Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part II. 第二十六章 匈人的推进——第二节

The Huns, who under the reign of Valens threatened the empire of Rome, had been formidable, in a much earlier period, to the empire of China. 27 Their ancient, perhaps their original, seat was an extensive, though dry and barren, tract of country, immediately on the north side of the great wall. Their place is at present occupied by the forty-nine Hords or Banners of the Mongous, a pastoral nation, which consists of about two hundred thousand families. 28 But the valor of the Huns had extended the narrow limits of their dominions; and their rustic chiefs, who assumed the appellation of Tanjou, gradually became the conquerors, and the sovereigns of a formidable empire. Towards the East, their victorious arms were stopped only by the ocean; and the tribes, which are thinly scattered between the Amoor and the extreme peninsula of Corea, adhered, with reluctance, to the standard of the Huns. On the West, near the head of the Irtish, in the valleys of Imaus, they found a more ample space, and more numerous enemies. One of the lieutenants of the Tanjou subdued, in a single expedition, twenty-six nations; the Igours, 29 distinguished above the Tartar race by the use of letters, were in the number of his vassals; and, by the strange connection of human events, the flight of one of those vagrant tribes recalled the victorious Parthians from the invasion of Syria. 30 On the side of the North, the ocean was assigned as the limit of the power of the Huns. Without enemies to resist their progress, or witnesses to contradict their vanity, they might securely achieve a real, or imaginary, conquest of the frozen regions of Siberia. The Northern Sea was fixed as the remote boundary of their empire. But the name of that sea, on whose shores the patriot Sovou embraced the life of a shepherd and an exile, 31 may be transferred, with much more probability, to the Baikal, a capacious basin, above three hundred miles in length, which disdains the modest appellation of a lake 32 and which actually communicates with the seas of the North, by the long course of the Angara, the Tongusha, and the Jenissea. The submission of so many distant nations might flatter the pride of the Tanjou; but the valor of the Huns could be rewarded only by the enjoyment of the wealth and luxury of the empire of the South. In the third century 3211 before the Christian æra, a wall of fifteen hundred miles in length was constructed, to defend the frontiers of China against the inroads of the Huns; 33 but this stupendous work, which holds a conspicuous place in the map of the world, has never contributed to the safety of an unwarlike people. The cavalry of the Tanjou frequently consisted of two or three hundred thousand men, formidable by the matchless dexterity with which they managed their bows and their horses: by their hardy patience in supporting the inclemency of the weather; and by the incredible speed of their march, which was seldom checked by torrents, or precipices, by the deepest rivers, or by the most lofty mountains. They spread themselves at once over the face of the country; and their rapid impetuosity surprised, astonished, and disconcerted the grave and elaborate tactics of a Chinese army. The emperor Kaoti, 34 a soldier of fortune, whose personal merit had raised him to the throne, marched against the Huns with those veteran troops which had been trained in the civil wars of China. But he was soon surrounded by the Barbarians; and, after a siege of seven days, the monarch, hopeless of relief, was reduced to purchase his deliverance by an ignominious capitulation. The successors of Kaoti, whose lives were dedicated to the arts of peace, or the luxury of the palace, submitted to a more permanent disgrace. They too hastily confessed the insufficiency of arms and fortifications. They were too easily convinced, that while the blazing signals announced on every side the approach of the Huns, the Chinese troops, who slept with the helmet on their head, and the cuirass on their back, were destroyed by the incessant labor of ineffectual marches. 35 A regular payment of money, and silk, was stipulated as the condition of a temporary and precarious peace; and the wretched expedient of disguising a real tribute, under the names of a gift or subsidy, was practised by the emperors of China as well as by those of Rome. But there still remained a more disgraceful article of tribute, which violated the sacred feelings of humanity and nature. The hardships of the savage life, which destroy in their infancy the children who are born with a less healthy and robust constitution, introduced a remarkable disproportion between the numbers of the two sexes. The Tartars are an ugly and even deformed race; and while they consider their own women as the instruments of domestic labor, their desires, or rather their appetites, are directed to the enjoyment of more elegant beauty. A select band of the fairest maidens of China was annually devoted to the rude embraces of the Huns; 36 and the alliance of the haughty Tanjous was secured by their marriage with the genuine, or adopted, daughters of the Imperial family, which vainly attempted to escape the sacrilegious pollution. The situation of these unhappy victims is described in the verses of a Chinese princess, who laments that she had been condemned by her parents to a distant exile, under a Barbarian husband; who complains that sour milk was her only drink, raw flesh her only food, a tent her only palace; and who expresses, in a strain of pathetic simplicity, the natural wish, that she were transformed into a bird, to fly back to her dear country; the object of her tender and perpetual regret. 37
匈人在瓦伦斯在位时曾威胁罗马帝国;但早在更古的年代,他们就已是中国的心腹大患。27 匈人——即中国史籍所称的匈奴——最古老、或许也是最初的居地,是一片紧靠长城以北、幅员辽阔却干燥贫瘠的土地。如今占据这片土地的,是蒙古人的四十九旗,这个游牧民族约有二十万户。28 匈奴凭其勇武,把原本狭小的疆域不断向外拓展;他们那些出身草莽的首领自称“单于”,逐渐成为征服者,君临一个强大的帝国。向东,他们所向披靡,唯有大洋能阻其兵锋;散居于阿穆尔河与朝鲜半岛尽头之间的诸部落,也勉强归附于匈奴的旗下。向西,在额尔齐斯河源头附近、伊茂斯山的谷地里,他们遇到了更广阔的天地,也遇到了更众多的敌人。单于麾下一员大将,一次出征便征服了二十六个邦族;回鹘人29——他们因通晓文字而在鞑靼诸族中显得出类拔萃——也在其臣属之列;而由于人间世事离奇勾连,正是其中一支流亡部落的迁徙,竟使正在进犯叙利亚、节节得胜的帕提亚人不得不撤军回师。30 在北方,人们把大洋定为匈奴势力的边界。那里既无敌手阻其前进,也无旁人拆穿其自负,于是他们尽可安然宣称已征服西伯利亚的冰封之地——不论那征服是真是假。“北海”也就成了其帝国最遥远的边界。忠臣苏武当年正是在这片“海”的岸边甘作牧羊人、以流放终其志节31;不过,这海之名若移用于贝加尔,恐怕更为贴切。贝加尔是一片辽阔的水域,长逾三百英里,不屑于“湖”这一谦卑的称呼32,而且它确实经由安加拉河、通古斯卡河与叶尼塞河的漫长水道,与北方诸海相通。如此众多的远方民族纷纷臣服,固然足以满足单于的骄矜;然而匈奴的赫赫武功,唯有享用南方帝国的财富与奢华,才算得到真正的酬报。公元前三世纪3211,为抵御匈奴的入侵,中国修筑了一道长达一千五百英里的城墙33;然而这项浩大的工程虽在世界地图上赫然醒目,却从未真正保障过一个不尚武的民族的安全。单于的骑兵往往多达二三十万,令人生畏之处有三:他们操弓驭马的娴熟无人能及;他们坚忍耐劳,能顶住恶劣天候;行军之神速更是难以置信,急流、峭壁、深河、高山都极少能挡住他们的去路。他们转瞬间便漫山遍野铺展开来,来势迅猛凶悍,令中国军队那套庄重繁复的战法措手不及、惊愕失据、阵脚大乱。高帝34本是行伍中崛起的幸运儿,全凭个人才干登上帝位;他率领在中国内战中久经磨练的百战之师,出兵讨伐匈奴。不料他很快就被蛮族团团围困;被围七日,援兵无望,这位君主只得屈辱求和,以此换取脱身。高帝的历代继承者,一生或倾心于承平的文事,或耽溺于宫廷的奢靡,甘受一种更为长久的屈辱。他们过于轻率地承认,兵甲与城防都靠不住。他们也太容易就相信:每当四面烽火骤起、报警匈奴逼近,中国的士卒便得枕盔披甲而眠,在一场场徒劳无功的奔命行军中被活活拖垮。35 于是双方议定,中国按期奉上钱币与丝帛,以换取一段短暂而朝不保夕的和平;把实际的纳贡粉饰成“馈赠”或“赏赐”,这种可怜的伎俩,中国皇帝与罗马皇帝都同样用过。但纳贡之中还有一款更为可耻,它亵渎了人伦天性中最神圣的情感。蛮荒生活艰苦异常,凡生来体质稍弱的孩子往往在襁褓中便夭折,两性人数因而严重失衡。鞑靼人本是相貌丑陋、甚至畸形的种族;他们把本族女子只当作操持家务的工具,而其欲念——或者不如说其贪欲——却一味指向那更为秀丽的姿色。于是每年都要精选一批中国最美的少女,供匈奴粗野地蹂躏36;而要维系与骄横单于的盟好,还得把皇室或亲生、或收养的女儿嫁给他们——皇室虽百般设法逃避这种亵渎神圣的玷污,终归徒劳。一位中国公主的诗句,道尽了这些不幸牺牲者的处境。她哀叹父母将她远远放逐,嫁与蛮夷之夫;她诉说酸腐的乳浆是她唯一的饮品,生冷的兽肉是她唯一的食物,一顶毡帐是她唯一的宫室;她还以哀婉质朴的笔调,抒发了一个再自然不过的心愿——但愿自己化作一只飞鸟,重回魂牵梦萦、永怀不已的故国。37
