Chapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part II. 第二十八章 异教的覆灭——第二节

The filial piety of the emperors themselves engaged them to proceed, with some caution and tenderness, in the reformation of the eternal city. Those absolute monarchs acted with less regard to the prejudices of the provincials. The pious labor which had been suspended near twenty years since the death of Constantius, 24 was vigorously resumed, and finally accomplished, by the zeal of Theodosius. Whilst that warlike prince yet struggled with the Goths, not for the glory, but for the safety, of the republic, he ventured to offend a considerable party of his subjects, by some acts which might perhaps secure the protection of Heaven, but which must seem rash and unseasonable in the eye of human prudence. The success of his first experiments against the Pagans encouraged the pious emperor to reiterate and enforce his edicts of proscription: the same laws which had been originally published in the provinces of the East, were applied, after the defeat of Maximus, to the whole extent of the Western empire; and every victory of the orthodox Theodosius contributed to the triumph of the Christian and Catholic faith. 25 He attacked superstition in her most vital part, by prohibiting the use of sacrifices, which he declared to be criminal as well as infamous; and if the terms of his edicts more strictly condemned the impious curiosity which examined the entrails of the victim, 26 every subsequent explanation tended to involve in the same guilt the general practice of immolation, which essentially constituted the religion of the Pagans. As the temples had been erected for the purpose of sacrifice, it was the duty of a benevolent prince to remove from his subjects the dangerous temptation of offending against the laws which he had enacted. A special commission was granted to Cynegius, the Prætorian praefect of the East, and afterwards to the counts Jovius and Gaudentius, two officers of distinguished rank in the West; by which they were directed to shut the temples, to seize or destroy the instruments of idolatry, to abolish the privileges of the priests, and to confiscate the consecrated property for the benefit of the emperor, of the church, or of the army. 27 Here the desolation might have stopped: and the naked edifices, which were no longer employed in the service of idolatry, might have been protected from the destructive rage of fanaticism. Many of those temples were the most splendid and beautiful monuments of Grecian architecture; and the emperor himself was interested not to deface the splendor of his own cities, or to diminish the value of his own possessions. Those stately edifices might be suffered to remain, as so many lasting trophies of the victory of Christ. In the decline of the arts they might be usefully converted into magazines, manufactures, or places of public assembly: and perhaps, when the walls of the temple had been sufficiently purified by holy rites, the worship of the true Deity might be allowed to expiate the ancient guilt of idolatry. But as long as they subsisted, the Pagans fondly cherished the secret hope, that an auspicious revolution, a second Julian, might again restore the altars of the gods: and the earnestness with which they addressed their unavailing prayers to the throne, 28 increased the zeal of the Christian reformers to extirpate, without mercy, the root of superstition. The laws of the emperors exhibit some symptoms of a milder disposition: 29 but their cold and languid efforts were insufficient to stem the torrent of enthusiasm and rapine, which was conducted, or rather impelled, by the spiritual rulers of the church. In Gaul, the holy Martin, bishop of Tours, 30 marched at the head of his faithful monks to destroy the idols, the temples, and the consecrated trees of his extensive diocese; and, in the execution of this arduous task, the prudent reader will judge whether Martin was supported by the aid of miraculous powers, or of carnal weapons. In Syria, the divine and excellent Marcellus, 31 as he is styled by Theodoret, a bishop animated with apostolic fervor, resolved to level with the ground the stately temples within the diocese of Apamea. His attack was resisted by the skill and solidity with which the temple of Jupiter had been constructed. The building was seated on an eminence: on each of the four sides, the lofty roof was supported by fifteen massy columns, sixteen feet in circumference; and the large stone, of which they were composed, were firmly cemented with lead and iron. The force of the strongest and sharpest tools had been tried without effect. It was found necessary to undermine the foundations of the columns, which fell down as soon as the temporary wooden props had been consumed with fire; and the difficulties of the enterprise are described under the allegory of a black daemon, who retarded, though he could not defeat, the operations of the Christian engineers. Elated with victory, Marcellus took the field in person against the powers of darkness; a numerous troop of soldiers and gladiators marched under the episcopal banner, and he successively attacked the villages and country temples of the diocese of Apamea. Whenever any resistance or danger was apprehended, the champion of the faith, whose lameness would not allow him either to fight or fly, placed himself at a convenient distance, beyond the reach of darts. But this prudence was the occasion of his death: he was surprised and slain by a body of exasperated rustics; and the synod of the province pronounced, without hesitation, that the holy Marcellus had sacrificed his life in the cause of God. In the support of this cause, the monks, who rushed with tumultuous fury from the desert, distinguished themselves by their zeal and diligence. They deserved the enmity of the Pagans; and some of them might deserve the reproaches of avarice and intemperance; of avarice, which they gratified with holy plunder, and of intemperance, which they indulged at the expense of the people, who foolishly admired their tattered garments, loud psalmody, and artificial paleness. 32 A small number of temples was protected by the fears, the venality, the taste, or the prudence, of the civil and ecclesiastical governors. The temple of the Celestial Venus at Carthage, whose sacred precincts formed a circumference of two miles, was judiciously converted into a Christian church; 33 and a similar consecration has preserved inviolate the majestic dome of the Pantheon at Rome. 34 But in almost every province of the Roman world, an army of fanatics, without authority, and without discipline, invaded the peaceful inhabitants; and the ruin of the fairest structures of antiquity still displays the ravages of those Barbarians, who alone had time and inclination to execute such laborious destruction.
