兵折将过半才回到君士坦丁堡，躲进圣索菲亚教堂避难，把这颗有罪的头颅藏了起来，直到他姐姐以泪水和苦苦哀求，才从怒不可遏的皇帝那里为他求得了宽赦。希拉克略取道沙漠撤退；马尔切利努斯退往西西里，却在那里被自己的一名部将刺杀——也许是里西梅尔从中唆使；汪达尔国王闻讯又惊又喜，没想到竟是罗马人自己动手，替他除掉了最难对付的劲敌。89 这场大远征就此功败垂成，891 盖萨里克重又称霸海上：意大利、希腊与亚细亚的沿海地带，再度任其报复与劫掠；的黎波里与撒丁岛复归其治下；他又把西西里也收入所辖诸省之列；直到寿终之时，他已享尽高寿与荣光，并亲眼看着西部帝国走到了最后的覆灭。90
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During his long and active reign, the African monarch had studiously cultivated the friendship of the Barbarians of Europe, whose arms he might employ in a seasonable and effectual diversion against the two empires. After the death of Attila, he renewed his alliance with the Visigoths of Gaul; and the sons of the elder Theodoric, who successively reigned over that warlike nation, were easily persuaded, by the sense of interest, to forget the cruel affront which Genseric had inflicted on their sister. 91 The death of the emperor Majorian delivered Theodoric the Second from the restraint of fear, and perhaps of honor; he violated his recent treaty with the Romans; and the ample territory of Narbonne, which he firmly united to his dominions, became the immediate reward of his perfidy. The selfish policy of Ricimer encouraged him to invade the provinces which were in the possession of Aegidius, his rival; but the active count, by the defence of Arles, and the victory of Orleans, saved Gaul, and checked, during his lifetime, the progress of the Visigoths. Their ambition was soon rekindled; and the design of extinguishing the Roman empire in Spain and Gaul was conceived, and almost completed, in the reign of Euric, who assassinated his brother Theodoric, and displayed, with a more savage temper, superior abilities, both in peace and war. He passed the Pyrenees at the head of a numerous army, subdued the cities of Saragossa and Pampeluna, vanquished in battle the martial nobles of the Tarragonese province, carried his victorious arms into the heart of Lusitania, and permitted the Suevi to hold the kingdom of Gallicia under the Gothic monarchy of Spain. 92 The efforts of Euric were not less vigorous, or less successful, in Gaul; and throughout the country that extends from the Pyrenees to the Rhone and the Loire, Berry and Auvergne were the only cities, or dioceses, which refused to acknowledge him as their master. 93 In the defence of Clermont, their principal town, the inhabitants of Auvergne sustained, with inflexible resolution, the miseries of war, pestilence, and famine; and the Visigoths, relinquishing the fruitless siege, suspended the hopes of that important conquest. The youth of the province were animated by the heroic, and almost incredible, valor of Ecdicius, the son of the emperor Avitus, 94 who made a desperate sally with only eighteen horsemen, boldly attacked the Gothic army, and, after maintaining a flying skirmish, retired safe and victorious within the walls of Clermont. His charity was equal to his courage: in a time of extreme scarcity, four thousand poor were fed at his expense; and his private influence levied an army of Burgundians for the deliverance of Auvergne. From his virtues alone the faithful citizens of Gaul derived any hopes of safety or freedom; and even such virtues were insufficient to avert the impending ruin of their country, since they were anxious to learn, from his authority and example, whether they should prefer the alternative of exile or servitude. 95 The public confidence was lost; the resources of the state were exhausted; and the Gauls had too much reason to believe, that Anthemius, who reigned in Italy, was incapable of protecting his distressed subjects beyond the Alps. The feeble emperor could only procure for their defence the service of twelve thousand British auxiliaries. Riothamus, one of the independent kings, or chieftains, of the island, was persuaded to transport his troops to the continent of Gaul: he sailed up the Loire, and established his quarters in Berry, where the people complained of these oppressive allies, till they were destroyed or dispersed by the arms of the Visigoths. 96
在其漫长而勤于征伐的统治中，这位阿非利加君主一向用心结交欧洲的蛮族，好在时机成熟时借他们的兵力，对东西两帝国发动一场有效的牵制。阿提拉死后，他与高卢的西哥特人重续盟约；老狄奥多里克的几个儿子先后统治着这个尚武的民族，出于利害的考量，他们不难被说动，把盖萨里克当年加在他们姐妹身上的残酷羞辱抛诸脑后。91 马约里安皇帝一死，狄奥多里克二世便再无所惧，或许连体面的顾忌也一并卸下了；他背弃了新近与罗马人订立的条约；把纳博讷广袤的疆土牢牢并入自己的版图，作为这次背信弃义的即时回报。里西梅尔出于一己私利的谋算，怂恿他去侵犯其对手埃吉狄乌斯所据的那些行省；然而这位精力旺盛的伯爵坚守阿尔勒，又在奥尔良大获全胜，保全了高卢，并在有生之年遏止了西哥特人的扩张。西哥特人的野心不久又被重新点燃；到欧里克在位时，铲除罗马人在西班牙与高卢之统治的图谋已然成形，且几近实现。欧里克刺杀了兄长狄奥多里克，性情比他更为凶残，然而无论治世还是用兵，才干都在其兄之上。他亲率大军翻越比利牛斯山，攻取了萨拉戈萨与潘普洛纳两城，在战场上击败了塔拉科嫩西斯行省崇尚武力的贵族，把胜利的兵锋一直推进到卢西塔尼亚腹地，并允许苏维汇人在西班牙的哥特王权之下保有加利西亚王国。92 欧里克在高卢的经营同样勇猛，也同样得手；在从比利牛斯山一直延伸到罗讷河与卢瓦尔河的这片土地上，唯有贝里与奥弗涅两地——无论算作城市还是教区——拒不承认他为其主。93 奥弗涅人在守卫其首府克莱蒙时，以不屈的决心熬过了战乱、瘟疫与饥荒的种种苦难；西哥特人围攻无果，只得放弃，把征服这处要地的指望暂且搁下。阿维图斯皇帝之子埃克狄基乌斯那近乎难以置信的英勇，激励了全省的青壮。94 他仅率十八名骑兵便孤注一掷地杀出城去，大胆冲击哥特大军，且战且走，几番周旋之后，竟安然无恙、凯旋而归，退回克莱蒙城内。他的仁善不亚于其勇武：在物资极度匮乏之际，四千名贫民靠他出资赈济而得以果腹；他又凭一己的私人声望，招募了一支勃艮第人的军队，来解奥弗涅之围。高卢那些忠贞的市民，若还对平安或自由抱有一丝指望，也全系于他一人的德行之上；然而纵有这般德行，也终究挡不住祖国迫在眉睫的败亡——因为他们正焦急地想从他的主张与榜样中弄明白：面对流亡与臣服这两条路，究竟该选哪一条。95 民心已失，国库已空；高卢人也大有理由相信：在意大利称帝的安特米乌斯，根本无力庇护阿尔卑斯山那一边这些陷于困厄的臣民。这位软弱的皇帝所能替他们张罗到的防卫之力，不过是一万二千名不列颠援军。里奥塔穆斯是那座岛上独立的诸王或酋长之一，经人劝说，把他的部众渡海运到高卢大陆：他溯卢瓦尔河而上，在贝里驻扎下来，当地百姓深受这些盟军的欺压，怨声载道，直到西哥特人的兵锋把这支军队消灭或击散为止。96