Money, silk, and the fairest maidens: the Chinese tribute to the Tanjou, and the verses of a Chinese princess 钱币、丝帛,与最美的少女:中国献予单于的贡物,与一位中国公主的诗句 MONEY, SILK, AND THE FAIREST MAIDENS 钱币、丝帛,与最美的少女 A MORE DISGRACEFUL ARTICLE OF TRIBUTE, WHICH VIOLATED THE SACRED FEELINGS OF HUMANITY AND NATURE 一款更为可耻的纳贡——它亵渎了人伦天性中最神圣的情感 “the wretched expedient of disguising a real tribute, under the names of a gift or subsidy, was practised by the emperors of China as well as by those of Rome.” 「把实际的纳贡粉饰成『馈赠』或『赏赐』,这种可怜的伎俩,中国皇帝与罗马皇帝都同样用过。」 THE ARTICLES OF THE TRIBUTE 纳贡的条款 what the emperors of China paid to the Tanjou, stipulated as the condition of a temporary and precarious peace 中国皇帝献予单于之物——议定为换取一段短暂而朝不保夕的和平的条件 I. MONEY, AND SILK 钱币与丝帛 arms and fortifications confessed insufficient; the Chinese troops slept with the helmet on their head, and the cuirass on their back 兵甲与城防都被承认靠不住;中国的士卒得枕盔披甲而眠 II. A SELECT BAND OF THE FAIREST MAIDENS OF CHINA, ANNUALLY 每年精选一批中国最美的少女 devoted to the rude embraces of the Huns 供匈奴粗野地蹂躏 — and the alliance of the haughty Tanjous secured by their marriage with the genuine, or adopted, daughters of the Imperial family, which vainly attempted to escape the sacrilegious pollution ——骄横单于的盟好,还须以皇室或亲生、或收养的女儿下嫁来维系;皇室虽百般设法逃避这种亵渎神圣的玷污,终归徒劳 the hardships of the savage life introduced a remarkable disproportion between the numbers of the two sexes — their desires, or rather their appetites, directed to the enjoyment of more elegant beauty 蛮荒生活艰苦异常,两性人数因而严重失衡——而其欲念,或者不如说其贪欲,一味指向那更为秀丽的姿色 THE VERSES OF A CHINESE PRINCESS 一位中国公主的诗句 her verses reach us only through Gibbon, and Gibbon only through De Guignes (fn 26.37) 她的诗句只经吉本之手传来,而吉本又只据德经(注26.37) “The situation of these unhappy victims is described in the verses of a Chinese princess, who laments that she had been condemned by her parents to a distant exile, under a Barbarian husband.” 「一位中国公主的诗句,道尽了这些不幸牺牲者的处境。她哀叹父母将她远远放逐,嫁与蛮夷之夫。」 sour milk was her only drink 酸腐的乳浆是她唯一的饮品 raw flesh her only food 生冷的兽肉是她唯一的食物 a tent her only palace 一顶毡帐是她唯一的宫室 a distant exile 远方的流放之地 her dear country 故国 in Gibbon’s words — “the natural wish, that she were transformed into a bird, to fly back to her dear country” 吉本的原话——「但愿自己化作一只飞鸟,重回魂牵梦萦、永怀不已的故国」
Fig. 26.2 — The tribute paid by the emperors of China to the Tanjou: money, silk, and one more disgraceful article — “A select band of the fairest maidens of China was annually devoted to the rude embraces of the Huns.” The situation of these unhappy victims is described in the verses of a Chinese princess: sour milk her only drink, raw flesh her only food, a tent her only palace, and the wish that she were a bird, to fly back to her dear country. 图26.2——中国皇帝献予单于的贡物:钱币、丝帛,还有更为可耻的一款——「于是每年都要精选一批中国最美的少女,供匈奴粗野地蹂躏」。一位中国公主的诗句,道尽了这些不幸牺牲者的处境:酸腐的乳浆是她唯一的饮品,生冷的兽肉是她唯一的食物,一顶毡帐是她唯一的宫室;她还但愿自己化作一只飞鸟,重回故国。
The conquest of China has been twice achieved by the pastoral tribes of the North: the forces of the Huns were not inferior to those of the Moguls, or of the Mantcheoux; and their ambition might entertain the most sanguine hopes of success. But their pride was humbled, and their progress was checked, by the arms and policy of Vouti, 38 the fifth emperor of the powerful dynasty of the Han. In his long reign of fifty- four years, the Barbarians of the southern provinces submitted to the laws and manners of China; and the ancient limits of the monarchy were enlarged, from the great river of Kiang, to the port of Canton. Instead of confining himself to the timid operations of a defensive war, his lieutenants penetrated many hundred miles into the country of the Huns. In those boundless deserts, where it is impossible to form magazines, and difficult to transport a sufficient supply of provisions, the armies of Vouti were repeatedly exposed to intolerable hardships: and, of one hundred and forty thousand soldiers, who marched against the Barbarians, thirty thousand only returned in safety to the feet of their master. These losses, however, were compensated by splendid and decisive success. The Chinese generals improved the superiority which they derived from the temper of their arms, their chariots of war, and the service of their Tartar auxiliaries. The camp of the Tanjou was surprised in the midst of sleep and intemperance; and, though the monarch of the Huns bravely cut his way through the ranks of the enemy, he left above fifteen thousand of his subjects on the field of battle. Yet this signal victory, which was preceded and followed by many bloody engagements, contributed much less to the destruction of the power of the Huns than the effectual policy which was employed to detach the tributary nations from their obedience. Intimidated by the arms, or allured by the promises, of Vouti and his successors, the most considerable tribes, both of the East and of the West, disclaimed the authority of the Tanjou. While some acknowledged themselves the allies or vassals of the empire, they all became the implacable enemies of the Huns; and the numbers of that haughty people, as soon as they were reduced to their native strength, might, perhaps, have been contained within the walls of one of the great and populous cities of China. 39 The desertion of his subjects, and the perplexity of a civil war, at length compelled the Tanjou himself to renounce the dignity of an independent sovereign, and the freedom of a warlike and high-spirited nation. He was received at Sigan, the capital of the monarchy, by the troops, the mandarins, and the emperor himself, with all the honors that could adorn and disguise the triumph of Chinese vanity. 40 A magnificent palace was prepared for his reception; his place was assigned above all the princes of the royal family; and the patience of the Barbarian king was exhausted by the ceremonies of a banquet, which consisted of eight courses of meat, and of nine solemn pieces of music. But he performed, on his knees, the duty of a respectful homage to the emperor of China; pronounced, in his own name, and in the name of his successors, a perpetual oath of fidelity; and gratefully accepted a seal, which was bestowed as the emblem of his regal dependence. After this humiliating submission, the Tanjous sometimes departed from their allegiance and seized the favorable moments of war and rapine; but the monarchy of the Huns gradually declined, till it was broken, by civil dissension, into two hostile and separate kingdoms. One of the princes of the nation was urged, by fear and ambition, to retire towards the South with eight hords, which composed between forty and fifty thousand families. He obtained, with the title of Tanjou, a convenient territory on the verge of the Chinese provinces; and his constant attachment to the service of the empire was secured by weakness, and the desire of revenge. From the time of this fatal schism, the Huns of the North continued to languish about fifty years; till they were oppressed on every side by their foreign and domestic enemies. The proud inscription 41 of a column, erected on a lofty mountain, announced to posterity, that a Chinese army had marched seven hundred miles into the heart of their country. The Sienpi, 42 a tribe of Oriental Tartars, retaliated the injuries which they had formerly sustained; and the power of the Tanjous, after a reign of thirteen hundred years, was utterly destroyed before the end of the first century of the Christian æra. 43