皇帝们自己也怀着一份孝亲之情,因此在改造这座永恒之城时,不免存了几分谨慎与顾惜。可对各行省居民的成见,这些大权独揽的君主便不那么在意了。自君士坦提乌斯去世以来,这项虔诚的事业曾搁置了近二十年,24 如今凭着狄奥多西的热忱,又重新大力推行,终至彻底完成。这位尚武的君主当时正与哥特人苦战——不是为了国家的荣耀,而是为了它的存亡;即便如此,他仍不惜触怒治下相当一部分臣民,做出了一些举动:这些举动或许能换来上天的庇佑,可在世俗智虑看来,却未免鲁莽而不合时宜。初次向异教徒试手便告成功,这位虔诚的皇帝大受鼓舞,一再重申并强力推行他那些查禁的敕令:那些原本只在东方各行省颁行的法令,在马克西穆斯败亡之后,便推行到整个西部帝国;而恪守正统的狄奥多西每打一场胜仗,都为基督教与大公教会信仰的凯旋添了一份助力。25 他对准迷信的命脉下手,明令禁止献祭,宣称这既是犯罪,也是可耻之举;他的敕令措辞虽说尤其严厉地谴责那种剖看牲祭内脏、探问吉凶的渎神好奇心,26 但此后每一次诠释,都把宰牲献祭这一普遍做法一并牵连进同样的罪名——而这种献祭,正是异教信仰的根本所在。既然神庙本就是为献祭而建,那么一位仁慈的君主便有责任替臣民除去那危险的诱惑,免得他们去触犯君主所立的法令。于是,东部禁卫军长官基涅吉乌斯获得了一项特别授权,其后西部两位显要官员——约维乌斯伯爵与高登提乌斯伯爵——也领了同样的差事;奉命关闭神庙,没收或捣毁一切偶像崇拜的器具,废除祭司的特权,并将奉献于神明的产业充公,转归皇帝、教会或军队之用。27 破坏本可就此止步:那些空荡荡的建筑既已不再用于偶像崇拜,原也可以受到保护,免遭狂热分子那毁灭性的怒火。那些神庙之中,有不少是希腊建筑最为壮丽秀美的丰碑;再者,皇帝自己也不愿毁损本国城市的光彩,或减损自家产业的价值。这些庄严宏伟的建筑,本可听其存留,作为基督获胜的一座座不朽纪念。值此技艺衰颓之世,把它们改作仓库、作坊或公共集会之所,也不失为物尽其用;或许,等到神庙的墙垣经圣礼充分涤净之后,还可以让人们在此敬拜真神,以赎偶像崇拜的旧罪。然而只要这些神庙还在,异教徒便一厢情愿地暗自怀着一线指望:但愿有朝一日风云际会,再出一位尤利安,重新扶起诸神的祭坛;而他们向皇座呈上那些徒劳的祈求时越是恳切,28 就越发激起基督教改革者的热忱,非要毫不留情地把迷信连根拔除不可。皇帝们的法令中,倒也透出几分较为温和的意味;29 但这些冷淡而无力的举措,终究挡不住那股狂热与劫掠的洪流;而领着这股洪流的——或者不如说,推着它的——正是教会的属灵领袖。在高卢,图尔的圣主教马丁30 亲率其忠心的修士们四出征讨,捣毁他那辽阔教区里的偶像、神庙与圣树;至于完成这桩艰巨差事所凭借的,究竟是神迹之力,还是血肉之器,且留待明智的读者自去裁断。在叙利亚,那位“神圣而卓越的”马塞勒斯——狄奥多勒正是这样称呼他的——31 是一位满怀使徒热忱的主教,他决意把阿帕米亚教区内那些庄严的神庙尽数夷为平地。然而朱庇特神庙建造得既精巧又坚固,他的进攻竟为之受阻。那庙宇坐落在一处高地上;四面各有十五根粗大的石柱撑起高耸的屋顶,每根柱子周长达十六英尺;砌柱的巨石又都用铅和铁牢牢地灌铸粘合在一起。人们动用了最坚硬、最锋利的工具,却始终奈何它不得。最后只得从柱基下面掏挖,先用临时的木支架把柱子撑住,再放火烧去木架,柱子便应声倒塌;这桩工程之艰难,后来化成了一则黑色恶魔的寓言——说那恶魔虽拖住了基督徒工匠的施工,终究未能让他们功亏一篑。马塞勒斯为胜利所鼓舞,竟亲自出马,向黑暗的势力开战;一大队士兵与角斗士在主教的旗帜下行进,他便挨个扫荡阿帕米亚教区内的村庄与乡间神庙。每逢料想会有抵抗或危险,这位信仰的斗士——因腿脚有疾,既不能战,也不能逃——便在一段适当的距离之外择地而立,务求远在投枪射程之外。不料正是这份审慎断送了他的性命:一群被激怒的乡民出其不意地扑上来,把他杀了;而本省的宗教会议则毫不迟疑地宣告:圣马塞勒斯乃是为上帝的事业献出了生命。为着这番事业,那些从荒漠中蜂拥而出、闹哄哄一片狂怒的修士,也以其热忱与卖力大显身手。他们招来异教徒的仇恨,也算咎由自取;而其中有些人,只怕还担得起贪婪与饕餮之讥;说贪婪,他们靠神圣的劫掠来餍足私囊;说饕餮,他们纵情大嚼,而其靡费尽出于百姓——那些百姓竟还傻乎乎地艳羡他们那身褴褛的衣衫、震天的圣咏,以及一脸装出来的苍白。32 也有少数神庙得以保全,或因世俗与教会的当权者心存畏惧,或因其贪财可以买通,或因其独具赏鉴之眼,抑或因其行事审慎。迦太基那座天界维纳斯神庙,圣域周长达两英里,人们便明智地将它改建为一座基督教教堂;33 罗马万神殿那宏伟的穹顶,也因同样的祝圣之举,得以完好无损地保存下来。34 然而在罗马世界几乎每一个行省,都有一大群既无权柄、又无纪律的狂热之徒,闯入安分守己的百姓中间肆意妄为;古代那些最秀美的建筑如今只剩残垣断壁,至今仍昭示着这群蛮族肆虐的痕迹——唯有他们,才有那份闲工夫与兴致,去干这般费力的破坏勾当。
In this wide and various prospect of devastation, the spectator may distinguish the ruins of the temple of Serapis, at Alexandria. 35 Serapis does not appear to have been one of the native gods, or monsters, who sprung from the fruitful soil of superstitious Egypt. 36 The first of the Ptolemies had been commanded, by a dream, to import the mysterious stranger from the coast of Pontus, where he had been long adored by the inhabitants of Sinope; but his attributes and his reign were so imperfectly understood, that it became a subject of dispute, whether he represented the bright orb of day, or the gloomy monarch of the subterraneous regions. 37 The Egyptians, who were obstinately devoted to the religion of their fathers, refused to admit this foreign deity within the walls of their cities. 38 But the obsequious priests, who were seduced by the liberality of the Ptolemies, submitted, without resistance, to the power of the god of Pontus: an honorable and domestic genealogy was provided; and this fortunate usurper was introduced into the throne and bed of Osiris, 39 the husband of Isis, and the celestial monarch of Egypt. Alexandria, which claimed his peculiar protection, gloried in the name of the city of Serapis. His temple, 40 which rivalled the pride and magnificence of the Capitol, was erected on the spacious summit of an artificial mount, raised one hundred steps above the level of the adjacent parts of the city; and the interior cavity was strongly supported by arches, and distributed into vaults and subterraneous apartments. The consecrated buildings were surrounded by a quadrangular portico; the stately halls, and exquisite statues, displayed the triumph of the arts; and the treasures of ancient learning were preserved in the famous Alexandrian library, which had arisen with new splendor from its ashes. 41 After the edicts of Theodosius had severely prohibited the sacrifices of the Pagans, they were still tolerated in the city and temple of Serapis; and this singular indulgence was imprudently ascribed to the superstitious terrors of the Christians themselves; as if they had feared to abolish those ancient rites, which could alone secure the inundations of the Nile, the harvests of Egypt, and the subsistence of Constantinople. 42
在这一片广袤而形形色色的荒毁景象中,观者的目光或可辨认出亚历山大里亚那座塞拉皮斯神庙的废墟。35 塞拉皮斯似乎并不是埃及那片迷信的沃土所孕育的本地神祇或怪物。36 托勒密王朝的开国之君曾在梦中得到指示,要从本都海滨把这位神秘的异乡客迎来——在那里,锡诺普的居民久已对他顶礼膜拜;只是他究竟司掌何职、统辖何界,人们所知甚为含糊,以致引出一桩争议:他所象征的,到底是那明亮的白日之轮,还是那阴森的地府之主。37 埃及人对祖先的宗教死心塌地,硬是不肯让这位外来的神明踏进自己的城池。38 但那些曲意逢迎的祭司,经不住托勒密诸王的慷慨引诱,便毫不抵抗地向这位本都之神的威权俯首称臣;人们替他编排了一份体面而地道的本地家谱,于是这位走运的僭夺者便登上了奥西里斯的宝座,占了他的床榻——奥西里斯本是伊西斯的丈夫,埃及的天界之主。39 亚历山大里亚自诩受他特别庇佑,遂以“塞拉皮斯之城”的名号为荣。他的神庙40,其气派与富丽足可与卡皮托利山相媲美,坐落在一座人工堆筑的高丘之上,丘顶宽阔,比周遭市区高出整整一百级台阶;丘内的空腔由一道道拱券牢牢撑住,分隔成一间间地窖与地下厅室。那一组圣殿建筑四周环以四方形的柱廊;巍峨的殿堂与精美的雕像,无不彰显着技艺的登峰造极;而古代学问的珍藏,则庋藏于那座著名的亚历山大里亚图书馆之中——它曾从自身的灰烬里重新崛起,焕发出新的光彩。41 狄奥多西的敕令已严厉禁绝了异教徒的献祭,可在塞拉皮斯之城及其神庙里,献祭却依旧获准照行;而对于这份异乎寻常的宽纵,有人竟冒失地归因于基督徒自己心底的迷信恐惧;仿佛他们生怕一旦废除这些古老的仪典,尼罗河的泛滥、埃及的收成、乃至君士坦丁堡的口粮,就全都失了保障。42