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One of the last acts of jurisdiction, which the Roman senate exercised over their subjects of Gaul, was the trial and condemnation of Arvandus, the Prætorian praefect. Sidonius, who rejoices that he lived under a reign in which he might pity and assist a state criminal, has expressed, with tenderness and freedom, the faults of his indiscreet and unfortunate friend. 97 From the perils which he had escaped, Arvandus imbibed confidence rather than wisdom; and such was the various, though uniform, imprudence of his behavior, that his prosperity must appear much more surprising than his downfall. The second praefecture, which he obtained within the term of five years, abolished the merit and popularity of his preceding administration. His easy temper was corrupted by flattery, and exasperated by opposition; he was forced to satisfy his importunate creditors with the spoils of the province; his capricious insolence offended the nobles of Gaul, and he sunk under the weight of the public hatred. The mandate of his disgrace summoned him to justify his conduct before the senate; and he passed the Sea of Tuscany with a favorable wind, the presage, as he vainly imagined, of his future fortunes. A decent respect was still observed for the Proefectorian rank; and on his arrival at Rome, Arvandus was committed to the hospitality, rather than to the custody, of Flavius Asellus, the count of the sacred largesses, who resided in the Capitol. 98 He was eagerly pursued by his accusers, the four deputies of Gaul, who were all distinguished by their birth, their dignities, or their eloquence. In the name of a great province, and according to the forms of Roman jurisprudence, they instituted a civil and criminal action, requiring such restitution as might compensate the losses of individuals, and such punishment as might satisfy the justice of the state. Their charges of corrupt oppression were numerous and weighty; but they placed their secret dependence on a letter which they had intercepted, and which they could prove, by the evidence of his secretary, to have been dictated by Arvandus himself. The author of this letter seemed to dissuade the king of the Goths from a peace with the Greek emperor: he suggested the attack of the Britons on the Loire; and he recommended a division of Gaul, according to the law of nations, between the Visigoths and the Burgundians. 99 These pernicious schemes, which a friend could only palliate by the reproaches of vanity and indiscretion, were susceptible of a treasonable interpretation; and the deputies had artfully resolved not to produce their most formidable weapons till the decisive moment of the contest. But their intentions were discovered by the zeal of Sidonius. He immediately apprised the unsuspecting criminal of his danger; and sincerely lamented, without any mixture of anger, the haughty presumption of Arvandus, who rejected, and even resented, the salutary advice of his friends. Ignorant of his real situation, Arvandus showed himself in the Capitol in the white robe of a candidate, accepted indiscriminate salutations and offers of service, examined the shops of the merchants, the silks and gems, sometimes with the indifference of a spectator, and sometimes with the attention of a purchaser; and complained of the times, of the senate, of the prince, and of the delays of justice. His complaints were soon removed. An early day was fixed for his trial; and Arvandus appeared, with his accusers, before a numerous assembly of the Roman senate. The mournful garb which they affected, excited the compassion of the judges, who were scandalized by the gay and splendid dress of their adversary: and when the praefect Arvandus, with the first of the Gallic deputies, were directed to take their places on the senatorial benches, the same contrast of pride and modesty was observed in their behavior. In this memorable judgment, which presented a lively image of the old republic, the Gauls exposed, with force and freedom, the grievances of the province; and as soon as the minds of the audience were sufficiently inflamed, they recited the fatal epistle. The obstinacy of Arvandus was founded on the strange supposition, that a subject could not be convicted of treason, unless he had actually conspired to assume the purple. As the paper was read, he repeatedly, and with a loud voice, acknowledged it for his genuine composition; and his astonishment was equal to his dismay, when the unanimous voice of the senate declared him guilty of a capital offence. By their decree, he was degraded from the rank of a praefect to the obscure condition of a plebeian, and ignominiously dragged by servile hands to the public prison. After a fortnight’s adjournment, the senate was again convened to pronounce the sentence of his death; but while he expected, in the Island of Aesculapius, the expiration of the thirty days allowed by an ancient law to the vilest malefactors, 100 his friends interposed, the emperor Anthemius relented, and the praefect of Gaul obtained the milder punishment of exile and confiscation. The faults of Arvandus might deserve compassion; but the impunity of Seronatus accused the justice of the republic, till he was condemned and executed, on the complaint of the people of Auvergne. That flagitious minister, the Catiline of his age and country, held a secret correspondence with the Visigoths, to betray the province which he oppressed: his industry was continually exercised in the discovery of new taxes and obsolete offences; and his extravagant vices would have inspired contempt, if they had not excited fear and abhorrence. 101