北方的游牧部落曾两度征服中国:论兵力,匈奴并不逊于蒙古人或满洲人,他们的野心大可怀抱最乐观的成功指望。然而,强盛的汉朝第五位皇帝武帝38,凭武力与谋略挫其锐气、遏其进逼。他在位长达五十四年,南方各地的蛮族一一归服于中国的法度与风俗,王朝的旧疆也从长江一直拓展到广州港。他不甘于守势作战那种畏缩的用兵,而是遣将深入匈奴腹地数百英里。那一望无际的大漠里,既无从设立粮站,又难以运足给养,武帝的大军屡屡陷于难以忍受的困厄:出征蛮族的十四万将士,最终平安回到君主脚下的仅有三万。不过,这些损失自有辉煌而决定性的胜利来补偿。中国将领手中本就握有优势——精良的兵器、战车,以及鞑靼辅军的效力——他们更把这优势发挥到极致。单于的营地在酣睡纵酒之际遭到奇袭;匈奴君主虽奋勇杀出重围,却把一万五千余名部众丢弃在战场上。然而,这场彪炳的大捷(其前后都伴随着无数血战),对瓦解匈奴势力的作用,其实远不及另一手更奏效的策略——即诱使那些纳贡的部族背离匈奴。在武帝及其继位者或以兵威慑服、或以许诺利诱之下,东西两方最有分量的部落纷纷否认单于的权威。其中有些自认是帝国的盟友或臣属,但它们无一例外都成了匈奴不共戴天的仇敌;这个骄横的民族一旦退回到本族之力,其人口之少,或许一座中国人烟稠密的大城便足以容纳。39 部众离散,加之内战的困局,终于迫使单于本人放弃独立君主的尊荣,也放弃了一个尚武而高傲的民族所享有的自由。在王朝的都城西安,军队、官员乃至皇帝本人亲自出迎,礼数之隆重无以复加——既装点、又掩饰了中国人这场自负的凯旋。40 人们为他备下一座富丽的宫殿;席次排在皇室诸王之上;而一场盛宴的繁文缛节——八道肉馔、九阕庄严雅乐——却几乎耗尽了这位蛮王的耐性。尽管如此,他还是屈膝跪拜,向中国皇帝恭行臣服之礼;以自己和历代继承者的名义立下永世效忠的誓言;并感恩戴德地接受了一枚印玺——那是他王权臣属于人的凭证。这番屈辱的归顺之后,历代单于有时也会背弃盟誓,趁机大肆征战劫掠;但匈奴的君主国终究日渐衰颓,最后因内讧而分裂为两个彼此敌对、各自为政的王国。该族一位王子,出于畏惧与野心,率八部——约四五万户——南迁。他保有单于名号,在中国各州边缘获得一块便利的领地;由于自身势弱、又亟欲报仇,他便始终死心塌地为帝国效力。自这场致命的分裂起,北匈奴又苟延了约五十年,直到内外之敌四面交攻,令其难以喘息。一根立于高山之巅的石柱上,镌刻着一篇自豪的铭文41,向后世宣告:一支中国军队曾长驱七百英里,直捣其腹地。东方鞑靼的一支——鲜卑42——如今回敬了昔日所受的欺凌;单于的政权绵延一千三百年之后,终在公元一世纪结束之前彻底覆灭。43
The fate of the vanquished Huns was diversified by the various influence of character and situation. 44 Above one hundred thousand persons, the poorest, indeed, and the most pusillanimous of the people, were contented to remain in their native country, to renounce their peculiar name and origin, and to mingle with the victorious nation of the Sienpi. Fifty-eight hords, about two hundred thousand men, ambitious of a more honorable servitude, retired towards the South; implored the protection of the emperors of China; and were permitted to inhabit, and to guard, the extreme frontiers of the province of Chansi and the territory of Ortous. But the most warlike and powerful tribes of the Huns maintained, in their adverse fortune, the undaunted spirit of their ancestors. The Western world was open to their valor; and they resolved, under the conduct of their hereditary chieftains, to conquer and subdue some remote country, which was still inaccessible to the arms of the Sienpi, and to the laws of China. 45 The course of their emigration soon carried them beyond the mountains of Imaus, and the limits of the Chinese geography; but we are able to distinguish the two great divisions of these formidable exiles, which directed their march towards the Oxus, and towards the Volga. The first of these colonies established their dominion in the fruitful and extensive plains of Sogdiana, on the eastern side of the Caspian; where they preserved the name of Huns, with the epithet of Euthalites, or Nepthalites. 4511 Their manners were softened, and even their features were insensibly improved, by the mildness of the climate, and their long residence in a flourishing province, 46 which might still retain a faint impression of the arts of Greece. 47 The white Huns, a name which they derived from the change of their complexions, soon abandoned the pastoral life of Scythia. Gorgo, which, under the appellation of Carizme, has since enjoyed a temporary splendor, was the residence of the king, who exercised a legal authority over an obedient people. Their luxury was maintained by the labor of the Sogdians; and the only vestige of their ancient barbarism, was the custom which obliged all the companions, perhaps to the number of twenty, who had shared the liberality of a wealthy lord, to be buried alive in the same grave. 48 The vicinity of the Huns to the provinces of Persia, involved them in frequent and bloody contests with the power of that monarchy. But they respected, in peace, the faith of treaties; in war, the dictates of humanity; and their memorable victory over Peroses, or Firuz, displayed the moderation, as well as the valor, of the Barbarians. The second division of their countrymen, the Huns, who gradually advanced towards the North-west, were exercised by the hardships of a colder climate, and a more laborious march. Necessity compelled them to exchange the silks of China for the furs of Siberia; the imperfect rudiments of civilized life were obliterated; and the native fierceness of the Huns was exasperated by their intercourse with the savage tribes, who were compared, with some propriety, to the wild beasts of the desert. Their independent spirit soon rejected the hereditary succession of the Tanjous; and while each horde was governed by its peculiar mursa, their tumultuary council directed the public measures of the whole nation. As late as the thirteenth century, their transient residence on the eastern banks of the Volga was attested by the name of Great Hungary. 49 In the winter, they descended with their flocks and herds towards the mouth of that mighty river; and their summer excursions reached as high as the latitude of Saratoff, or perhaps the conflux of the Kama. Such at least were the recent limits of the black Calmucks, 50 who remained about a century under the protection of Russia; and who have since returned to their native seats on the frontiers of the Chinese empire. The march, and the return, of those wandering Tartars, whose united camp consists of fifty thousand tents or families, illustrate the distant emigrations of the ancient Huns. 51
战败的匈奴,因各部性情与处境不同,命运也随之千差万别。44 十余万人——都是族中最贫穷、最怯懦的——甘愿留在故土,抛弃本族独有的名号与血统,融入战胜者鲜卑之中。另有五十八部、约二十万人,向往一种较为体面的臣服,遂南迁而去,恳求中国皇帝庇护,获准居住并戍守山西省最远的边陲以及鄂尔多斯一带。但匈奴中最勇武强悍的那些部落,身处逆境仍不失先人那股无畏的气概。西方世界向他们的武力敞开;于是他们决意在世袭首领率领下,去征服某个遥远的国度——那里既非鲜卑兵锋所及,也非中国法令所到。45 他们一路迁徙,很快便越过伊茂斯山,走出了中国地理所及的范围;不过我们仍能分辨出这批可畏的流亡者分为两大支:一支朝阿姆河进发,一支朝伏尔加河进发。头一支移民在里海东岸粟特那片肥沃辽阔的平原上建立起统治;在那里,他们保留了“匈人”之名,另加“嚈哒”或“嚈哒”的别号。4511 气候温和,又长久定居于一个繁荣的行省46(此地或许还残留着希腊文明的一丝余韵47),他们的习性因而变得柔和,连相貌也在不知不觉间改善了。“白匈人”——这名号来自他们肤色的变化——很快就抛弃了斯基泰式的游牧生活。戈尔戈城——后来以“花剌子模”之名盛极一时——是国王的居所,他在此对顺从的臣民行使合法的权柄。他们的奢靡生活全靠粟特人的劳作供养;而其远古蛮风仅存的唯一遗迹,是这样一种习俗:凡曾受某位富贵之主慷慨恩养的随从——多则可达二十人——都得被活埋于主人的同一座坟中。48 匈人与波斯各行省毗邻,因而频频与那个王国的势力兵戎相见、血战不休。但在和平时他们信守条约,在战争中也顾念仁道;他们大败卑路斯(又名菲鲁兹)的那场著名胜仗,既显出蛮族的勇武,也显出他们的克制。至于他们同胞中的第二支——即逐渐向西北推进的那部分匈人——则饱受更寒冷的气候与更艰辛行程的磨砺。迫于生计,他们只得舍弃中国的丝绸,改用西伯利亚的毛皮;文明生活那点粗浅的雏形被抹得一干二净;与荒野部落——把他们比作大漠中的野兽倒也不算离谱——的往来,更把匈人天生的凶悍激得变本加厉。他们那股桀骜不驯的性子,很快就摒弃了单于世袭传承的制度;各部各由自己的“穆尔萨”统辖,而全族的公共事务,则由一个乱哄哄的部落会议来议决。直到十三世纪,“大匈牙利”这个地名,仍见证着他们曾一度栖居于伏尔加河东岸。49 冬季,他们赶着牛羊顺流而下,直抵这条大河的入海口;夏季迁徙时则北上远至萨拉托夫的纬度,或许还到过卡马河的汇流之处。至少,黑卡尔梅克人晚近的活动范围便是如此50。他们在俄罗斯庇护下生活了约一个世纪,后来又返回中华帝国边境的故地。这些游牧鞑靼人合营时共有五万帐(即五万户),他们这一去一返的迁徙,恰可印证古代匈人当年远途迁移的情形。51