At that time 43 the archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria was filled by Theophilus, 44 the perpetual enemy of peace and virtue; a bold, bad man, whose hands were alternately polluted with gold and with blood. His pious indignation was excited by the honors of Serapis; and the insults which he offered to an ancient temple of Bacchus, 4411 convinced the Pagans that he meditated a more important and dangerous enterprise. In the tumultuous capital of Egypt, the slightest provocation was sufficient to inflame a civil war. The votaries of Serapis, whose strength and numbers were much inferior to those of their antagonists, rose in arms at the instigation of the philosopher Olympius, 45 who exhorted them to die in the defence of the altars of the gods. These Pagan fanatics fortified themselves in the temple, or rather fortress, of Serapis; repelled the besiegers by daring sallies, and a resolute defence; and, by the inhuman cruelties which they exercised on their Christian prisoners, obtained the last consolation of despair. The efforts of the prudent magistrate were usefully exerted for the establishment of a truce, till the answer of Theodosius should determine the fate of Serapis. The two parties assembled, without arms, in the principal square; and the Imperial rescript was publicly read. But when a sentence of destruction against the idols of Alexandria was pronounced, the Christians set up a shout of joy and exultation, whilst the unfortunate Pagans, whose fury had given way to consternation, retired with hasty and silent steps, and eluded, by their flight or obscurity, the resentment of their enemies. Theophilus proceeded to demolish the temple of Serapis, without any other difficulties, than those which he found in the weight and solidity of the materials: but these obstacles proved so insuperable, that he was obliged to leave the foundations; and to content himself with reducing the edifice itself to a heap of rubbish, a part of which was soon afterwards cleared away, to make room for a church, erected in honor of the Christian martyrs. The valuable library of Alexandria was pillaged or destroyed; and near twenty years afterwards, the appearance of the empty shelves excited the regret and indignation of every spectator, whose mind was not totally darkened by religious prejudice. 46 The compositions of ancient genius, so many of which have irretrievably perished, might surely have been excepted from the wreck of idolatry, for the amusement and instruction of succeeding ages; and either the zeal or the avarice of the archbishop, 47 might have been satiated with the rich spoils, which were the reward of his victory. While the images and vases of gold and silver were carefully melted, and those of a less valuable metal were contemptuously broken, and cast into the streets, Theophilus labored to expose the frauds and vices of the ministers of the idols; their dexterity in the management of the loadstone; their secret methods of introducing a human actor into a hollow statue; 4711 and their scandalous abuse of the confidence of devout husbands and unsuspecting females. 48 Charges like these may seem to deserve some degree of credit, as they are not repugnant to the crafty and interested spirit of superstition. But the same spirit is equally prone to the base practice of insulting and calumniating a fallen enemy; and our belief is naturally checked by the reflection, that it is much less difficult to invent a fictitious story, than to support a practical fraud. The colossal statue of Serapis 49 was involved in the ruin of his temple and religion. A great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together, composed the majestic figure of the deity, who touched on either side the walls of the sanctuary. The aspect of Serapis, his sitting posture, and the sceptre, which he bore in his left hand, were extremely similar to the ordinary representations of Jupiter. He was distinguished from Jupiter by the basket, or bushel, which was placed on his head; and by the emblematic monster which he held in his right hand; the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf. It was confidently affirmed, that if any impious hand should dare to violate the majesty of the god, the heavens and the earth would instantly return to their original chaos. An intrepid soldier, animated by zeal, and armed with a weighty battle-axe, ascended the ladder; and even the Christian multitude expected, with some anxiety, the event of the combat. 50 He aimed a vigorous stroke against the cheek of Serapis; the cheek fell to the ground; the thunder was still silent, and both the heavens and the earth continued to preserve their accustomed order and tranquillity. The victorious soldier repeated his blows: the huge idol was overthrown, and broken in pieces; and the limbs of Serapis were ignominiously dragged through the streets of Alexandria. His mangled carcass was burnt in the Amphitheatre, amidst the shouts of the populace; and many persons attributed their conversion to this discovery of the impotence of their tutelar deity. The popular modes of religion, that propose any visible and material objects of worship, have the advantage of adapting and familiarizing themselves to the senses of mankind: but this advantage is counterbalanced by the various and inevitable accidents to which the faith of the idolater is exposed. It is scarcely possible, that, in every disposition of mind, he should preserve his implicit reverence for the idols, or the relics, which the naked eye, and the profane hand, are unable to distinguish from the most common productions of art or nature; and if, in the hour of danger, their secret and miraculous virtue does not operate for their own preservation, he scorns the vain apologies of his priests, and justly derides the object, and the folly, of his superstitious attachment. 51 After the fall of Serapis, some hopes were still entertained by the Pagans, that the Nile would refuse his annual supply to the impious masters of Egypt; and the extraordinary delay of the inundation seemed to announce the displeasure of the river-god. But this delay was soon compensated by the rapid swell of the waters. They suddenly rose to such an unusual height, as to comfort the discontented party with the pleasing expectation of a deluge; till the peaceful river again subsided to the well-known and fertilizing level of sixteen cubits, or about thirty English feet. 52