罗马元老院对高卢臣民行使司法权的最后几桩案子之一，便是审判并定罪禁卫军长官阿尔万杜斯。西多尼乌斯庆幸自己生逢这样一朝：竟还容得他去怜悯并援手一名国事犯；他以温情而坦率的笔调，写下了这位鲁莽而不幸的友人所犯的种种过失。97 阿尔万杜斯从历次死里逃生中汲取的不是智慧，而是自负；他行事种种不谨，花样虽多，实则一辙，以至于他何以能一度显达，比他后来的败落更叫人称奇。五年之内他第二次出任长官，却把前一任积攒的政绩与人望尽数葬送。他生性随和，却因谄媚而腐化，因异议而动怒；债主逼得紧，他只好搜刮行省的民脂民膏来打发；他喜怒无常、傲慢无礼，得罪了高卢的贵族，终于在众怒的重压之下垮台。一纸罢黜令传来，勒令他到元老院去为自己的行为申辩；他趁着顺风渡过托斯卡纳海，还痴心地以为这顺风是他未来时运的吉兆。人们对他长官的品级仍存几分应有的敬重；因而阿尔万杜斯抵达罗马后，被交给住在卡皮托利山上的圣库伯弗拉维乌斯·阿塞卢斯——与其说是看押，不如说是款待。98 对他穷追不舍的，是高卢派来的四位代表，也就是他的原告；这四人或以出身，或以官位，或以口才见称。他们以一个大行省的名义，依照罗马法的程式，提起了一桩兼具民事与刑事的诉讼，既要求赔偿以补个人所受的损失，又要求处刑以满足国家的公义。他们控告他贪赃虐民的罪状，既多且重；但他们暗中所倚仗的，是一封他们截获的信——凭着他秘书的证词，他们能证明这信正是阿尔万杜斯本人口授的。这封信的作者，看来是在劝哥特国王不要与希腊皇帝议和：他献策去攻打卢瓦尔河一带的不列颠人；又主张按照万民法，把高卢在西哥特人与勃艮第人之间瓜分。99 这些贻害无穷的图谋，就连朋友也只能勉强替他辩解，说不过是虚荣与轻率之过；可它们完全可以解作叛国之罪；那几位代表更是老谋深算，打定主意不到诉讼的决胜关头，绝不亮出这件最厉害的杀手锏。然而，热心的西多尼乌斯还是察觉了他们的用意。他当即把危险告知了这位懵然不觉的被告；他对阿尔万杜斯那份傲慢自负真心感到痛惜，其中却不掺半分恼怒——阿尔万杜斯非但不听朋友有益的劝告，反倒心生怨怼。阿尔万杜斯对自己的真实处境浑然不知，竟身穿候选人的白袍在卡皮托利山上招摇，不论是谁的致意与效劳都来者不拒，还在商铺间流连，观赏那些丝绸与珠宝，时而如看客般漫不经心，时而又像买主般认真端详；口中还抱怨世道、抱怨元老院、抱怨皇帝，抱怨司法的拖沓。他的这些抱怨很快便烟消云散了。开审的日子定得很早；阿尔万杜斯便与原告一道，出现在济济一堂的罗马元老院面前。原告故意穿了一身丧服，博得了法官们的同情；而对方那身鲜亮华丽的装束，却叫法官们大为反感；及至有人示意长官阿尔万杜斯与高卢首席代表在元老院的席位上就座，两人的举止间同样透出一傲一谦的鲜明对照。这场令人难忘的审判，宛然重现了昔日共和国的景象；高卢人有力而畅所欲言地历数了行省所受的冤屈；一等到听众群情激愤到火候，他们便当众宣读了那封招祸的信。阿尔万杜斯之所以顽固不认，是基于一个荒唐的臆想：以为臣民除非当真图谋僭取帝位，否则便不能被判叛国之罪。信件宣读之际，他还一再高声承认这确是自己的手笔；及至元老院异口同声判他犯了死罪，他的惊愕之情，正与他的沮丧不相上下。依元老院的裁决，他从长官之位被贬为微贱的平民，又遭奴仆之手不体面地拖入公共牢狱。休庭两周之后，元老院再度召集，要宣布对他的死刑；然而正当他在埃斯库拉庇乌斯岛上，按一条古老法律等着那给予最卑劣罪犯的三十天期满之际，100 他的友人们出面斡旋，安特米乌斯皇帝也回心转意，这位高卢长官便得了从轻发落，改判流放并没收家产。阿尔万杜斯的过错或许还值得同情；而塞罗纳图斯竟能逍遥法外，则简直是对共和国公义的控诉，直到奥弗涅人告发，他才被定罪处死。这个穷凶极恶的官员，堪称当世当地的喀提林，暗中与西哥特人书信往来，要出卖他所压榨的那个行省：他孜孜不倦，成天忙着搜罗新的税目、翻检早已作废的旧罪；他那些无度的恶行，若不是激起了众人的恐惧与憎恶，本只会招来鄙夷罢了。101
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Such criminals were not beyond the reach of justice; but whatever might be the guilt of Ricimer, that powerful Barbarian was able to contend or to negotiate with the prince, whose alliance he had condescended to accept. The peaceful and prosperous reign which Anthemius had promised to the West, was soon clouded by misfortune and discord. Ricimer, apprehensive, or impatient, of a superior, retired from Rome, and fixed his residence at Milan; an advantageous situation either to invite or to repel the warlike tribes that were seated between the Alps and the Danube. 102 Italy was gradually divided into two independent and hostile kingdoms; and the nobles of Liguria, who trembled at the near approach of a civil war, fell prostrate at the feet of the patrician, and conjured him to spare their unhappy country. “For my own part,” replied Ricimer, in a tone of insolent moderation, “I am still inclined to embrace the friendship of the Galatian; 103 but who will undertake to appease his anger, or to mitigate the pride, which always rises in proportion to our submission?” They informed him, that Epiphanius, bishop of Pavia, 104 united the wisdom of the serpent with the innocence of the dove; and appeared confident, that the eloquence of such an ambassador must prevail against the strongest opposition, either of interest or passion. Their recommendation was approved; and Epiphanius, assuming the benevolent office of mediation, proceeded without delay to Rome, where he was received with the honors due to his merit and reputation. The oration of a bishop in favor of peace may be easily supposed; he argued, that, in all possible circumstances, the forgiveness of injuries must be an act of mercy, or magnanimity, or prudence; and he seriously admonished the emperor to avoid a contest with a fierce Barbarian, which might be fatal to himself, and must be ruinous to his dominions. Anthemius acknowledged the truth of his maxims; but he deeply felt, with grief and indignation, the behavior of Ricimer, and his passion gave eloquence and energy to his discourse. “What favors,” he warmly exclaimed, “have we refused to this ungrateful man? What provocations have we not endured! Regardless of the majesty of the purple, I gave my daughter to a Goth; I sacrificed my own blood to the safety of the republic. The liberality which ought to have secured the eternal attachment of Ricimer has exasperated him against his benefactor. What wars has he not excited against the empire! How often has he instigated and assisted the fury of hostile nations! Shall I now accept his perfidious friendship? Can I hope that he will respect the engagements of a treaty, who has already violated the duties of a son?” But the anger of Anthemius evaporated in these passionate exclamations: he insensibly yielded to the proposals of Epiphanius; and the bishop returned to his diocese with the satisfaction of restoring the peace of Italy, by a reconciliation, 105 of which the sincerity and continuance might be reasonably suspected. The clemency of the emperor was extorted from his weakness; and Ricimer suspended his ambitious designs till he had secretly prepared the engines with which he resolved to subvert the throne of Anthemius. The mask of peace and moderation was then thrown aside. The army of Ricimer was fortified by a numerous reenforcement of Burgundians and Oriental Suevi: he disclaimed all allegiance to the Greek emperor, marched from Milan to the Gates of Rome, and fixing his camp on the banks of the Anio, impatiently expected the arrival of Olybrius, his Imperial candidate.