It is impossible to fill the dark interval of time, which elapsed, after the Huns of the Volga were lost in the eyes of the Chinese, and before they showed themselves to those of the Romans. There is some reason, however, to apprehend, that the same force which had driven them from their native seats, still continued to impel their march towards the frontiers of Europe. The power of the Sienpi, their implacable enemies, which extended above three thousand miles from East to West, 52 must have gradually oppressed them by the weight and terror of a formidable neighborhood; and the flight of the tribes of Scythia would inevitably tend to increase the strength or to contract the territories, of the Huns. The harsh and obscure appellations of those tribes would offend the ear, without informing the understanding, of the reader; but I cannot suppress the very natural suspicion, that the Huns of the North derived a considerable reenforcement from the ruin of the dynasty of the South, which, in the course of the third century, submitted to the dominion of China; that the bravest warriors marched away in search of their free and adventurous countrymen; and that, as they had been divided by prosperity, they were easily reunited by the common hardships of their adverse fortune. 53 The Huns, with their flocks and herds, their wives and children, their dependents and allies, were transported to the west of the Volga, and they boldly advanced to invade the country of the Alani, a pastoral people, who occupied, or wasted, an extensive tract of the deserts of Scythia. The plains between the Volga and the Tanais were covered with the tents of the Alani, but their name and manners were diffused over the wide extent of their conquests; and the painted tribes of the Agathyrsi and Geloni were confounded among their vassals. Towards the North, they penetrated into the frozen regions of Siberia, among the savages who were accustomed, in their rage or hunger, to the taste of human flesh; and their Southern inroads were pushed as far as the confines of Persia and India. The mixture of Samartic and German blood had contributed to improve the features of the Alani, 5311 to whiten their swarthy complexions, and to tinge their hair with a yellowish cast, which is seldom found in the Tartar race. They were less deformed in their persons, less brutish in their manners, than the Huns; but they did not yield to those formidable Barbarians in their martial and independent spirit; in the love of freedom, which rejected even the use of domestic slaves; and in the love of arms, which considered war and rapine as the pleasure and the glory of mankind. A naked cimeter, fixed in the ground, was the only object of their religious worship; the scalps of their enemies formed the costly trappings of their horses; and they viewed, with pity and contempt, the pusillanimous warriors, who patiently expected the infirmities of age, and the tortures of lingering disease. 54 On the banks of the Tanais, the military power of the Huns and the Alani encountered each other with equal valor, but with unequal success. The Huns prevailed in the bloody contest; the king of the Alani was slain; and the remains of the vanquished nation were dispersed by the ordinary alternative of flight or submission. 55 A colony of exiles found a secure refuge in the mountains of Caucasus, between the Euxine and the Caspian, where they still preserve their name and their independence. Another colony advanced, with more intrepid courage, towards the shores of the Baltic; associated themselves with the Northern tribes of Germany; and shared the spoil of the Roman provinces of Gaul and Spain. But the greatest part of the nation of the Alani embraced the offers of an honorable and advantageous union; and the Huns, who esteemed the valor of their less fortunate enemies, proceeded, with an increase of numbers and confidence, to invade the limits of the Gothic empire.
伏尔加河畔的匈人自从在中国人的视野里消失,到他们出现在罗马人眼前为止,中间那段晦暗的岁月,已无从填补。不过,我们有理由推想:当初把他们逐出故土的那股力量,仍在不断驱使他们向欧洲边境挺进。鲜卑是他们不共戴天的仇敌,势力东西横亘三千余英里52,这样一个可畏的强邻,必以其威势与恐怖渐渐压迫匈人;而斯基泰各部落的溃逃,也势必或者壮大匈人的实力,或者压缩他们的地盘。那些部落的名号既刺耳又费解,报给读者听,只会扰乱耳朵,却增益不了理解;但有一个再自然不过的猜想,我却按捺不住:北方的匈人之所以大获增援,恐怕正源于南方王朝的覆灭——那王朝在三世纪的进程中臣服于中国;其最勇猛的战士纷纷离去,投奔他们那些自由而好冒险的同胞;他们当年因兴盛而分离,如今又因共同的患难而轻易重新聚合。53 匈人带着牛羊畜群、妻子儿女、依附者与盟友,一齐迁到伏尔加河以西,随即大胆进军,去侵犯阿兰人的地界。阿兰人是个游牧民族,占据(或者说糟蹋着)斯基泰荒原上一片辽阔的土地。伏尔加河与塔奈斯河之间的平原上,遍布着阿兰人的帐篷;不过他们的名号与习俗随着征服而广布四方,连文身的阿伽梯尔西人和革洛尼人也混杂在其臣属之列。向北,他们深入西伯利亚的冰封之地,与那些一旦暴怒或饥饿便惯于啖食人肉的野人为邻;向南,他们的侵袭一直推进到波斯与印度的边界。萨尔马提亚血统与日耳曼血统的交融,使阿兰人的相貌有所改善5311:黝黑的肤色变得白皙,头发也染上一层淡淡的黄色,而这种发色在鞑靼种族中是罕见的。论体貌,他们不像匈人那般畸形;论举止,也不像匈人那般粗野;但要论尚武不羁的气概,论对自由的热爱——他们连家奴都不屑役使——论对武力的酷好——他们把征战劫掠视为人生的乐趣与荣耀——他们丝毫不逊于那些可畏的蛮族。一柄插在地上的出鞘弯刀,是他们唯一顶礼膜拜的神明;仇敌的头皮,成了他们骏马身上华贵的装饰;至于那些怯懦的战士——甘心等着老来衰朽、久病缠身受尽折磨——他们只报以怜悯和轻蔑。54 在塔奈斯河畔,匈人与阿兰人的军力狭路相逢,双方同样勇猛,胜负却不均等。在这场血战中匈人占了上风,阿兰王被杀,战败一方的残众按照惯常的两条出路——或逃亡、或归降——四散而去。55 一批流亡者在黑海与里海之间的高加索群山中觅得安稳的避难所,至今仍保有他们的族名与独立。另一批人则以更无畏的勇气向波罗的海之滨挺进,与日耳曼北方各部落结盟,一同瓜分了罗马的高卢、西班牙诸行省的战利品。但阿兰民族的大部分,还是欣然接受了一桩体面而有利的联合;匈人素来敬重这些际遇不佳之敌的勇武,如今人数既增、信心愈壮,便继续前进,去侵犯哥特帝国的疆界。
The great Hermanric, whose dominions extended from the Baltic to the Euxine, enjoyed, in the full maturity of age and reputation, the fruit of his victories, when he was alarmed by the formidable approach of a host of unknown enemies, 56 on whom his barbarous subjects might, without injustice, bestow the epithet of Barbarians. The numbers, the strength, the rapid motions, and the implacable cruelty of the Huns, were felt, and dreaded, and magnified, by the astonished Goths; who beheld their fields and villages consumed with flames, and deluged with indiscriminate slaughter. To these real terrors they added the surprise and abhorrence which were excited by the shrill voice, the uncouth gestures, and the strange deformity of the Huns. 5611 These savages of Scythia were compared (and the picture had some resemblance) to the animals who walk very awkwardly on two legs and to the misshapen figures, the Termini, which were often placed on the bridges of antiquity. They were distinguished from the rest of the human species by their broad shoulders, flat noses, and small black eyes, deeply buried in the head; and as they were almost destitute of beards, they never enjoyed either the manly grace of youth, or the venerable aspect of age. 57 A fabulous origin was assigned, worthy of their form and manners; that the witches of Scythia, who, for their foul and deadly practices, had been driven from society, had copulated in the desert with infernal spirits; and that the Huns were the offspring of this execrable conjunction. 58 The tale, so full of horror and absurdity, was greedily embraced by the credulous hatred of the Goths; but, while it gratified their hatred, it increased their fear, since the posterity of dæmons and witches might be supposed to inherit some share of the præternatural powers, as well as of the malignant temper, of their parents. Against these enemies, Hermanric prepared to exert the united forces of the Gothic state; but he soon discovered that his vassal tribes, provoked by oppression, were much more inclined to second, than to repel, the invasion of the Huns. One of the chiefs of the Roxolani 59 had formerly deserted the standard of Hermanric, and the cruel tyrant had condemned the innocent wife of the traitor to be torn asunder by wild horses. The brothers of that unfortunate woman seized the favorable moment of revenge.