其时,43 亚历山大里亚的大主教之位由塞奥菲鲁斯占据,44 此人是安宁与德行永远的仇敌,胆大而心黑,一双手上交替沾满了黄金与鲜血。塞拉皮斯所受的种种尊荣,激起了他一腔虔诚的义愤;而他对一座古老的巴克斯神庙4411 百般凌辱,更叫异教徒看出:他正盘算着一桩更为重大、也更为凶险的举动。在埃及这座动辄骚乱的都城里,一丁点儿的挑衅就足以点燃一场内战。塞拉皮斯的信徒们论实力、论人数都远逊于对手,却在哲学家奥林皮乌斯的煽动下揭竿而起;45 奥林皮乌斯力劝他们为守卫诸神的祭坛而死。这群异教狂徒据守在塞拉皮斯神庙——说是神庙,倒不如说是堡垒——之中,靠着大胆的出击与顽强的防守,把围攻者一次次逼退;又对落到手里的基督徒俘虏施以种种惨无人道的酷刑,从中得到那绝望里最后一点慰藉。审慎的地方长官从中斡旋,总算促成了一纸休战,以待狄奥多西的答复来裁定塞拉皮斯的命运。两派都放下武器,齐集于大广场上,皇帝的谕旨便当众宣读。然而当那道判处亚历山大里亚偶像尽行捣毁的谕令一经宣布,基督徒便爆发出一片欢呼雀跃之声,而那些倒霉的异教徒,满腔怒火早已化作惊惶,只得脚步匆匆、一声不响地退去,或逃遁,或隐匿,好躲开仇敌的报复。塞奥菲鲁斯随即着手拆毁塞拉皮斯神庙,除了材料的沉重与坚固之外,倒也没遇上别的什么难处;只是这些障碍终究难以克服,他不得不留下地基不动,只满足于把庙宇本身夷成一堆瓦砾;这堆瓦砾没过多久便清走了一部分,腾出地方盖了一座教堂,以纪念基督教的殉道者。亚历山大里亚那座珍贵的图书馆遭到了洗劫,或者说被毁掉了;近二十年之后,那一排排空荡荡的书架仍触目惊心,凡是心智未被宗教偏见完全蒙蔽的人,见了无不为之扼腕痛惜、愤懑难平。46 古代天才的著述,如今有那么多已永难追回,本来大可从这场扫荡偶像的浩劫中网开一面加以保全,好供后世怡情益智;而这位大主教无论是那份热忱也好,那份贪婪也罢,47 单凭他获胜所得的丰厚战利品,原也尽够餍足了。金银铸就的神像与器皿都被小心翼翼地熔化,而以较贱金属打造的,则遭人鄙夷地砸碎,抛掷街头;与此同时,塞奥菲鲁斯又煞费苦心地去揭露那些偶像祭司的种种骗术与劣行:他们摆弄磁石的灵巧手法,把一名活人偷偷塞进空心神像的暗门窍门,4711 以及无耻地辜负虔诚丈夫的信任、玩弄毫无戒心的妇人。48 这类指控,看来也不无几分可信,因为它们与迷信那种狡狯而自利的秉性本不相悖。只是这同一种秉性,也一样惯于去干那侮辱、诽谤已败之敌的下作勾当;而且但凡想到:凭空捏造一个故事,远比把一场骗局实实在在地维持下去要容易得多——我们那份轻信,自然也就该收敛几分了。塞拉皮斯那尊巨像49 也随着他的神庙与宗教一同覆灭。那尊威严的神像,是用许许多多不同金属的板片巧妙拼接而成的,两侧一直抵到内殿的墙壁。塞拉皮斯的面容、端坐的姿态,以及左手所执的权杖,都与朱庇特寻常的造型极为相像。他与朱庇特不同之处,一在于头顶上那只筐子(或曰量斗),二在于他右手所擎的那头象征性的怪物:它有蛇的头颅与躯干,尾部分作三条,末端又各长着一颗头——分别是狗头、狮头与狼头。当时言之凿凿地断言:倘有哪只渎神的手胆敢冒犯这位神明的尊严,天地便会即刻重归太初的混沌。一名无所畏惧的士兵,为热忱所鼓舞,手持一柄沉重的战斧登上了云梯;就连在场的基督徒群众,也不无几分忐忑,等着看这场较量的结果。50 他朝着塞拉皮斯的脸颊猛力一斧劈去;那半边脸颊便应声坠地;雷霆始终不曾响起,天与地也依旧维持着惯常的秩序与安宁。得胜的士兵又接连挥斧;那庞然的偶像终于轰然倒塌,碎成一块块;塞拉皮斯的肢体被人拖着,狼狈不堪地在亚历山大里亚的街道上游街示众。他那残破的躯壳在民众的喧呼声中被投入圆形竞技场焚毁;许多人后来皈依,都归因于这一发现——原来他们的守护神竟这般无能为力。凡是设立可见可触的崇拜对象的那类通俗宗教,都有一桩好处:能够迁就人的感官,与之相亲相习;然而偶像崇拜者的信仰难免要遭逢种种意外,这桩好处也就被一笔勾销了。那些偶像或圣物,肉眼与凡手根本无从将其同最寻常的人工或天然之物区分开来;要指望崇拜者无论心境如何,都始终对它们怀着毫无保留的敬畏,那几乎是不可能的;而一旦临到危难关头,这些偶像那隐秘而神奇的法力竟连自身都保不住,崇拜者便会对祭司们那套徒劳的辩解嗤之以鼻,并且理直气壮地嘲笑起自己迷信所系的那个对象,也嘲笑起这份迷信本身的荒唐。51 塞拉皮斯倒下之后,异教徒心里还存着一点指望:但愿尼罗河拒不向埃及这些渎神的新主人奉上一年一度的水量;而那一年泛滥迟迟不至,异乎寻常,倒真像是在昭示河神的不悦。谁知没过多久,河水便迅猛暴涨,把这番耽搁尽数补了回来。水位骤然涨到反常的高度,倒叫那些心怀不满的人又生出一桩美滋滋的指望——只怕要发一场大洪水了;直到这条平和的大河重又退回到那众所周知、滋养万物的十六腕尺、即约合三十英尺的水位。52
The thunder was still silent: the colossal statue of Serapis and the stroke of the battle-axe 雷霆始终不曾响起:塞拉皮斯的巨像与那一斧 THE THUNDER WAS STILL SILENT 雷霆始终不曾响起 389 / 391 A.D. — MARCELLINUS, OR PROSPER 公元——马尔切利努斯所记,或普罗斯佩尔所记 we may choose between the dates — fn 28.43 可择一而从——注28.43 “A great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together, composed the majestic figure of the deity, who touched on either side the walls of the sanctuary.” 「那尊威严的神像,是用许许多多不同金属的板片巧妙拼接而成的, 两侧一直抵到内殿的墙壁。」 the basket, or bushel, which was placed on his head 头顶的筐子(或曰量斗) in his right hand, the emblematic monster 右手所擎的象征性怪物 a great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together 由不同金属的板片巧妙拼接而成 his aspect, his sitting posture, and the sceptre, were “extremely similar to the ordinary representations of Jupiter” 他的面容、端坐的姿态与手中的权杖, 都「与朱庇特寻常的造型极为相像」 the sceptre, which he bore in his left hand 左手所执的权杖 an intrepid soldier, animated by zeal, and armed with a weighty battle-axe, ascended the ladder 一名无所畏惧的士兵,为热忱所鼓舞, 手持一柄沉重的战斧登上了云梯 a dog 狗头 a lion 狮头 a wolf 狼头 the three tails of the monster 怪物的三条尾巴 the wall of the sanctuary 内殿的墙壁 the wall of the sanctuary 内殿的墙壁 “the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf” 「它有蛇的头颅与躯干,尾部分作三条,末端又各长着一颗头——分别是狗头、狮头与狼头」 “He aimed a vigorous stroke against the cheek of Serapis; the cheek fell to the ground; the thunder was still silent, and both the heavens and the earth continued to preserve their accustomed order and tranquillity.” 「他朝着塞拉皮斯的脸颊猛力一斧劈去;那半边脸颊便应声坠地;雷霆始终不曾响起,天与地也依旧维持着惯常的秩序与安宁。」 THE STROKE, AND WHAT FOLLOWED 那一斧,以及随之而来的事 as the Pagans had foretold it, and as it fell out 异教徒的预言,与事情实际的结局 1 “It was confidently affirmed, that if any impious hand should dare to violate the majesty of the god, the heavens and the earth would instantly return to their original chaos.” 「当时言之凿凿地断言:倘有哪只渎神的手胆敢冒犯这位神明的尊严,天地便会即刻重归太初的混沌。」 2 He aimed a vigorous stroke against the cheek of Serapis; the cheek fell to the ground. 他朝着塞拉皮斯的脸颊猛力一斧劈去;那半边脸颊便应声坠地。 3 The victorious soldier repeated his blows: the huge idol was overthrown, and broken in pieces. 得胜的士兵又接连挥斧;那庞然的偶像终于轰然倒塌,碎成一块块。 4 The limbs of Serapis were ignominiously dragged through the streets of Alexandria; his mangled carcass was burnt in the Amphitheatre, amidst the shouts of the populace. 塞拉皮斯的肢体被人拖着,狼狈不堪地在亚历山大里亚的街道上游街示众;他那残破的躯壳在民众的喧呼声中被投入圆形竞技场焚毁。 AND THE NILE, AFTER THE FALL OF SERAPIS 塞拉皮斯倒下之后的尼罗河 the extraordinary delay of the inundation 泛滥迟迟不至,异乎寻常 they suddenly rose to such an unusual height 水位骤然涨到反常的高度 the peaceful river again subsided to the well-known and fertilizing level 这条平和的大河重又退回到那众所周知、 滋养万物的水位 16 cubits 腕尺 30 English feet 英尺 or about 即约合 Gibbon: “I have supplied the measure.” The Egyptian cubit is about twenty-two inches of the English measure. — fn 28.52 吉本自注:「其中的尺度是我补上的。」埃及腕尺约合英制二十二英寸。——注28.52
Fig. 28.4 — The colossal statue of Serapis, composed of plates of different metals and touching on either side the walls of the sanctuary: the basket on his head, in his left hand a sceptre extremely similar to the ordinary representations of Jupiter, and in his right the emblematic monster — a serpent branching into three tails, terminated by the heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf. An intrepid soldier aimed a vigorous stroke against the cheek; “the thunder was still silent, and both the heavens and the earth continued to preserve their accustomed order and tranquillity.” 图28.4——塞拉皮斯的巨像:以不同金属的板片拼接而成,两侧一直抵到内殿的墙壁;头顶量斗,左手所执的权杖与朱庇特寻常的造型极为相像,右手擎着那头象征性的怪物——蛇身分作三尾,末端各是狗头、狮头与狼头。一名无所畏惧的士兵朝那脸颊猛力一斧劈去;「雷霆始终不曾响起,天与地也依旧维持着惯常的秩序与安宁」。
The temples of the Roman empire were deserted, or destroyed; but the ingenious superstition of the Pagans still attempted to elude the laws of Theodosius, by which all sacrifices had been severely prohibited. The inhabitants of the country, whose conduct was less opposed to the eye of malicious curiosity, disguised their religious, under the appearance of convivial, meetings. On the days of solemn festivals, they assembled in great numbers under the spreading shade of some consecrated trees; sheep and oxen were slaughtered and roasted; and this rural entertainment was sanctified by the use of incense, and by the hymns which were sung in honor of the gods. But it was alleged, that, as no part of the animal was made a burnt-offering, as no altar was provided to receive the blood, and as the previous oblation of salt cakes, and the concluding ceremony of libations, were carefully omitted, these festal meetings did not involve the guests in the guilt, or penalty, of an illegal sacrifice. 53 Whatever might be the truth of the facts, or the merit of the distinction, 54 these vain pretences were swept away by the last edict of Theodosius, which inflicted a deadly wound on the superstition of the Pagans. 