这类罪犯尚在法律所能及的范围之内；然而里西梅尔无论罪责多重，这个势大的蛮族却有本事与皇帝分庭抗礼，或与之讨价还价——而当初正是他屈尊纡贵，才接受了与这位皇帝的结盟。安特米乌斯本许诺给西部一段太平昌盛的治世，不久却蒙上了灾祸与纷争的阴云。里西梅尔头上有个尊长，他既心存忌惮，又不甘屈居人下，便离开罗马，把居所迁往米兰；此地形势有利，无论是要招引还是抵御盘踞在阿尔卑斯山与多瑙河之间那些好战的部族，都进退自如。102 意大利渐渐裂成了两个各自为政、彼此仇视的王国；利古里亚的贵族眼见内战迫近，吓得战栗不已，纷纷拜倒在这位贵族脚下，恳求他放过他们这多灾多难的家园。里西梅尔以一种傲慢而又故作克制的口吻答道：“就我本人而言，我仍愿与那个加拉太人重修旧好；103 可是有谁肯出面去平息他的怒气，或压一压他那份傲气呢？——我们越是退让，他那傲气便越是水涨船高。”他们告诉他，帕维亚主教埃皮法尼乌斯104既有蛇一般的灵巧，又有鸽子一般的驯良；他们显得信心十足，认为凭这样一位使者的辩才，无论对方的抗拒多么顽固，无论出于利害还是出于意气，都必能说服。他们的举荐得到了采纳；埃皮法尼乌斯便担起调停息争的善职，即刻动身前往罗马，在那里受到了与其德望相称的礼遇。一位主教为和平所作的陈词，不难想见；他辩说：无论在任何情形之下，宽恕仇怨都算得上一桩善举——或出于仁慈，或出于宽宏，或出于审慎；他还郑重劝谏皇帝，切勿与一个凶悍的蛮族相争，那对皇帝本人可能是致命的，对其国土则必然是毁灭性的。安特米乌斯承认他这番道理句句在理；然而一想起里西梅尔的所作所为，他便悲愤交加，感触极深，一腔激愤反倒使他的言辞变得雄辩而有力。他激动地高声道：“对这个忘恩负义之徒，我们何曾吝惜过什么恩惠？他的种种挑衅，我们又有哪一样不曾忍受！我全然不顾帝位的尊严，把女儿嫁给了一个哥特人；为了共和国的安危，我竟牺牲了自己的骨肉。我这般慷慨，本该换来里西梅尔永世的忠心，却反倒激得他与自己的恩人反目成仇。他挑起过多少场针对帝国的战争！又有多少回唆使并助长了敌国的凶焰！如今我难道还要领受他那反复无常的友谊？一个连做人子的本分都已背弃的人，我还能指望他信守条约中的承诺吗？”然而安特米乌斯的一腔怒火，在这几句慷慨激昂的呼喊中也就消散殆尽了：他不知不觉便依从了埃皮法尼乌斯的提议；主教遂满意地回到自己的教区，欣慰于总算促成和解、恢复了意大利的和平105——尽管这和解究竟有几分诚意、又能维持多久，实在大可怀疑。皇帝这份宽仁，其实是他的软弱被硬逼出来的；里西梅尔则把野心暂且按下，只等暗中把那些他决意用来颠覆安特米乌斯皇位的机关备齐。到那时，和平与克制的假面便被他一把扯下。里西梅尔的军队又得到大批勃艮第人与东方苏维汇人的增援，实力大增：他公然宣布不再效忠希腊皇帝，从米兰挥师直抵罗马城下，在阿尼奥河畔扎下营寨，焦急地等候着他所拥立的皇位人选奥利布里乌斯到来。
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The senator Olybrius, of the Anician family, might esteem himself the lawful heir of the Western empire. He had married Placidia, the younger daughter of Valentinian, after she was restored by Genseric; who still detained her sister Eudoxia, as the wife, or rather as the captive, of his son. The king of the Vandals supported, by threats and solicitations, the fair pretensions of his Roman ally; and assigned, as one of the motives of the war, the refusal of the senate and people to acknowledge their lawful prince, and the unworthy preference which they had given to a stranger. 106 The friendship of the public enemy might render Olybrius still more unpopular to the Italians; but when Ricimer meditated the ruin of the emperor Anthemius, he tempted, with the offer of a diadem, the candidate who could justify his rebellion by an illustrious name and a royal alliance. The husband of Placidia, who, like most of his ancestors, had been invested with the consular dignity, might have continued to enjoy a secure and splendid fortune in the peaceful residence of Constantinople; nor does he appear to have been tormented by such a genius as cannot be amused or occupied, unless by the administration of an empire. Yet Olybrius yielded to the importunities of his friends, perhaps of his wife; rashly plunged into the dangers and calamities of a civil war; and, with the secret connivance of the emperor Leo, accepted the Italian purple, which was bestowed, and resumed, at the capricious will of a Barbarian. He landed without obstacle (for Genseric was master of the sea) either at Ravenna, or the port of Ostia, and immediately proceeded to the camp of Ricimer, where he was received as the sovereign of the Western world. 107
元老奥利布里乌斯出身阿尼奇家族，或可自认为西部帝国的合法继承人。他娶了瓦伦提尼安的幼女普拉西狄亚，那是在盖萨里克把她放归之后；至于她姐姐欧多克西娅，盖萨里克却仍旧扣留着，名为其子之妻，实则是俘虏。汪达尔国王时而威胁，时而恳求，为他这位罗马盟友那正当的名分要求撑腰；他还把元老院与罗马民众拒不承认自己合法的君主、反倒不当地属意于一个外人，列为其发动战争的一条缘由。106 与这个公敌交好，本会叫奥利布里乌斯在意大利人心目中更失人望；然而里西梅尔一心图谋除掉安特米乌斯皇帝，便以皇冠相许，去笼络这样一位人选——此人既有显赫的门第，又与皇室联姻，正好可以为他的谋反正名。普拉西狄亚的这位夫君，和他大多数先人一样，也曾荣膺执政官的显位；他本可以留在君士坦丁堡安享太平，继续坐拥那份稳当而显赫的荣华；看来他也并非被那样一种天性所折磨——非得治理一个帝国，才得以遣兴消闲。然而奥利布里乌斯经不住友人们——或许还有他妻子——的再三怂恿，终于轻率地投身于内战的凶险与灾祸之中；他在利奥皇帝暗中默许之下，接受了意大利的紫袍，而这紫袍的授予与收回，全凭一个蛮族反复无常的心意。他毫无阻碍地登了岸（因为盖萨里克正称霸海上），或在拉文纳，或在奥斯提亚港，随即径赴里西梅尔的营地，在那里被奉为西方世界的君主。107