赫尔曼里克声威赫赫,疆土自波罗的海延伸到黑海;正当他年高望重、坐享历年征战的硕果之际,一支来历不明的大军可畏地逼近,令他大为惊恐56——这支敌军,连他那些蛮族臣民都可以名正言顺地称之为“蛮族”。匈人人多势众、行动迅疾、残暴无情,惊骇不已的哥特人对此既亲身领教,又心怀恐惧,更加以夸大;他们眼睁睁看着自己的田园村庄被烈火吞噬,被不分老幼的屠杀所淹没。在这些实实在在的恐怖之外,匈人那尖利刺耳的嗓音、粗鄙怪异的举止、以及畸形丑陋的相貌,更令哥特人惊骇厌恶。5611 人们把这些斯基泰蛮子比作用两条腿蹒跚行走的野兽,又比作那些丑陋走形的界神石柱像(Termini)——古时常把这类石像立在桥头。(这比拟倒也有几分相像。)他们与其余人类迥然不同:肩膀宽阔,鼻梁扁平,一双黑色小眼深陷于头颅之中;又因几乎不长胡须,他们既无青年男子的英挺风姿,也无老者那令人肃然起敬的仪容。57 有人替他们编派了一套与其形貌习性相称的荒诞出身:说斯基泰的女巫因行邪恶害人的巫术而被逐出人群,在荒漠中与地狱的鬼魅交合,匈人便是这可憎结合所生的孽种。58 轻信而满怀仇恨的哥特人,如获至宝地接受了这个既恐怖又荒谬的故事;然而它固然满足了他们的仇恨,却也加深了他们的恐惧——因为魔鬼与女巫的后裔,想必会承袭其父母几分邪恶的秉性,也承袭几分超自然的法力。为迎战这些强敌,赫尔曼里克准备调动哥特全国的联合兵力;但他很快发觉,那些因受压迫而心怀怨愤的臣属部落,与其说愿意抵御匈人的入侵,倒不如说更想为其推波助澜。罗克索拉尼人的一位首领59先前曾背弃赫尔曼里克的旗帜,这个残忍的暴君便判处那叛徒无辜的妻子受五马分尸之刑。那不幸女子的几个兄弟,趁此良机下手复仇。
The aged king of the Goths languished some time after the dangerous wound which he received from their daggers; but the conduct of the war was retarded by his infirmities; and the public councils of the nation were distracted by a spirit of jealousy and discord. His death, which has been imputed to his own despair, left the reins of government in the hands of Withimer, who, with the doubtful aid of some Scythian mercenaries, maintained the unequal contest against the arms of the Huns and the Alani, till he was defeated and slain in a decisive battle. The Ostrogoths submitted to their fate; and the royal race of the Amali will hereafter be found among the subjects of the haughty Attila. But the person of Witheric, the infant king, was saved by the diligence of Alatheus and Saphrax; two warriors of approved valor and fiedlity, who, by cautious marches, conducted the independent remains of the nation of the Ostrogoths towards the Danastus, or Niester; a considerable river, which now separates the Turkish dominions from the empire of Russia. On the banks of the Niester, the prudent Athanaric, more attentive to his own than to the general safety, had fixed the camp of the Visigoths; with the firm resolution of opposing the victorious Barbarians, whom he thought it less advisable to provoke. The ordinary speed of the Huns was checked by the weight of baggage, and the encumbrance of captives; but their military skill deceived, and almost destroyed, the army of Athanaric. While the Judge of the Visigoths defended the banks of the Niester, he was encompassed and attacked by a numerous detachment of cavalry, who, by the light of the moon, had passed the river in a fordable place; and it was not without the utmost efforts of courage and conduct, that he was able to effect his retreat towards the hilly country. The undaunted general had already formed a new and judicious plan of defensive war; and the strong lines, which he was preparing to construct between the mountains, the Pruth, and the Danube, would have secured the extensive and fertile territory that bears the modern name of Walachia, from the destructive inroads of the Huns. 60 But the hopes and measures of the Judge of the Visigoths was soon disappointed, by the trembling impatience of his dismayed countrymen; who were persuaded by their fears, that the interposition of the Danube was the only barrier that could save them from the rapid pursuit, and invincible valor, of the Barbarians of Scythia. Under the command of Fritigern and Alavivus, 61 the body of the nation hastily advanced to the banks of the great river, and implored the protection of the Roman emperor of the East. Athanaric himself, still anxious to avoid the guilt of perjury, retired, with a band of faithful followers, into the mountainous country of Caucaland; which appears to have been guarded, and almost concealed, by the impenetrable forests of Transylvania. 62 6211
哥特老王中了他们匕首的凶险一击,此后又苟延了一段时日;但战事因他身体衰弱而迟迟不得推进,全族的公议也被猜忌与不和搅得四分五裂。他的死,有人归咎于他自己的绝望;他一死,政权的缰绳便落入维提梅尔手中。维提梅尔靠着几支靠不住的斯基泰雇佣军相助,勉力支撑着这场敌众我寡的较量,抵御匈人与阿兰人的兵锋,直到在一场决定性的战役中败亡。东哥特人只得听天由命;日后我们将会看到,阿马利王族沦为骄横的阿提拉的臣属。但幼主维特里克本人,赖阿拉特乌斯与萨弗拉克斯的尽心竭力而得以保全。这两位勇武忠诚素著的武将,谨慎行军,率领东哥特民族尚存的独立余部向达纳斯图斯河(即德涅斯特河)撤去;这是一条颇为可观的大河,如今是土耳其辖境与俄罗斯帝国的分界。谨慎的阿塔纳里克,则把西哥特人的营地扎在德涅斯特河畔;他更顾念自身而非全族的安危,虽决意抵御这批得胜的蛮族,却又认为不宜主动去激怒他们。匈人素常的行军速度,因辎重累赘与俘虏拖累而慢了下来;但他们高超的用兵之术,却把阿塔纳里克的军队骗得团团转,几乎将其全歼。这位西哥特人的士师正据守德涅斯特河岸时,一支人数众多的骑兵借着月光从一处可涉水的浅滩渡河,将他团团包围、发起猛攻;他费尽了勇气与谋略,才总算得以退往丘陵地带。这位无畏的统帅早已拟就一套周密的防御新方略;他正打算在群山、普鲁特河与多瑙河之间构筑坚固的防线,若能建成,本可保住那片辽阔肥沃、今名瓦拉几亚的土地,使之免遭匈人毁灭性的侵袭。60 然而,惊惶失措的族人按捺不住内心的战栗,很快就把西哥特士师的种种指望与部署毁于一旦;恐惧使他们深信:唯有横亘在前的多瑙河,才能救他们脱离斯基泰蛮族的迅猛追击与无敌武力。于是,全族大众在弗里提格恩与阿拉维乌斯的率领下61,匆匆赶到这条大河岸边,恳求东罗马皇帝的庇护。至于阿塔纳里克本人,因始终不愿背负毁誓之罪,便带着一小队忠实的追随者,退入高加兰的山区;那里似乎有特兰西瓦尼亚难以穿越的密林为其屏障,几乎将其隐蔽得无迹可寻。62 6211
The progress of the Huns, from China to Europe 匈人自中国至欧洲的行进 THE PROGRESS OF THE HUNS, FROM CHINA TO EUROPE 匈人自中国至欧洲的行进 EAST AT THE RIGHT — THE ROUTE READS WITH THE MIGRATION, FROM RIGHT TO LEFT; DISTANCES ARE NOT TO SCALE 右为东方——路线随迁徙自右而左展读;图上距离不按比例 1 2 3 THE BALTIC 波罗的海 THE EUXINE 黑海 THE CASPIAN 里海 THE CAUCASUS — A SECURE REFUGE 高加索——安稳的避难所 THE HUNS OF THE CHINESE PERIOD 匈奴 THE SIENPI 鲜卑 THE “NORTHERN SEA” 「北海」 may be transferred, with much more probability, to the Baikal 此名移用于贝加尔,恐怕更为贴切 east, to the ocean — the Amoor, and Corea 东至大洋——阿穆尔河与朝鲜 THE GREAT WALL 长城 CHANSI · ORTOUS 山西·鄂尔多斯 IMAUS 伊茂斯山 the head of the Irtish 额尔齐斯河源头 SIBERIA 西伯利亚 SOGDIANA — THE WHITE HUNS 粟特——白匈人 Euthalites; the king’s residence at Gorgo, since Carizme 即嚈哒人;国王居所在戈尔戈,后称花剌子模 the Oxus 阿姆河 GREAT HUNGARY 大匈牙利 in winter they descended with their flocks and herds towards the mouth of that mighty river; their summer excursions reached as high as the latitude of Saratoff, or perhaps the conflux of the Kama 冬季,他们赶着牛羊顺流而下,直抵这条大河的入海口; 夏季迁徙则北上远至萨拉托夫的纬度,或许还到过卡马河的汇流之处 summer 夏季 winter 冬季 the Volga 伏尔加河 the Tanais — the king of the Alani was slain 塔奈斯河——阿兰王被杀 toward the Baltic 向波罗的海之滨 THE EMPIRE OF HERMANRIC 赫尔曼里克的帝国 from the Baltic to the Euxine 疆土自波罗的海延伸到黑海 the camp of Athanaric, encompassed by cavalry that passed the river by moonlight, at a fordable place 阿塔纳里克的营地——骑兵借着月光 从一处可涉水的浅滩渡河,将其包围 the Niester 德涅斯特河 the Pruth 普鲁特河 the Danube 多瑙河 CAUCALAND 高加兰 the strong lines he was preparing to construct between the mountains, the Pruth, and the Danube — never built 他正打算在群山、普鲁特河与多瑙河之间 构筑的坚固防线——终未建成 THE VISIGOTHS, UNDER FRITIGERN AND ALAVIVUS, IMPLORE THE PROTECTION OF THE ROMAN EMPEROR OF THE EAST 西哥特人在弗里提格恩与阿拉维乌斯率领下, 恳求东罗马皇帝的庇护 “The Western world was open to their valor; and they resolved, under the conduct of their hereditary chieftains, to conquer and subdue some remote country, which was still inaccessible to the arms of the Sienpi, and to the laws of China.” 「西方世界向他们的武力敞开;于是他们决意在世袭首领率领下, 去征服某个遥远的国度——那里既非鲜卑兵锋所及,也非中国法令所到。」 — spoken of the most warlike tribes, at the ruin of the monarchy ——语在匈奴君主国倾覆之际,指其最勇武的部落 “There is some reason, however, to apprehend, that the same force which had driven them from their native seats, still continued to impel their march towards the frontiers of Europe.” 「不过,我们有理由推想:当初把他们逐出故土的那股力量, 仍在不断驱使他们向欧洲边境挺进。」 — of the dark interval, between the Chinese record and the Roman ——语在中国史册与罗马史册之间那段晦暗的岁月 THE ROUTE, IN ORDER 行进次第 1 the empire of the Tanjou: east to the ocean, west to the head of the Irtish and the valleys of Imaus, north to the “Northern Sea”; a wall of 1,500 miles built against them 单于的帝国:东至大洋,西抵额尔齐斯河源头与伊茂斯山谷地,北达「北海」; 中国为御其入侵,修筑了一道长达一千五百英里的城墙 2 broken by civil dissension into two hostile kingdoms; a southern Tanjou, with eight hords, took a territory on the verge of the Chinese provinces 因内讧分裂为两个彼此敌对的王国;一位南单于率八部,在中国各州边缘获得一块领地 3 the North Huns languished about fifty years; the power of the Tanjous utterly destroyed by the Sienpi before the end of the first century of the Christian æra 北匈奴又苟延约五十年;单于的政权在公元一世纪结束之前,为鲜卑彻底摧毁 THE THREE DESTINIES OF THE VANQUISHED 战败者的三种归宿 rule weight shows only the numbers Gibbon states; a dashed rule means he gives none 线粗仅表示吉本明言的人数;虚线则表示他未给出数字 above 100,000, the poorest and most pusillanimous — remain, and mingle with the Sienpi 十余万最贫穷、最怯懦者留在故土,融入鲜卑 fifty-eight hords, about 200,000 men — south, to inhabit and guard Chansi and Ortous 五十八部、约二十万人南迁,居住并戍守山西边陲与鄂尔多斯 the most warlike and powerful tribes — west, beyond the mountains of Imaus (no number is given) 最勇武强悍的部落西进,越过伊茂斯山(未给出人数) THE ALANI, AFTER THE BATTLE ON THE TANAIS 塔奈斯河一战之后的阿兰人 of these three Gibbon gives no number at all — every rule below is dashed 此三者吉本一概未言人数——下列各线尽为虚线 a colony found a secure refuge in the mountains of Caucasus, between the Euxine and the Caspian 一批流亡者在黑海与里海之间的高加索群山中觅得安稳的避难所 another advanced toward the shores of the Baltic, and associated with the Northern tribes 另一批人向波罗的海之滨挺进,与日耳曼北方各部落结盟 but the greatest part of the nation embraced an honorable union — and the Huns proceeded with an increase of numbers 但阿兰民族的大部分接受了一桩体面的联合——匈人人数既增、信心愈壮,继续前进 “From the mouth of the Danube to the Sea of Japan, the whole longitude of Scythia is about one hundred and ten degrees, which, in that parallel, are equal to more than five thousand miles.” 「从多瑙河口到日本海,斯基泰全境横跨经度约一百一十度,在那一纬度上折合五千多英里。」 110° of longitude — more than 横跨经度——多于 5,000 miles 英里 the mouth of the Danube 多瑙河口 the Sea of Japan 日本海 this bar measures Gibbon’s longitude, not the map: above, the western end is opened out and the eastern compressed 此标尺量的是吉本所记的经度,而非上图:图中西端展开、东端压缩
Fig. 26.3 — The progress of the Huns, from China to Europe: their monarchy broken by the arms of China and the Sienpi, the vanquished nation divided — to remain, to serve, or to march west; the exiles of the Volga broke the Alani on the Tanais, subverted the empire of Hermanric, and drove the suppliant Visigoths to the banks of the Danube. (Geometry stylized: the map is drawn for the narrative, not to scale.) 图26.3——匈人自中国至欧洲的行进:其君主国先后败于中国与鲜卑的兵锋,战败的民族就此分途——或留居故土,或南依中国,或挥师西进;远走伏尔加河的流亡者在塔奈斯河畔击破阿兰人,倾覆了赫尔曼里克的帝国,终于把俯首哀求的西哥特人赶到了多瑙河岸。(地理形势为示意画法:此图为叙事而绘,不按比例。)

Notes 注释

27
M. de Guignes (tom. ii. p. 1—124) has given the original history of the ancient Hiong-nou, or Huns. The Chinese geography of their country (tom. i. part. p. lv.—lxiii.) seems to comprise a part of their conquests. * Note: The theory of De Guignes on the early history of the Huns is, in general, rejected by modern writers. De Guignes advanced no valid proof of the identity of the Hioung-nou of the Chinese writers with the Huns, except the similarity of name. Schlozer, (Allgemeine Nordische Geschichte, p. 252,) Klaproth, (Tableaux Historiques de l’Asie, p. 246,) St. Martin, iv. 61, and A. Remusat, (Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, D. P. xlvi, and p. 328; though in the latter passage he considers the theory of De Guignes not absolutely disproved,) concur in considering the Huns as belonging to the Finnish stock, distinct from the Moguls the Mandscheus, and the Turks. The Hiong-nou, according to Klaproth, were Turks. The names of the Hunnish chiefs could not be pronounced by a Turk; and, according to the same author, the Hioung-nou, which is explained in Chinese as detestable slaves, as early as the year 91 J. C., were dispersed by the Chinese, and assumed the name of Yue-po or Yue-pan. M. St. Martin does not consider it impossible that the appellation of Hioung-nou may have belonged to the Huns. But all agree in considering the Madjar or Magyar of modern Hungary the descendants of the Huns. Their language (compare Gibbon, c. lv. n. 22) is nearly related to the Lapponian and Vogoul. The noble forms of the modern Hungarians, so strongly contrasted with the hideous pictures which the fears and the hatred of the Romans give of the Huns, M. Klaproth accounts for by the intermingling with other races, Turkish and Slavonian. The present state of the question is thus stated in the last edition of Malte Brun, and a new and ingenious hypothesis suggested to resolve all the difficulties of the question.
Were the Huns Finns? This obscure question has not been debated till very recently, and is yet very far from being decided. We are of opinion that it will be so hereafter in the same manner as that with regard to the Scythians. We shall trace in the portrait of Attila a dominant tribe or Mongols, or Kalmucks, with all the hereditary ugliness of that race; but in the mass of the Hunnish army and nation will be recognized the Chuni and the Ounni of the Greek Geography. the Kuns of the Hungarians, the European Huns, and a race in close relationship with the Flemish stock. Malte Brun, vi. p. 94. This theory is more fully and ably developed, p. 743. Whoever has seen the emperor of Austria’s Hungarian guard, will not readily admit their descent from the Huns described by Sidonius Appolinaris.—M
德经(tom. ii. p. 1—124)叙述了古代匈奴(Hiong-nou,亦即匈人)的原始历史。有关其国土的中国地理记载(tom. i. part. p. lv.—lxiii.)似乎把他们所征服的一部分地方也包括在内。* 编者按:德经关于匈人早期历史的理论,今日的学者大体上已不予采信。除名称相近之外,德经拿不出任何确凿的证据,能证明中国典籍中的 Hioung-nou 就是匈人。施勒策尔(Allgemeine Nordische Geschichte, p. 252)、克拉普罗特(Tableaux Historiques de l’Asie, p. 246)、圣马丁(iv. 61)以及雷慕沙(Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, D. P. xlvi, 及 p. 328;不过在后一处,他认为德经的理论尚未被彻底推翻)都一致认为,匈人属于芬兰语族,与蒙古人、满洲人和突厥人各不相同。据克拉普罗特说,Hiong-nou 才是突厥人。匈人首领的名字,突厥人是发不出音来的;据同一位作者说,Hioung-nou 在汉语中意为“可憎的奴隶”,早在公元91年就被中国人击溃驱散,改称 Yue-po 或 Yue-pan。圣马丁则认为,Hioung-nou 这一名号未必不可能属于匈人。但众人都一致认定,今日匈牙利的马扎尔人(Madjar,或 Magyar)是匈人的后裔。他们的语言(参看吉本第五十五章注22)与拉普语和沃古尔语颇为相近。今日匈牙利人体貌高贵,与罗马人出于恐惧和憎恨所描绘的匈人丑相形成强烈反差,克拉普罗特把这一点归因于他们与突厥、斯拉夫等别种族的混血。这一问题的现状,马尔特-布伦最新版著作中作了如下的陈述,并提出了一个新颖而巧妙的假说,以化解此题的一切疑难:匈人是芬兰人吗?这一晦涩的问题直到晚近才有人争论,如今仍远未有定论。我们认为,此题日后自会像斯基泰人问题那样水落石出。在阿提拉的画像里,我们将辨认出一个占主导地位的蒙古人(或卡尔梅克人)部落,带着那个种族世代相传的全部丑陋;但在匈人军队与民族的主体之中,则可辨认出希腊地理著作里的 Chuni 与 Ounni、匈牙利人所称的 Kuns、欧洲的匈人,以及一个与佛兰芒人血缘相近的种族(马尔特-布伦,vi. p. 94;此说在 p. 743 有更充分、更精当的展开)。凡见过奥地利皇帝那支匈牙利卫队的人,都不会轻易承认他们竟是西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯所描述的匈人的后裔。—M
28
See in Duhalde (tom. iv. p. 18—65) a circumstantial description, with a correct map, of the country of the Mongous.