55 5511 This prohibitory law is expressed in the most absolute and comprehensive terms. “It is our will and pleasure,” says the emperor, “that none of our subjects, whether magistrates or private citizens, however exalted or however humble may be their rank and condition, shall presume, in any city or in any place, to worship an inanimate idol, by the sacrifice of a guiltless victim.” The act of sacrificing, and the practice of divination by the entrails of the victim, are declared (without any regard to the object of the inquiry) a crime of high treason against the state, which can be expiated only by the death of the guilty. The rites of Pagan superstition, which might seem less bloody and atrocious, are abolished, as highly injurious to the truth and honor of religion; luminaries, garlands, frankincense, and libations of wine, are specially enumerated and condemned; and the harmless claims of the domestic genius, of the household gods, are included in this rigorous proscription. The use of any of these profane and illegal ceremonies, subjects the offender to the forfeiture of the house or estate, where they have been performed; and if he has artfully chosen the property of another for the scene of his impiety, he is compelled to discharge, without delay, a heavy fine of twenty-five pounds of gold, or more than one thousand pounds sterling. A fine, not less considerable, is imposed on the connivance of the secret enemies of religion, who shall neglect the duty of their respective stations, either to reveal, or to punish, the guilt of idolatry. Such was the persecuting spirit of the laws of Theodosius, which were repeatedly enforced by his sons and grandsons, with the loud and unanimous applause of the Christian world. 56
罗马帝国的神庙或遭废弃,或被摧毁;然而异教徒那点机巧的迷信,仍旧千方百计地想要绕开狄奥多西那些严禁一切献祭的法令。乡间的百姓,其举动不那么容易招来恶意窥探的目光,便把宗教聚会伪装成宴饮欢会的模样。每逢庄严的节庆之日,他们便成群结队地聚集在某几株圣树宽广的浓荫之下;宰羊杀牛,架火烧烤;而这场乡野的宴乐,又因焚香与颂神的赞歌,平添了几分神圣的意味。但他们辩称:既然牲畜没有一处被当作燔祭焚烧,既然没有设祭坛来承接牲血,又既然事前撒盐饼、事后行奠酒这两道仪式都被小心翼翼地略去,那么这些节庆聚会便算不上非法献祭,与会者自然也就不该承担那份罪名或刑责。53 且不论这些说法是否属实,那番区分又是否站得住脚,54 这一切徒劳的托词,都被狄奥多西最后一道敕令一扫而空——正是这道敕令,给了异教徒的迷信以致命的一击。55 5511 这道禁令的措辞,可谓斩钉截铁,无所不包。皇帝诏曰:“朕之意旨如下:凡朕之臣民,无论是官长还是平民,无论其身份地位何等尊贵、何等卑微,一概不得在任何城市、任何地方,擅自宰杀无辜的牲畜,以祭拜那没有生命的偶像。”献祭之举,以及剖看牲畜内脏以卜吉凶的做法,都被宣布为——无论其占问的目的为何——危害国家的叛逆重罪,唯有以犯者之死方能抵偿。至于异教迷信中那些看似不那么血腥凶残的仪式,也一律废止,斥为大大有损于宗教的真理与尊严;燃灯、花环、乳香、奠酒,都被一一点名,加以谴责;就连家宅守护神、灶头家神那些无伤大雅的名分,也被划进了这道严酷的禁令之中。但凡举行过任何一种这类渎神而违法的仪式,举行仪式所在的房屋或田产便要充公;倘若他耍滑头,特意挑了别人的产业来作行渎的场所,就得立时缴纳一笔二十五磅黄金的重罚——折合英币一千余镑。对于那些宗教的暗中之敌,若在其位而不谋其政,既不告发、也不惩处偶像崇拜之罪,其纵容包庇同样要课以一笔不相上下的罚金。狄奥多西的这些法令,便是这般充满迫害的精神;他的子子孙孙又将它们一再重申推行,而整个基督教世界,无不为之高声喝彩,众口一词。56
It is our will and pleasure: the last edict of Theodosius, and the graded penalties of the law 朕之意旨如下:狄奥多西的最后一道敕令,及其刑罚的等次 IT IS OUR WILL AND PLEASURE 朕之意旨如下 THE PRETENCE OF THE COUNTRY 乡间的托词 religious meetings disguised under the appearance of convivial ones 把宗教聚会伪装成宴饮欢会的模样 under the spreading shade of some consecrated trees 在某几株圣树宽广的浓荫之下 sheep and oxen slaughtered and roasted, incense, and hymns 宰羊杀牛,架火烧烤,焚香,唱颂神的赞歌 IT WAS ALLEGED — THE FOUR THINGS CAREFULLY OMITTED 他们辩称——这四样都被小心翼翼地略去了 no part of the animal was made a burnt-offering 牲畜没有一处被当作燔祭焚烧 no altar was provided to receive the blood 没有设祭坛来承接牲血 the previous oblation of salt cakes, omitted 事前撒盐饼一节,略去 the concluding ceremony of libations, omitted 事后行奠酒一节,略去 ⇒ “these festal meetings did not involve the guests in the guilt, or penalty, of an illegal sacrifice” ⇒ 「这些节庆聚会便算不上非法献祭,与会者自然也就不该承担那份罪名或刑责」 these vain pretences were swept away by the last edict of Theodosius 这一切徒劳的托词,都被狄奥多西最后一道敕令一扫而空 “Whatever might be the truth of the facts, or the merit of the distinction” 「且不论这些说法是否属实,那番区分又是否站得住脚」 “It is our will and pleasure,” says the emperor, “that none of our subjects, whether magistrates or private citizens, however exalted or however humble may be their rank and condition, shall presume, in any city or in any place, to worship an inanimate idol, by the sacrifice of a guiltless victim.” 皇帝诏曰:「朕之意旨如下:凡朕之臣民,无论是官长还是平民,无论其身份地位何等尊贵、 何等卑微,一概不得在任何城市、任何地方,擅自宰杀无辜的牲畜,以祭拜那没有生命的偶像。」 the prohibitory law is expressed in the most absolute and comprehensive terms 这道禁令的措辞,可谓斩钉截铁,无所不包 THE TARIFF OF PENALTIES 刑罚的等次 graded from the capital offence downwards; the bars follow Gibbon’s order, not any measure 自死罪以下依次递降;条格只依吉本所列的次序,并非按量绘制 1 THE ACT OF SACRIFICING, AND THE PRACTICE OF DIVINATION BY THE ENTRAILS OF THE VICTIM 献祭之举,以及剖看牲畜内脏以卜吉凶的做法 a crime of high treason against the state, which can be expiated only by the death of the guilty 危害国家的叛逆重罪,唯有以犯者之死方能抵偿 declared so without any regard to the object of the inquiry 无论其占问的目的为何,一概如此论处 2 THE RITES WHICH MIGHT SEEM LESS BLOODY AND ATROCIOUS 那些看似不那么血腥凶残的仪式 the forfeiture of the house or estate, where they have been performed 举行仪式所在的房屋或田产便要充公 luminaries · garlands · frankincense · libations of wine · the household gods 燃灯·花环·乳香·奠酒·家宅守护神、灶头家神 3 IF HE HAS ARTFULLY CHOSEN THE PROPERTY OF ANOTHER FOR THE SCENE OF HIS IMPIETY 倘若他耍滑头,特意挑了别人的产业来作行渎的场所 25 HEAVY FINE, IN POUNDS OF GOLD 重罚,以磅计的黄金 or more than one thousand pounds sterling — Gibbon’s own conversion; to be discharged without delay 折合英币一千余镑——此为吉本自行折算;须立时缴纳 4 THE CONNIVANCE OF THE SECRET ENEMIES OF RELIGION 宗教的暗中之敌所行的纵容包庇 a fine, not less considerable 一笔不相上下的罚金 who shall neglect the duty of their stations, either to reveal, or to punish, the guilt of idolatry 若在其位而不谋其政,既不告发、也不惩处偶像崇拜之罪 repeatedly enforced by his sons and grandsons, with the loud and unanimous applause of the Christian world 他的子子孙孙又将它们一再重申推行,而整个基督教世界,无不为之高声喝彩,众口一词 fn 28.54 — Honorius tolerated these rustic festivals (A.D. 399), “absque ullo sacrificio”; but nine years afterwards he found it necessary to reiterate and enforce the same proviso. 注28.54——霍诺留对这些乡间节庆网开一面(公元399年),条件是「不得有任何献祭」;可是九年之后,他发觉有必要把这同一条限制重申并强制推行一遍。
Fig. 28.5 — The last edict of Theodosius, expressed in the most absolute and comprehensive terms: the rustic pretence that a feast without burnt-offering, altar, salt cakes, or libation was no sacrifice, swept away; death for the sacrificer and the diviner, forfeiture of the house or estate where the rites were performed, and — if he has artfully chosen the property of another — a heavy fine of twenty-five pounds of gold; and the laws repeatedly enforced by his sons and grandsons, with the loud and unanimous applause of the Christian world. 图28.5——狄奥多西的最后一道敕令,措辞「斩钉截铁,无所不包」:乡人辩称无燔祭、无祭坛、略去盐饼与奠酒便算不上献祭——这类徒劳的托词被一扫而空;献祭者与占卜者处死,行祭的房屋田产充公,倘若特意挑了别人的产业来作行渎的场所,还须缴纳二十五磅黄金的重罚;他的子子孙孙又将这些法令一再重申推行,而整个基督教世界,无不为之高声喝彩。

Notes 注释

24
Libanius (Orat. pro Templis, p. 10, Genev. 1634, published by James Godefroy, and now extremely scarce) accuses Valentinian and Valens of prohibiting sacrifices. Some partial order may have been issued by the Eastern emperor; but the idea of any general law is contradicted by the silence of the Code, and the evidence of ecclesiastical history. Note: See in Reiske’s edition of Libanius, tom. ii. p. 155. Sacrific was prohibited by Valens, but not the offering of incense.—M.