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The patrician, who had extended his posts from the Anio to the Melvian bridge, already possessed two quarters of Rome, the Vatican and the Janiculum, which are separated by the Tyber from the rest of the city; 108 and it may be conjectured, that an assembly of seceding senators imitated, in the choice of Olybrius, the forms of a legal election. But the body of the senate and people firmly adhered to the cause of Anthemius; and the more effectual support of a Gothic army enabled him to prolong his reign, and the public distress, by a resistance of three months, which produced the concomitant evils of famine and pestilence. At length Ricimer made a furious assault on the bridge of Hadrian, or St. Angelo; and the narrow pass was defended with equal valor by the Goths, till the death of Gilimer, their leader. The victorious troops, breaking down every barrier, rushed with irresistible violence into the heart of the city, and Rome (if we may use the language of a contemporary pope) was subverted by the civil fury of Anthemius and Ricimer. 109 The unfortunate Anthemius was dragged from his concealment, and inhumanly massacred by the command of his son-in-law; who thus added a third, or perhaps a fourth, emperor to the number of his victims. The soldiers, who united the rage of factious citizens with the savage manners of Barbarians, were indulged, without control, in the license of rapine and murder: the crowd of slaves and plebeians, who were unconcerned in the event, could only gain by the indiscriminate pillage; and the face of the city exhibited the strange contrast of stern cruelty and dissolute intemperance. 110 Forty days after this calamitous event, the subject, not of glory, but of guilt, Italy was delivered, by a painful disease, from the tyrant Ricimer, who bequeathed the command of his army to his nephew Gundobald, one of the princes of the Burgundians. In the same year all the principal actors in this great revolution were removed from the stage; and the whole reign of Olybrius, whose death does not betray any symptoms of violence, is included within the term of seven months. He left one daughter, the offspring of his marriage with Placidia; and the family of the great Theodosius, transplanted from Spain to Constantinople, was propagated in the female line as far as the eighth generation. 111
这位贵族已把他的哨所从阿尼奥河一直布到米尔维安桥，此时已据有罗马城的两个区——梵蒂冈与雅尼库卢姆，二者都被台伯河隔在城市其余部分之外；108 可以推想，有一批脱离出去的元老聚在一处，仿照合法选举的形式，推举了奥利布里乌斯。但元老院与民众的主体仍坚定地站在安特米乌斯一边；再加上一支哥特军队更为得力的支援，使他得以将自己的统治——连同这满城的苦难——又延续了三个月，苦苦支撑之下，饥荒与瘟疫也相伴而至。里西梅尔终于向哈德良桥，即圣天使桥，发起了猛攻；哥特人以同样的勇猛守卫着这处狭窄的通道，直到他们的首领吉利梅尔阵亡。得胜的军队冲破了一道道障碍，以不可阻挡之势涌入城市的中心；罗马（借用一位同时代教宗的话说）便这样毁于安特米乌斯与里西梅尔的内讧之火。109 不幸的安特米乌斯被人从藏身之处拖了出来，奉他女婿之命惨遭杀害；里西梅尔于是又给自己刀下的亡魂添了第三个——或许是第四个——皇帝。这些士兵既怀着党争市民的狂怒，又带着蛮族的野性，肆意烧杀掳掠而无人约束：至于那一大群奴隶与平民，事变的结局本与他们无干，唯有在这不分皂白的劫掠中还能捞到些好处；于是全城的景象，竟呈现出冷酷的残暴与放纵的荒淫这般奇异的对照。110 这桩惨祸——它给里西梅尔带来的不是荣耀，而是罪愆——过后四十天，一场痛苦的病症总算把意大利从这个暴君手中解救出来；他临死把军队的指挥权传给了外甥贡多巴德，此人是勃艮第诸王子之一。同一年里，这场大变局中的几个主角都相继退出了舞台；奥利布里乌斯的整个在位期总共不过七个月，而他的死看不出有任何遭人加害的迹象。他身后留下一个女儿，是他与普拉西狄亚所生；伟大的狄奥多西一族，当年从西班牙移植到君士坦丁堡，此后循女系一脉相传，一直延续到第八代。111
Notes 注释
83
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Itaque nos quibus totius mundi regimen commisit superna provisio.... Pius et triumphator semper Augustus filius noster Anthemius, licet Divina Majestas et nostra creatio pietati ejus plenam Imperii commiserit potestatem, &c..... Such is the dignified style of Leo, whom Anthemius respectfully names, Dominus et Pater meus Princeps sacratissimus Leo. See Novell. Anthem. tit. ii. iii. p. 38, ad calcem Cod. Theod.