关于蒙古人国土的详尽描述及一幅精确的地图,见杜赫德(tom. iv. p. 18—65)。
29
The Igours, or Vigours, were divided into three branches; hunters, shepherds, and husbandmen; and the last class was despised by the two former. See Abulghazi, part ii. c. 7. * Note: On the Ouigour or Igour characters, see the work of M. A. Remusat, Sur les Langues Tartares. He conceives the Ouigour alphabet of sixteen letters to have been formed from the Syriac, and introduced by the Nestorian Christians.—Ch. ii. M.
回鹘人(Igours,或作 Vigours)分为三支:猎人、牧人和农人;后一类为前两类所鄙视。见阿布尔加齐,part ii. c. 7。* 编者按:关于回鹘(Ouigour,或 Igour)文字,见雷慕沙的著作 Sur les Langues Tartares。他认为回鹘字母共十六个,系由叙利亚字母演变而成,由聂斯脱利派基督徒传入。—第二章。M
30
Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 17—33. The comprehensive view of M. de Guignes has compared these distant events.
Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 17—33。德经以其通观全局的眼光,把这些遥远的事件相互对照。
31
The fame of Sovou, or So-ou, his merit, and his singular adventurers, are still celebrated in China. See the Eloge de Moukden, p. 20, and notes, p. 241—247; and Mémoires sur la Chine, tom. iii. p. 317—360.
苏武(Sovou,或作 So-ou)的美名、德行以及他非凡的经历,至今仍在中国传颂。见 Eloge de Moukden, p. 20,及注释 p. 241—247;又见 Mémoires sur la Chine, tom. iii. p. 317—360。
32
See Isbrand Ives in Harris’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 931; Bell’s Travels, vol. i. p. 247—254; and Gmelin, in the Hist. Generale des Voyages, tom. xviii. 283—329. They all remark the vulgar opinion that the holy sea grows angry and tempestuous if any one presumes to call it a lake. This grammatical nicety often excites a dispute between the absurd superstition of the mariners and the absurd obstinacy of travellers.
见伊斯布兰德·伊夫斯(Isbrand Ives),载 Harris’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 931;贝尔《游记》(Bell’s Travels), vol. i. p. 247—254;以及格梅林(Gmelin),载 Hist. Générale des Voyages, tom. xviii. 283—329。他们都提到一种俗见:这片“圣海”倘若有人竟敢称之为“湖”,便会勃然大怒、掀起风暴。就为这一字之别,水手们荒唐的迷信与旅人们荒唐的固执常常争执不下。
3211
224 years before Christ. It was built by Chi-hoang-ti of the Dynasty Thsin. It is from twenty to twenty-five feet high. Ce monument, aussi gigantesque qu’impuissant, arreterait bien les incursions de quelques Nomades; mais il n’a jamais empéché les invasions des Turcs, des Mongols, et des Mandchous. Abe Remusat Rech. Asiat. 2d ser. vol. i. p. 58—M.
公元前224年。它由秦朝的始皇帝(Chi-hoang-ti,即秦始皇)所建,高约二十至二十五英尺。“Ce monument, aussi gigantesque qu’impuissant, arreterait bien les incursions de quelques Nomades; mais il n’a jamais empéché les invasions des Turcs, des Mongols, et des Mandchous.”(这座工程既宏伟又无力,纵能挡住若干游牧部落的侵扰,却从未阻止过突厥人、蒙古人和满洲人的入侵。)雷慕沙,Rech. Asiat. 2d ser. vol. i. p. 58。—M
33
The construction of the wall of China is mentioned by Duhalde (tom. ii. p. 45) and De Guignes, (tom. ii. p. 59.)
中国长城的修建,杜赫德(tom. ii. p. 45)与德经(tom. ii. p. 59)均有提及。
34
See the life of Lieoupang, or Kaoti, in the Hist, de la Chine, published at Paris, 1777, &c., tom. i. p. 442—522. This voluminous work is the translation (by the P. de Mailla) of the Tong- Kien-Kang-Mou, the celebrated abridgment of the great History of Semakouang (A.D. 1084) and his continuators.
刘邦(Lieoupang,即高帝)的生平,见 Hist. de la Chine(1777年及其后于巴黎出版), tom. i. p. 442—522。这部卷帙浩繁的著作,是冯秉正神父(P. de Mailla)对《通鉴纲目》(Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou) 的翻译;《通鉴纲目》则是司马光(公元1084年)那部宏大史书及其续修者著述的著名节本。
35
See a free and ample memorial, presented by a Mandarin to the emperor Venti, (before Christ 180—157,) in Duhalde, (tom. ii. p. 412—426,) from a collection of State papers marked with the red pencil by Kamhi himself, (p. 354—612.) Another memorial from the minister of war (Kang-Mou, tom. ii. p 555) supplies some curious circumstances of the manners of the Huns.
有一位大臣呈给文帝(公元前180—157年在位)的奏疏,笔调率直而详尽,见杜赫德(tom. ii. p. 412—426),出自一批由康熙帝亲自朱笔圈点的国家文书(p. 354—612)。另有一份出自兵部尚书的奏疏(Kang-Mou, tom. ii. p 555),提供了若干有关匈奴习俗的奇异情形。
36
A supply of women is mentioned as a customary article of treaty and tribute, (Hist. de la Conquete de la Chine, par les Tartares Mantcheoux, tom. i. p. 186, 187, with the note of the editor.)
以女子进贡,被列为条约与纳贡中的惯例条款,见 Hist. de la Conquête de la Chine, par les Tartares Mantcheoux, tom. i. p. 186, 187,并编者注。
37
De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 62.
德经,Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 62。
38
See the reign of the emperor Vouti, in the Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 1—98. His various and inconsistent character seems to be impartially drawn.
武帝一朝,见 Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 1—98。书中对他那多变而前后矛盾的性格,似乎刻画得颇为公允。
39
This expression is used in the memorial to the emperor Venti, (Duhalde, tom. ii. p. 411.) Without adopting the exaggerations of Marco Polo and Isaac Vossius, we may rationally allow for Pekin two millions of inhabitants. The cities of the South, which contain the manufactures of China, are still more populous.
这一说法见于呈给文帝的奏疏(杜赫德,tom. ii. p. 411)。即便不采信马可·波罗与伊萨克·福修斯的夸张之词,我们仍可合理地估定北京有二百万居民。而南方那些集中着中国手工业的城市,人口还要更为稠密。
40
See the Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 150, and the subsequent events under the proper years. This memorable festival is celebrated in the Eloge de Moukden, and explained in a note by the P. Gaubil, p. 89, 90.
见 Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 150,及相关各年下的后续事件。这场值得纪念的盛宴,Eloge de Moukden 有所歌咏,戈比尔神父(P. Gaubil)在一条注释中作了说明,p. 89, 90。
41
This inscription was composed on the spot by Parkou, President of the Tribunal of History (Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 392.) Similar monuments have been discovered in many parts of Tartary, (Histoire des Huns, tom. ii. p. 122.)
这篇铭文由史官之长班固(Parkou)就地撰成(Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 392)。类似的碑刻在鞑靼各地多有发现(Histoire des Huns, tom. ii. p. 122)。
42
M. de Guignes (tom. i. p. 189) has inserted a short account of the Sienpi.
德经(tom. i. p. 189)附有一段关于鲜卑的简短记述。
43
The æra of the Huns is placed, by the Chinese, 1210 years before Christ. But the series of their kings does not commence till the year 230, (Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 21, 123.)
中国人把匈奴纪元的起点定在公元前1210年。但他们历代君主的世系,要到公元前230年才有记载(Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 21, 123)。
44
The various accidents, the downfall, and the flight of the Huns, are related in the Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 88, 91, 95, 139, &c. The small numbers of each horde may be due to their losses and divisions.