利巴尼乌斯(Orat. pro Templis, p. 10, Genev. 1634,由雅各布·戈德弗鲁瓦刊行,今已极为罕见)指责瓦伦提尼安与瓦伦斯禁止献祭。东部皇帝或许下过某种局部的命令;但若说曾有过什么普遍性的法令,则既与《法典》的缄默不合,也与教会史的证据相抵触。编按:参看赖斯克校订本利巴尼乌斯集,tom. ii. p. 155。瓦伦斯所禁的是献祭,而非焚香。—M
25
See his laws in the Theodosian Code, l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 7-11.
他的这些法令见《狄奥多西法典》,l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 7-11。
26
Homer’s sacrifices are not accompanied with any inquisition of entrails, (see Feithius, Antiquitat. Homer. l. i. c. 10, 16.) The Tuscans, who produced the first Haruspices, subdued both the Greeks and the Romans, (Cicero de Divinatione, ii. 23.)
荷马笔下的献祭,并不伴有任何剖脏问卜之举(参看费提乌斯,Antiquitat. Homer. l. i. c. 10, 16)。最早产生剖脏卜师(Haruspices)的是伊特鲁里亚人,而希腊人与罗马人在这门法术上都甘居其下(西塞罗,de Divinatione, ii. 23)。
27
Zosimus, l. iv. p. 245, 249. Theodoret. l. v. c. 21. Idatius in Chron. Prosper. Aquitan. l. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 52. Libanius (pro Templis, p. 10) labors to prove that the commands of Theodosius were not direct and positive. * Note: Libanius appears to be the best authority for the East, where, under Theodosius, the work of devastation was carried on with very different degrees of violence, according to the temper of the local authorities and of the clergy; and more especially the neighborhood of the more fanatican monks. Neander well observes, that the prohibition of sacrifice would be easily misinterpreted into an authority for the destruction of the buildings in which sacrifices were performed. (Geschichte der Christlichen religion ii. p. 156.) An abuse of this kind led to this remarkable oration of Libanius. Neander, however, justly doubts whether this bold vindication or at least exculpation, of Paganism was ever delivered before, or even placed in the hands of the Christian emperor.—M.
Zosimus, l. iv. p. 245, 249. Theodoret. l. v. c. 21. Idatius in Chron. Prosper. Aquitan. l. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 52。利巴尼乌斯(pro Templis, p. 10)力图证明:狄奥多西的诏命并非直接而明确的。编按:论及东方,利巴尼乌斯似乎是最可靠的见证。狄奥多西治下,东方各地破坏的猛烈程度大相径庭,全看当地官府与教士脾性如何,尤其取决于附近有无那些更为狂热的修士。尼安德说得好:禁止献祭这道命令,极易被曲解成一纸授权,准人去捣毁那些举行过献祭的建筑(Geschichte der Christlichen Religion, ii. p. 156)。正是这一类滥用,才引出利巴尼乌斯这篇非同寻常的演说。不过尼安德也有理由怀疑:这篇为异教所作的大胆申辩——至少是开脱——是否当真曾在这位基督徒皇帝面前宣读过,甚或是否当真呈到过他手中。—M
28
Cod. Theodos, l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 8, 18. There is room to believe, that this temple of Edessa, which Theodosius wished to save for civil uses, was soon afterwards a heap of ruins, (Libanius pro Templis, p. 26, 27, and Godefroy’s notes, p. 59.)
Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 8, 18。有理由相信:埃德萨的那座神庙,狄奥多西本想留作民用,可不久之后便化作了一堆废墟(Libanius pro Templis, p. 26, 27,以及戈德弗鲁瓦的注释,p. 59)。
29
See this curious oration of Libanius pro Templis, pronounced, or rather composed, about the year 390. I have consulted, with advantage, Dr. Lardner’s version and remarks, (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 135-163.)
参看利巴尼乌斯这篇奇特的演说 pro Templis,它大约作于公元 390 年——与其说是当众宣讲,不如说是私下撰成。我曾获益于拉德纳博士的译文与评注(Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 135-163)。
30
See the Life of Martin by Sulpicius Severus, c. 9-14. The saint once mistook (as Don Quixote might have done) a harmless funeral for an idolatrous procession, and imprudently committed a miracle.
参看苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁所撰《马丁传》,c. 9-14。这位圣徒有一回竟把一场无害的送葬(正如堂吉诃德也会犯的错)误认作偶像崇拜的行列,冒冒失失地显了一桩神迹。
31
Compare Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 15) with Theodoret, (l. v. c. 21.) Between them, they relate the crusade and death of Marcellus.
可将索佐门(l. vii. c. 15)与狄奥多勒(l. v. c. 21)两相对照。马塞勒斯这场“圣战”及其死状,就靠他们二人合起来记述下来。
32
Libanius, pro Templis, p. 10-13. He rails at these black-garbed men, the Christian monks, who eat more than elephants. Poor elephants! they are temperate animals.
Libanius, pro Templis, p. 10-13。他痛骂那些身着黑袍的家伙,也就是基督徒修士,说他们比大象吃得还多。可怜的大象啊!它们可是节制有度的动物。
33
Prosper. Aquitan. l. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium; Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 58, &c. The temple had been shut some time, and the access to it was overgrown with brambles.
Prosper. Aquitan. l. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium; Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 58, &c。那座神庙已关闭了一段时日,通往庙门的道路也早已荆棘丛生。
34
Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, l. iv. c. 4, p. 468. This consecration was performed by Pope Boniface IV. I am ignorant of the favorable circumstances which had preserved the Pantheon above two hundred years after the reign of Theodosius.
Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, l. iv. c. 4, p. 468。这次祝圣是由教宗卜尼法斯四世主持的。至于狄奥多西之后又过了两百多年,究竟是什么有利的机缘使万神殿得以保全,我便不得而知了。
35
Sophronius composed a recent and separate history, (Jerom, in Script. Eccles. tom. i. p. 303,) which has furnished materials to Socrates, (l. v. c. 16.) Theodoret, (l. v. c. 22,) and Rufinus, (l. ii. c. 22.) Yet the last, who had been at Alexandria before and after the event, may deserve the credit of an original witness.
索夫罗尼乌斯撰有一部晚近的专史(哲罗姆,in Script. Eccles. tom. i. p. 303),它为苏格拉底(l. v. c. 16)、狄奥多勒(l. v. c. 22)与鲁菲努斯(l. ii. c. 22)诸家提供了素材。不过末一位,即鲁菲努斯,事件前后都曾身在亚历山大里亚,或可当得起原始见证者的信誉。
36
Gerard Vossius (Opera, tom. v. p. 80, and de Idoloaltria, l. i. c. 29) strives to support the strange notion of the Fathers; that the patriarch Joseph was adored in Egypt, as the bull Apis, and the god Serapis. * Note: Consult du Dieu Serapis et son Origine, par J D. Guigniaut, (the translator of Creuzer’s Symbolique,) Paris, 1828; and in the fifth volume of Bournouf’s translation of Tacitus.—M.