Itaque nos quibus totius mundi regimen commisit superna provisio.... Pius et triumphator semper Augustus filius noster Anthemius, licet Divina Majestas et nostra creatio pietati ejus plenam Imperii commiserit potestatem, &c..... 利奥的措辞便是这般威严；安特米乌斯则恭敬地称他为 Dominus et Pater meus Princeps sacratissimus Leo（我的君主与父亲、至圣的皇帝利奥）。参见 Novell. Anthem. tit. ii. iii. p. 38, ad calcem Cod. Theod.
84
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The expedition of Heraclius is clouded with difficulties, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 640,) and it requires some dexterity to use the circumstances afforded by Theophanes, without injury to the more respectable evidence of Procopius.
希拉克略这次远征疑云重重，（Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 640,）要想采用塞奥法尼斯所提供的种种情节，又不损及普罗柯比那更为可信的证据，颇需一番手腕。
85
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The march of Cato from Berenice, in the province of Cyrene, was much longer than that of Heraclius from Tripoli. He passed the deep sandy desert in thirty days, and it was found necessary to provide, besides the ordinary supplies, a great number of skins filled with water, and several Psylli, who were supposed to possess the art of sucking the wounds which had been made by the serpents of their native country. See Plutarch in Caton. Uticens. tom. iv. p. 275. Straben Geograph. l. xxii. p. 1193.
加图当年从昔兰尼行省的贝勒尼刻出发的那次行军，比希拉克略从的黎波里出发的路程要长得多。他花了三十天穿越深沙大漠，途中除寻常给养之外，还不得不备下大量灌满清水的皮囊，并带上几名普绪利人——据说这些人有一手绝技，能把当地毒蛇咬出的伤口吮吸干净。参见 Plutarch in Caton. Uticens. tom. iv. p. 275。Straben Geograph. l. xxii. p. 1193。
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The principal sum is clearly expressed by Procopius, (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191;) the smaller constituent parts, which Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 396) has laboriously collected from the Byzantine writers, are less certain, and less important. The historian Malchus laments the public misery, (Excerpt. ex Suida in Corp. Hist. Byzant. p. 58;) but he is surely unjust, when he charges Leo with hoarding the treasures which he extorted from the people. * Note: Compare likewise the newly-discovered work of Lydus, de Magistratibus, ed. Hase, Paris, 1812, (and in the new collection of the Byzantines,) l. iii. c. 43. Lydus states the expenditure at 65,000 lbs. of gold, 700,000 of silver. But Lydus exaggerates the fleet to the incredible number of 10,000 long ships, (Liburnae,) and the troops to 400,000 men. Lydus describes this fatal measure, of which he charges the blame on Basiliscus, as the shipwreck of the state. From that time all the revenues of the empire were anticipated; and the finances fell into inextricable confusion.—M.
主要的那笔款项，普罗柯比记述得清清楚楚，（de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191;）至于那些较小的组成部分，蒂耶蒙（Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 396）曾煞费苦心地从拜占庭诸家著作中辑录出来，却既不那么确凿，也不那么要紧。史家马尔胡斯哀叹民生之艰，（Excerpt. ex Suida in Corp. Hist. Byzant. p. 58;）但他指责利奥把从百姓身上榨来的财宝囤积起来，这实在是有失公允。* 编者按：另可参看新近发现的吕多斯著作 de Magistratibus, ed. Hase, Paris, 1812,（亦见于新编的拜占庭文集，）l. iii. c. 43。吕多斯说这笔开销为黄金六万五千磅、白银七十万磅。不过吕多斯把舰队夸大到一万艘长船（Liburnae）这一荒诞的数目，又把兵力夸大到四十万人。在吕多斯笔下，这一招致灾祸的举措——他把罪责归到巴西利斯库斯头上——无异于国家的沉船之覆。自那时起，帝国的岁入便悉数被预先支用；财政从此陷入无从收拾的混乱。—M
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This promontory is forty miles from Carthage, (Procop. l. i. c. 6, p. 192,) and twenty leagues from Sicily, (Shaw’s Travels, p. 89.) Scipio landed farther in the bay, at the fair promontory; see the animated description of Livy, xxix. 26, 27.
这处海角距迦太基四十英里，（Procop. l. i. c. 6, p. 192,）距西西里二十里格，（Shaw’s Travels, p. 89.）西庇阿当年登陆的地点更靠海湾深处，在所谓的“美丽海角”；参见李维那段生动的描写，Livy, xxix. 26, 27。
88
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Theophanes (p. 100) affirms that many ships of the Vandals were sunk. The assertion of Jornandes, (de Successione Regn.,) that Basiliscus attacked Carthage, must be understood in a very qualified sense
塞奥法尼斯（p. 100）断言汪达尔人有许多船只被击沉。约达尼斯（de Successione Regn.）说巴西利斯库斯攻打了迦太基，这话必须大打折扣地去理解。
89
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Damascius in Vit. Isidor. apud Phot. p. 1048. It will appear, by comparing the three short chronicles of the times, that Marcellinus had fought near Carthage, and was killed in Sicily.
Damascius in Vit. Isidor. apud Phot. p. 1048。把当时那三部简短的编年史相互对照，便可看出：马尔切利努斯曾在迦太基附近作战，后来在西西里被杀。
891
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According to Lydus, Leo, distracted by this and the other calamities of his reign, particularly a dreadful fire at Constantinople, abandoned the palace, like another Orestes, and was preparing to quit Constantinople forever l iii. c. 44, p. 230.—M.
据吕多斯说，利奥被这场灾难以及其在位期间的其他祸患——尤其是君士坦丁堡的一场大火——搅得心神俱乱，竟像又一个俄瑞斯忒斯那样弃宫而走，正打算永远离开君士坦丁堡。l iii. c. 44, p. 230。—M
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For the African war, see Procopius, de Bell. (Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191, 192, 193,) Theophanes, (p. 99, 100, 101,) Cedrenus, (p. 349, 350,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 50, 51.) Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur, &c., c. xx. tom. iii. p. 497) has made a judicious observation on the failure of these great naval armaments.