杰拉德·福修斯(Opera, tom. v. p. 80,以及 de Idololatria, l. i. c. 29)力图为教父们那个离奇的说法张目:说族长约瑟在埃及曾被当作公牛阿庇斯、当作塞拉皮斯神来供奉。编按:可参看 du Dieu Serapis et son Origine, par J. D. Guigniaut(克罗伊策《象征学》的译者),Paris, 1828;另见布尔努夫所译塔西佗第五卷。—M
37
Origo dei nondum nostris celebrata. Aegyptiorum antistites sic memorant, &c., Tacit. Hist. iv. 83. The Greeks, who had travelled into Egypt, were alike ignorant of this new deity.
Origo dei nondum nostris celebrata. Aegyptiorum antistites sic memorant, &c.(此神之来历,我族尚无人称述;埃及的祭司则如此追记,云云。)——塔西佗,Hist. iv. 83。就连那些游历过埃及的希腊人,对这位新神也一样茫然无知。
38
Macrobius, Saturnal, l. i. c. 7. Such a living fact decisively proves his foreign extraction.
马克罗比乌斯,Saturnal. l. i. c. 7。这样一桩活生生的事实,确凿地证明了他外来的出身。
39
At Rome, Isis and Serapis were united in the same temple. The precedency which the queen assumed, may seem to betray her unequal alliance with the stranger of Pontus. But the superiority of the female sex was established in Egypt as a civil and religious institution, (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. i. p. 31, edit. Wesseling,) and the same order is observed in Plutarch’s Treatise of Isis and Osiris; whom he identifies with Serapis.
在罗马,伊西斯与塞拉皮斯共处一庙。这位女王所占的尊位,看来倒像是暴露了她与这位本都异客门第并不相称。但在埃及,女性地位居上本是一项确立已久的世俗与宗教制度(Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. i. p. 31, edit. Wesseling);普鲁塔克《论伊西斯与奥西里斯》一文中所记的次序也是如此——他把奥西里斯与塞拉皮斯视为一体。
40
Ammianus, (xxii. 16.) The Expositio totius Mundi, (p. 8, in Hudson’s Geograph. Minor. tom. iii.,) and Rufinus, (l. ii. c. 22,) celebrate the Serapeum, as one of the wonders of the world.
阿米阿努斯(xxii. 16)、《Expositio totius Mundi》(p. 8, in Hudson's Geograph. Minor. tom. iii.)以及鲁菲努斯(l. ii. c. 22),都把塞拉皮雍神庙誉为世界奇观之一。
41
See Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. ix. p. 397-416. The old library of the Ptolemies was totally consumed in Caesar’s Alexandrian war. Marc Antony gave the whole collection of Pergamus (200,000 volumes) to Cleopatra, as the foundation of the new library of Alexandria.
参看 Mémoires de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. ix. p. 397-416。托勒密诸王的旧图书馆,在恺撒的亚历山大里亚战役中被焚毁殆尽。后来马克·安东尼把帕加马的全部藏书(二十万卷)赠予克利奥帕特拉,作为新的亚历山大里亚图书馆的根基。
42
Libanius (pro Templis, p. 21) indiscreetly provokes his Christian masters by this insulting remark.
利巴尼乌斯(pro Templis, p. 21)以这句带刺的话,冒冒失失地惹恼了他那些基督徒主子。
43
We may choose between the date of Marcellinus (A.D. 389) or that of Prosper, ( A.D. 391.) Tillemont (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 310, 756) prefers the former, and Pagi the latter.
我们可以在马尔切利努斯所记的年份(公元 389 年)与普罗斯佩尔所记的年份(公元 391 年)之间择一而从。蒂耶蒙(Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 310, 756)取前者,帕吉则取后者。
44
Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500. The ambiguous situation of Theophilus—a saint, as the friend of Jerom a devil, as the enemy of Chrysostom—produces a sort of impartiality; yet, upon the whole, the balance is justly inclined against him.
Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500。塞奥菲鲁斯的处境暧昧难定——作为哲罗姆的朋友,他是圣徒;作为克里索斯托的仇敌,他又成了魔鬼——这反倒催生出一种不偏不倚;然而通盘看来,天平公允地偏向了对他不利的一边。
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No doubt a temple of Osiris. St. Martin, iv 398-M.
无疑是一座奥西里斯神庙。St. Martin, iv. 398。—M
45
Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 411) has alleged beautiful passage from Suidas, or rather from Damascius, which show the devout and virtuous Olympius, not in the light of a warrior, but of a prophet.
拉德纳(Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 411)曾引述苏达斯——或者不如说达马斯基乌斯——笔下一段优美的文字,其中所现的虔诚而有德的奥林皮乌斯,并非一副武士的模样,倒像是一位先知。
46
Nos vidimus armaria librorum, quibus direptis, exinanita ea a nostris hominibus, nostris temporibus memorant. Orosius, l. vi. c. 15, p. 421, edit. Havercamp. Though a bigot, and a controversial writer. Orosius seems to blush.
Nos vidimus armaria librorum, quibus direptis, exinanita ea a nostris hominibus, nostris temporibus memorant.(我们亲眼见过那一排排藏书的书橱;据说,就在我们这个时代,正是我们自己人把书洗劫一空、使之空空如也。)——Orosius, l. vi. c. 15, p. 421, edit. Havercamp。奥罗修斯虽是个偏执之徒,又惯写论战文字,此刻却似乎面有愧色。
47
Eunapius, in the Lives of Antoninus and Aedesius, execrates the sacrilegious rapine of Theophilus. Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 453) quotes an epistle of Isidore of Pelusium, which reproaches the primate with the idolatrous worship of gold, the auri sacra fames.
欧纳皮乌斯在《安托尼努斯与埃德西乌斯传》中,痛斥塞奥菲鲁斯那渎神的劫掠。蒂耶蒙(Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 453)则引述佩鲁西乌姆的伊西多尔的一封书信,信中责备这位大主教崇拜黄金无异于偶像崇拜,正所谓“auri sacra fames”(对黄金那可诅咒的贪欲)。
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An English traveller, Mr. Wilkinson, has discovered the secret of the vocal Memnon. There was a cavity in which a person was concealed, and struck a stone, which gave a ringing sound like brass. The Arabs, who stood below when Mr. Wilkinson performed the miracle, described sound just as the author of the epigram.—M.
一位英国旅行家威尔金森先生,已揭破了那尊会发声的门农像之谜。像内有一处空腔,藏进一个人,敲击一块石头,便发出黄铜般的铮铮之声。当威尔金森先生如法炮制、重演这桩“神迹”时,站在下方的阿拉伯人所描述的声响,与那首铭辞作者笔下所记的一模一样。—M
48
Rufinus names the priest of Saturn, who, in the character of the god, familiarly conversed with many pious ladies of quality, till he betrayed himself, in a moment of transport, when he could not disguise the tone of his voice. The authentic and impartial narrative of Aeschines, (see Bayle, Dictionnaire Critique, Scamandre,) and the adventure of Mudus, (Joseph. Antiquitat. Judaic. l. xviii. c. 3, p. 877 edit. Havercamp,) may prove that such amorous frauds have been practised with success.
鲁菲努斯点出了那位萨图尔努斯的祭司之名:此人假扮神明的模样,与许多虔诚的贵妇亲昵交谈,直到有一回情动之际忘乎所以,掩饰不住自己的嗓音,才露了马脚。埃斯基涅斯那段真实而公允的记述(参看培尔,Dictionnaire Critique, “Scamandre”条),以及蒙杜斯的那桩风流韵事(Joseph. Antiquitat. Judaic. l. xviii. c. 3, p. 877 edit. Havercamp),都足以证明:这类偷香窃玉的骗局,确曾屡屡得逞。
49
See the images of Serapis, in Montfaucon, (tom. ii. p. 297:) but the description of Macrobius (Saturnal. l. i. c. 20) is much more picturesque and satisfactory.
塞拉皮斯的图像可参看蒙福孔(tom. ii. p. 297);不过马克罗比乌斯的描述(Saturnal. l. i. c. 20)要生动、周详得多。
50
Sed fortes tremuere manus, motique verenda
Majestate loci, si robora sacra ferirent
In sua credebant redituras membra secures.
(Lucan. iii. 429.) “Is it true,” (said Augustus to a veteran of Italy, at whose house he supped) “that the man who gave the first blow to the golden statue of Anaitis, was instantly deprived of his eyes, and of his life?”—“I was that man, (replied the clear-sighted veteran,) and you now sup on one of the legs of the goddess.” (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 24)
Sed fortes tremuere manus, motique verenda Majestate loci, si robora sacra ferirent In sua credebant redituras membra secures. (Lucan. iii. 429.)(卢坎此三行意谓:然而那些勇士的手也颤抖起来;慑于那地方可畏的威严,他们相信,倘若斧头砍向这些神圣的树干,斧刃便会反弹回来,落到自己的肢体之上。)奥古斯都有一回在一位意大利老兵家中用膳,席间问道:“据说,向阿娜伊提斯金像砍出第一斧的那人,当即就丧了目、殒了命——此话当真?”“那人正是在下,”这位眼明心亮的老兵答道,“而您眼下正就着这位女神的一条腿下酒呢。”(Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 24)
51
The history of the reformation affords frequent examples of the sudden change from superstition to contempt.
宗教改革的历史,屡屡提供这样的例子:人们对迷信的态度,会由笃信骤然转为鄙夷。
52
Sozomen, l. vii. c. 20. I have supplied the measure. The same standard, of the inundation, and consequently of the cubit, has uniformly subsisted since the time of Herodotus. See Freret, in the Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 344-353. Greaves’s Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. p. 233. The Egyptian cubit is about twenty-two inches of the English measure. * Note: Compare Wilkinson’s Thebes and Egypt, p. 313.—M.
Sozomen, l. vii. c. 20。其中的尺度是我补上的。泛滥的这一水位标准,连同据以换算的腕尺,自希罗多德的时代以来便始终未变。参看弗雷雷,Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 344-353;以及格里夫斯《杂著集》,vol. i. p. 233。埃及腕尺约合英制二十二英寸。编按:可比照威尔金森《底比斯与埃及》,p. 313。—M
53
Libanius (pro Templis, p. 15, 16, 17) pleads their cause with gentle and insinuating rhetoric. From the earliest age, such feasts had enlivened the country: and those of Bacchus (Georgic. ii. 380) had produced the theatre of Athens. See Godefroy, ad loc. Liban. and Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 284.
利巴尼乌斯(pro Templis, p. 15, 16, 17)以温和而委婉的辞令为他们的立场申辩。自远古以来,这类节庆便为乡野增添了不少生气;而巴克斯的节庆(Georgic. ii. 380)更催生出了雅典的戏剧。参看戈德弗鲁瓦,ad loc. Liban.,以及 Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 284。
54
Honorius tolerated these rustic festivals, (A.D. 399.) “Absque ullo sacrificio, atque ulla superstitione damnabili.” But nine years afterwards he found it necessary to reiterate and enforce the same proviso, (Codex Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 17, 19.)
霍诺留对这些乡间节庆网开一面(公元 399 年),其条件是“Absque ullo sacrificio, atque ulla superstitione damnabili”(不得有任何献祭,也不得有任何该受谴责的迷信)。可是九年之后,他发觉有必要把这同一条限制重申并强制推行一遍(Codex Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 17, 19)。
55
Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 12. Jortin (Remarks on Eccles. History, vol. iv. p. 134) censures, with becoming asperity, the style and sentiments of this intolerant law.
Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 12。乔廷(Remarks on Eccles. History, vol. iv. p. 134)以恰如其分的严辞,谴责了这道不宽容之法的文辞与用心。
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Paganism maintained its ground for a considerable time in the rural districts. Endelechius, a poet who lived at the beginning of the fifth century, speaks of the cross as Signum quod perhibent esse crucis Dei, Magnis qui colitur solus inurbibus. In the middle of the same century, Maximus, bishop of Turin, writes against the heathen deities as if their worship was still in full vigor in the neighborhood of his city. Augustine complains of the encouragement of the Pagan rites by heathen landowners; and Zeno of Verona, still later, reproves the apathy of the Christian proprietors in conniving at this abuse. (Compare Neander, ii. p. 169.) M. Beugnot shows that this was the case throughout the north and centre of Italy and in Sicily. But neither of these authors has adverted to one fact, which must have tended greatly to retard the progress of Christianity in these quarters. It was still chiefly a slave population which cultivated the soil; and however, in the towns, the better class of Christians might be eager to communicate “the blessed liberty of the gospel” to this class of mankind; however their condition could not but be silently ameliorated by the humanizing influence of Christianity; yet, on the whole, no doubt the servile class would be the least fitted to receive the gospel; and its general propagation among them would be embarrassed by many peculiar difficulties. The rural population was probably not entirely converted before the general establishment of the monastic institutions. Compare Quarterly Review of Beugnot. vol lvii. p. 52—M.
异教在乡村地区维持其阵地相当长的一段时间。生活在五世纪初的诗人恩德莱基乌斯,提到十字架时称之为“Signum quod perhibent esse crucis Dei, Magnis qui colitur solus in urbibus”(据说这是上帝十字架的标记,唯有在大城中才有人敬奉)。到该世纪中叶,都灵主教马克西穆斯撰文抨击异教诸神,那口吻仿佛在他城郊一带,对这些神的崇拜依旧方兴未艾。奥古斯丁抱怨异教地主纵容、鼓励异教仪典;再晚些的维罗纳的芝诺,则责备基督徒业主对这一陋习听之任之、漠然置之(可比照尼安德,ii. p. 169)。伯尼奥先生指出:意大利北部与中部乃至西西里,情形无不如此。但这两位作者都不曾留意到一桩事实,而正是这桩事实,必定大大延缓了基督教在这些地方的推进。耕作土地的仍主要是奴隶;纵然城镇里较为体面的基督徒,或许急于把“福音那有福的自由”传给这一等人,纵然这些奴隶的处境也不免因基督教教化人心的影响而悄然改善,然而通盘看来,奴隶阶层无疑最不宜领受福音,福音要在他们中间普遍传布,也必遭遇许多特有的阻碍。乡间人口大约要等到隐修制度普遍确立之后,才算彻底皈依。可比照《评论季刊》论伯尼奥文,vol. lvii. p. 52。—M
56
Such a charge should not be lightly made; but it may surely be justified by the authority of St. Augustin, who thus addresses the Donatists: “Quis nostrum, quis vestrum non laudat leges ab Imperatoribus datas adversus sacrificia Paganorum? Et certe longe ibi poera severior constituta est; illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est.” Epist. xciii. No. 10, quoted by Le Clerc, (Bibliothèque Choisie, tom. viii. p. 277,) who adds some judicious reflections on the intolerance of the victorious Christians. * Note: Yet Augustine, with laudable inconsistency, disapproved of the forcible demolition of the temples. “Let us first extirpate the idolatry of the hearts of the heathen, and they will either themselves invite us or anticipate us in the execution of this good work,” tom. v. p. 62. Compare Neander, ii. 169, and, in p. 155, a beautiful passage from Chrysostom against all violent means of propagating Christianity.—M.
这样的指控不宜轻下;然而援引圣奥古斯丁的权威,倒也尽可为之辩护。他曾这样对多纳图斯派说道:“Quis nostrum, quis vestrum non laudat leges ab Imperatoribus datas adversus sacrificia Paganorum? Et certe longe ibi poera severior constituta est; illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est.”(我们当中、你们当中,有谁不称赞历代皇帝为反对异教徒献祭而颁下的法令呢?何况那里所定的刑罚还要严厉得多,因为那种渎神之罪是要处以极刑的。)语见 Epist. xciii. No. 10,为勒克莱尔所引(Bibliothèque Choisie, tom. viii. p. 277);勒克莱尔还就得胜的基督徒之不宽容,附加了一些明达的评议。编按:不过奥古斯丁又有一种值得称道的自相矛盾:他并不赞成强行拆毁神庙。“让我们先把异教徒心中的偶像崇拜连根除去,那时他们要么会自己来邀我们,要么会抢在我们前头,去完成这桩善举”,tom. v. p. 62。可比照尼安德,ii. 169;又,该书 p. 155 载有一段克里索斯托反对以一切暴力手段传播基督教的优美文字。—M