关于这场阿非利加战争，参见 Procopius, de Bell. (Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191, 192, 193,)、塞奥法尼斯（p. 99, 100, 101,）、塞德雷努斯（p. 349, 350,）与佐纳拉斯（tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 50, 51.）。孟德斯鸠（Considerations sur la Grandeur, &c., c. xx. tom. iii. p. 497）对这几次大规模海上远征的失败，作过一番精辟的评论。
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Jornandes is our best guide through the reigns of Theodoric II. and Euric, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 44, 45, 46, 47, p. 675-681.) Idatius ends too soon, and Isidore is too sparing of the information which he might have given on the affairs of Spain. The events that relate to Gaul are laboriously illustrated in the third book of the Abbe Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 424-620.
要了解狄奥多里克二世与欧里克两朝，约达尼斯是我们最好的向导，（de Rebus Geticis, c. 44, 45, 46, 47, p. 675-681.）伊达提乌斯的记载收笔太早，伊西多尔本可就西班牙之事多加交代，却过于吝惜笔墨。至于与高卢有关的种种事件，杜博神父在其《批判史》第三卷中作了详尽的考订，Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 424-620。
92
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See Mariana, Hist. Hispan. tom. i. l. v. c. 5. p. 162.
参见 Mariana, Hist. Hispan. tom. i. l. v. c. 5. p. 162。
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An imperfect, but original, picture of Gaul, more especially of Auvergne, is shown by Sidonius; who, as a senator, and afterwards as a bishop, was deeply interested in the fate of his country. See l. v. epist. 1, 5, 9, &c.
西多尼乌斯为我们勾勒出一幅关于高卢、尤其是奥弗涅的图景，虽不完整，却出自亲历；他先为元老，后为主教，对祖国的命运深切关怀。参见第五卷，书信一、五、九等。
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Sidonius, l. iii. epist. 3, p. 65-68. Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 24, in tom. ii. p. 174. Jornandes, c. 45, p. 675. Perhaps Ecdicius was only the son-in-law of Avitus, his wife’s son by another husband.
Sidonius, l. iii. epist. 3, p. 65-68。Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 24, in tom. ii. p. 174。Jornandes, c. 45, p. 675。埃克狄基乌斯或许只是阿维图斯的继子，即阿维图斯之妻与前夫所生之子。
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Si nullae a republica vires, nulla praesidia; si nullae, quantum rumor est, Anthemii principis opes; statuit, te auctore, nobilitas, seu patriaca dimittere seu capillos, (Sidon. l. ii. epist. 1, p. 33.) The last words Sirmond, (Not. p. 25) may likewise denote the clerical tonsure, which was indeed the choice of Sidonius himself.
Si nullae a republica vires, nulla praesidia; si nullae, quantum rumor est, Anthemii principis opes; statuit, te auctore, nobilitas, seu patriaca dimittere seu capillos,（Sidon. l. ii. epist. 1, p. 33.）末尾那几个词，据西尔蒙（Not. p. 25）说，也可指教士的剃发礼——而这确实正是西多尼乌斯本人的选择。
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The history of these Britons may be traced in Jornandes, (c. 45, p. 678,) Sidonius, (l. iii. epistol. 9, p. 73, 74,) and Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 18, in tom. ii. p. 170.) Sidonius (who styles these mercenary troops argutos, armatos, tumultuosos, virtute numero, contul ernio, contumaces) addresses their general in a tone of friendship and familiarity.
这些不列颠人的来龙去脉，可查考 Jornandes,（c. 45, p. 678,）、Sidonius,（l. iii. epistol. 9, p. 73, 74,）与图尔的格雷戈里（l. ii. c. 18, in tom. ii. p. 170.）。西多尼乌斯（他把这些雇佣兵称作 argutos, armatos, tumultuosos, virtute numero, contul ernio, contumaces）以友人般亲昵的口吻致信他们的将领。
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See Sidonius, l. i. epist. 7, p. 15-20, with Sirmond’s notes. This letter does honor to his heart, as well as to his understanding. The prose of Sidonius, however vitiated by a false and affected taste, is much superior to his insipid verses.
参见 Sidonius, l. i. epist. 7, p. 15-20，并附西尔蒙的注释。这封信既彰显了他的心地，也彰显了他的见识。西多尼乌斯的散文虽被一种矫揉造作的趣味所败坏，却远胜于他那些平淡乏味的诗作。
98
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When the Capitol ceased to be a temple, it was appropriated to the use of the civil magistrate; and it is still the residence of the Roman senator. The jewellers, &c., might be allowed to expose then precious wares in the porticos.
卡皮托利山不再充作神庙之后，便改作民政官吏办公之用；至今仍是罗马元老的居所。珠宝商之类，或许获准在其柱廊之下陈列他们那些贵重的货品。
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Haec ad regem Gothorum, charta videbatur emitti, pacem cum Graeco Imperatore dissuadens, Britannos super Ligerim sitos impugnari oportere, demonstrans, cum Burgundionibus jure gentium Gallias dividi debere confirmans.
Haec ad regem Gothorum, charta videbatur emitti, pacem cum Graeco Imperatore dissuadens, Britannos super Ligerim sitos impugnari oportere, demonstrans, cum Burgundionibus jure gentium Gallias dividi debere confirmans.（大意即：此信似在劝哥特国王勿与希腊皇帝媾和，主张应攻打卢瓦尔河一带的不列颠人，并断言当依万民法在西哥特人与勃艮第人之间瓜分高卢。）
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Senatusconsultum Tiberianum, (Sirmond Not. p. 17;) but that law allowed only ten days between the sentence and execution; the remaining twenty were added in the reign of Theodosius.
Senatusconsultum Tiberianum,（Sirmond Not. p. 17;）不过那条法律在判决与行刑之间只准许十天；余下的二十天，是狄奥多西在位时才添上的。
101
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Catilina seculi nostri. Sidonius, l. ii. epist. 1, p. 33; l. v. epist 13, p. 143; l. vii. epist. vii. p. 185. He execrates the crimes, and applauds the punishment, of Seronatus, perhaps with the indignation of a virtuous citizen, perhaps with the resentment of a personal enemy.
Catilina seculi nostri（我辈时代的喀提林）。Sidonius, l. ii. epist. 1, p. 33; l. v. epist 13, p. 143; l. vii. epist. vii. p. 185。他痛斥塞罗纳图斯的罪行，又对其所受的惩处拍手称快——也许是出于一个正直公民的义愤，也许是出于私仇的怨恨。
102
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Ricimer, under the reign of Anthemius, defeated and slew in battle Beorgor, king of the Alani, (Jornandes, c. 45, p. 678.) His sister had married the king of the Burgundians, and he maintained an intimate connection with the Suevic colony established in Pannonia and Noricum.
安特米乌斯在位期间，里西梅尔在一场战斗中击败并杀死了阿兰人的国王贝奥尔戈尔，（Jornandes, c. 45, p. 678.）他的姐妹嫁给了勃艮第国王，他本人又与定居在潘诺尼亚和诺里库姆的苏维汇移民保持着密切的往来。
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Galatam concitatum. Sirmond (in his notes to Ennodius) applies this appellation to Anthemius himself. The emperor was probably born in the province of Galatia, whose inhabitants, the Gallo-Grecians, were supposed to unite the vices of a savage and a corrupted people.
Galatam concitatum（“被激怒的加拉太人”）。西尔蒙（在其为恩诺迪乌斯所作的注释中）把这一称呼系于安特米乌斯本人。这位皇帝多半生于加拉太行省，当地居民即所谓加拉太-希腊人，据说兼有蛮族与堕落之民的种种恶习。
104
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Epiphanius was thirty years bishop of Pavia, (A.D. 467-497;) see Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 788. His name and actions would have been unknown to posterity, if Ennodius, one of his successors, had not written his life; (Sirmond, Opera tom. i. p. 1647-1692;) in which he represents him as one of the greatest characters of the age
埃皮法尼乌斯任帕维亚主教达三十年之久，（公元 467—497 年；）参见 Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 788。他的名字与事迹本会湮没于后世，幸有他的一位继任者恩诺迪乌斯为他作传（Sirmond, Opera tom. i. p. 1647-1692;），把他描绘成那个时代最伟大的人物之一。
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Ennodius (p. 1659-1664) has related this embassy of Epiphanius; and his narrative, verbose and turgid as it must appear, illustrates some curious passages in the fall of the Western empire.
恩诺迪乌斯（p. 1659-1664）叙述了埃皮法尼乌斯的这次出使；他的记述虽显得冗长而浮夸，却让西部帝国覆亡中一些耐人寻味的片段得以昭显。
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Priscus, Excerpt. Legation p. 74. Procopius de Bell. Vandel l. i. c. 6, p. 191. Eudoxia and her daughter were restored after the death of Majorian. Perhaps the consulship of Olybrius (A.D. 464) was bestowed as a nuptial present.
Priscus, Excerpt. Legation p. 74。Procopius de Bell. Vandel l. i. c. 6, p. 191。欧多克西娅母女是在马约里安死后才被放归的。奥利布里乌斯的执政官之职（公元 464 年）或许是作为一份贺婚之礼授予的。
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The hostile appearance of Olybrius is fixed (notwithstanding the opinion of Pagi) by the duration of his reign. The secret connivance of Leo is acknowledged by Theophanes and the Paschal Chronicle. We are ignorant of his motives; but in this obscure period, our ignorance extends to the most public and important facts.
奥利布里乌斯以敌对姿态现身的时间（尽管帕吉另有看法），可凭其在位的长短来确定。利奥暗中的默许，塞奥法尼斯与《复活节编年史》都予以承认。我们不清楚利奥的动机；但在这个晦暗不明的时期，我们的无知甚至波及那些最公开、最重要的史实。
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Of the fourteen regions, or quarters, into which Rome was divided by Augustus, only one, the Janiculum, lay on the Tuscan side of the Tyber. But, in the fifth century, the Vatican suburb formed a considerable city; and in the ecclesiastical distribution, which had been recently made by Simplicius, the reigning pope, two of the seven regions, or parishes of Rome, depended on the church of St. Peter. See Nardini Roma Antica, p. 67. It would require a tedious dissertation to mark the circumstances, in which I am inclined to depart from the topography of that learned Roman.
奥古斯都把罗马划分为十四个区，其中只有一个——雅尼库卢姆——位于台伯河的托斯卡纳一侧。但到了五世纪，梵蒂冈城郊已发展成一座相当可观的城市；而在当朝教宗辛普利丘斯新近所作的教会区划中，罗马七个区（或称堂区）里有两个隶属于圣彼得教堂。参见 Nardini Roma Antica, p. 67。至于我在哪些地方倾向于不采信这位博学的罗马人所考订的地形，若要一一说明，则需一篇冗长的专论。
109
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Nuper Anthemii et Ricimeris civili furore subversa est. Gelasius in Epist. ad Andromach. apud Baron. A.D. 496, No. 42, Sigonius (tom. i. l. xiv. de Occidentali Imperio, p. 542, 543,) and Muratori (Annali d’Italia, tom. iv. p. 308, 309,) with the aid of a less imperfect Ms. of the Historia Miscella., have illustrated this dark and bloody transaction.
Nuper Anthemii et Ricimeris civili furore subversa est（“新近毁于安特米乌斯与里西梅尔的内讧之火”）。Gelasius in Epist. ad Andromach. apud Baron. A.D. 496, No. 42。西戈尼乌斯（tom. i. l. xiv. de Occidentali Imperio, p. 542, 543,）与穆拉托里（Annali d’Italia, tom. iv. p. 308, 309,）借助一份较为完整的《杂史》抄本，把这桩晦暗而血腥的事件考订清楚。
110
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Such had been the saeva ac deformis urbe tota facies, when Rome was assaulted and stormed by the troops of Vespasian, (see Tacit. Hist. iii. 82, 83;) and every cause of mischief had since acquired much additional energy. The revolution of ages may bring round the same calamities; but ages may revolve without producing a Tacitus to describe them.
当年韦帕芗的军队攻打并强攻罗马时，全城便呈现出这般 saeva ac deformis urbe tota facies（“凶残而丑陋的满城景象”），（参见 Tacit. Hist. iii. 82, 83;）而此后种种为祸之由更是变本加厉。世代更替，或许会招回同样的灾难；然而世代虽可轮转，却未必再生出一位塔西佗来记述它们。
111
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See Ducange, Familiae Byzantin. p. 74, 75. Areobindus, who appears to have married the niece of the emperor Justinian, was the eighth descendant of the elder Theodosius.
参见 Ducange, Familiae Byzantin. p. 74, 75。阿雷奥宾杜斯似乎娶了查士丁尼皇帝的外甥女，他是老狄奥多西的第八代后裔。