匈奴的种种变故、覆亡与流亡,见 Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 88, 91, 95, 139 等处。各部人数之所以稀少,或许是由于他们屡遭损失、又不断分裂。
45
M. de Guignes has skilfully traced the footsteps of the Huns through the vast deserts of Tartary, (tom. ii. p. 123, 277, &c., 325, &c.)
德经巧妙地追溯了匈人穿越鞑靼广袤荒漠的足迹(tom. ii. p. 123, 277 等,325 等)。
4511
The Armenian authors often mention this people under the name of Hepthal. St. Martin considers that the name of Nepthalites is an error of a copyist. St. Martin, iv. 254.—M.
亚美尼亚作家常以“Hepthal”(嚈哒)之名提到这个民族。圣马丁认为,“Nepthalites”一名系抄写者之误。圣马丁,iv. 254。—M
46
Mohammed, sultan of Carizme, reigned in Sogdiana when it was invaded (A.D. 1218) by Zingis and his moguls. The Oriental historians (see D’Herbelot, Petit de la Croix, &c.,) celebrate the populous cities which he ruined, and the fruitful country which he desolated. In the next century, the same provinces of Chorasmia and Nawaralnahr were described by Abulfeda, (Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. iii.) Their actual misery may be seen in the Genealogical History of the Tartars, p. 423—469.
公元1218年成吉思汗率其蒙古大军入侵粟特时,花剌子模算端摩诃末(Mohammed)正统治着这片土地。东方的史家(见埃尔布洛、佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦等)盛称他所毁灭的那些人烟稠密的城市,以及他所荒废的那片丰饶国土。到了下一个世纪,阿布尔费达又描述过花剌子模(Chorasmia)与河中地区(Nawaralnahr)这两个地方(Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. iii)。它们如今的凄惨景象,可见 Genealogical History of the Tartars, p. 423—469。
47
Justin (xli. 6) has left a short abridgment of the Greek kings of Bactriana. To their industry I should ascribe the new and extraordinary trade, which transported the merchandises of India into Europe, by the Oxus, the Caspian, the Cyrus, the Phasis, and the Euxine. The other ways, both of the land and sea, were possessed by the Seleucides and the Ptolemies. (See l’Esprit des Loix, l. xxi.)
查士丁(xli. 6)留下了一段关于巴克特里亚希腊诸王的简短概述。有一条新奇而不同寻常的贸易通道,把印度的货物经由阿姆河、里海、库拉河、法西斯河和黑海运往欧洲,我以为正应归功于这些希腊王的经营。至于其余的陆路与海路,则都掌握在塞琉古王朝与托勒密王朝手中(见《论法的精神》,l’Esprit des Loix, l. xxi)。
48
Procopius de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 3, p. 9.
普罗柯比,de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 3, p. 9。
49
In the thirteenth century, the monk Rubruquis (who traversed the immense plain of Kipzak, in his journey to the court of the Great Khan) observed the remarkable name of Hungary, with the traces of a common language and origin, (Hist. des Voyages, tom. vii. p. 269.)
十三世纪时,修士鲁布鲁克(他在前往大汗宫廷的途中,穿越了钦察辽阔的草原)注意到“匈牙利”(Hungary)这个惹人注目的地名,还发现了语言与族源相通的痕迹(Hist. des Voyages, tom. vii. p. 269)。
50
Bell, (vol. i. p. 29—34,) and the editors of the Genealogical History, (p. 539,) have described the Calmucks of the Volga in the beginning of the present century.
贝尔(vol. i. p. 29—34)与 Genealogical History 的编者们(p. 539),描述过本世纪初伏尔加河一带的卡尔梅克人。
51
This great transmigration of 300,000 Calmucks, or Torgouts, happened in the year 1771. The original narrative of Kien-long, the reigning emperor of China, which was intended for the inscription of a column, has been translated by the missionaries of Pekin, (Mémoires sur la Chine, tom. i. p. 401—418.) The emperor affects the smooth and specious language of the Son of Heaven, and the Father of his People.
这场三十万卡尔梅克人(即土尔扈特人)的大迁徙发生在1771年。在位的中国皇帝乾隆亲撰的原文,本是要刻在一根石柱上的,已由北京的传教士译出(Mémoires sur la Chine, tom. i. p. 401—418)。这位皇帝摆出一副“天子”兼“万民之父”那种圆滑而冠冕堂皇的口吻。
52
The Khan-Mou (tom. iii. p. 447) ascribes to their conquests a space of 14,000 lis. According to the present standard, 200 lis (or more accurately 193) are equal to one degree of latitude; and one English mile consequently exceeds three miles of China. But there are strong reasons to believe that the ancient li scarcely equalled one half of the modern. See the elaborate researches of M. D’Anville, a geographer who is not a stranger in any age or climate of the globe. (Mémoires de l’Acad. tom. ii. p. 125-502. Itineraires, p. 154-167.)
《纲目》(Khan-Mou, tom. iii. p. 447) 把他们征服的疆域算作一万四千里。按今日的标准,二百里(更确切地说是一百九十三里)合纬度一度,因而一英里要超过中国的三里。但有充分的理由相信,古时的一里还抵不上今日的一半。见当维尔(D’Anville)精详的考证——这位地理学家对全球任何时代、任何气候地带都了如指掌(Mémoires de l’Acad. tom. ii. p. 125-502. Itineraires, p. 154-167)。
53
See Histoire des Huns, tom. ii. p. 125—144. The subsequent history (p. 145—277) of three or four Hunnic dynasties evidently proves that their martial spirit was not impaired by a long residence in China.
见 Histoire des Huns, tom. ii. p. 125—144。此后(p. 145—277)三四个匈奴王朝的历史清楚地证明:长期居留中国,并未削弱他们的尚武精神。
5311
Compare M. Klaproth’s curious speculations on the Alani. He supposes them to have been the people, known by the Chinese, at the time of their first expeditions to the West, under the name of Yath-sai or A-lanna, the Alanân of Persian tradition, as preserved in Ferdusi; the same, according to Ammianus, with the Massagetæ, and with the Albani. The remains of the nation still exist in the Ossetæ of Mount Caucasus. Klaproth, Tableaux Historiques de l’Asie, p. 174.—M. Compare Shafarik Slawische alterthümer, i. p. 350.—M. 1845.
可参看克拉普罗特关于阿兰人的奇特推测。他推想,阿兰人就是中国人在最初西征时所称的“奄蔡”(Yath-sai)或“阿兰那”(A-lanna),也就是菲尔多西笔下所保存的波斯传说中的“阿兰”(Alanân);据阿米阿努斯说,这个民族与马萨格泰人、与阿尔巴尼亚人是同一族。该民族的遗裔至今仍存于高加索山中的奥塞梯人之中。克拉普罗特,Tableaux Historiques de l’Asie, p. 174。—M 另可比较沙法里克,Slawische Alterthümer, i. p. 350。—M. 1845
54
Utque hominibus quietis et placidis otium est voluptabile, ita illos pericula juvent et bella. Judicatur ibi beatus qui in prœlio profuderit animam: senescentes etiam et fortuitis mortibus mundo digressos, ut degeneres et ignavos, conviciis atrocibus insectantur. [Ammian. xxxi. 11.] We must think highly of the conquerors of such men.
“Utque hominibus quietis et placidis otium est voluptabile, ita illos pericula juvent et bella. Judicatur ibi beatus qui in prœlio profuderit animam: senescentes etiam et fortuitis mortibus mundo digressos, ut degeneres et ignavos, conviciis atrocibus insectantur.”(正如安静平和之人以闲逸为乐,这些人却以危难和战争为乐。在他们中间,唯有在战场上抛洒生命者才算有福;至于那些年迈老死、或因偶然之故而离世的人,则被斥为堕落怯懦之徒,遭到恶毒的辱骂。)[阿米阿努斯,xxxi. 11] 能征服“这样”一群人的,我们必当刮目相看。
55
On the subject of the Alani, see Ammianus, (xxxi. 2,) Jornandes, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24,) M. de Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 279,) and the Genealogical History of the Tartars, (tom. ii. p. 617.)
关于阿兰人,见阿米阿努斯(xxxi. 2)、约达尼斯(de Rebus Geticis, c. 24)、德经(Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 279)以及 Genealogical History of the Tartars(tom. ii. p. 617)。
56
As we are possessed of the authentic history of the Huns, it would be impertinent to repeat, or to refute, the fables which misrepresent their origin and progress, their passage of the mud or water of the Mæotis, in pursuit of an ox or stag, les Indes qu’ils avoient découvertes, &c., (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 224. Sozomen, l. vi. c. 37. Procopius, Hist. Miscell. c. 5. Jornandes, c. 24. Grandeur et Décadence, &c., des Romains, c. 17.)
既然我们已握有匈人的信史,便不必再复述或驳斥那些歪曲其起源与发展的无稽之谈了——诸如他们追逐一头牛或一只鹿而蹚过迈奥提斯湖的泥沼或水面,还有他们“所发现的印度”(les Indes qu’ils avoient découvertes)云云(佐西莫斯,l. iv. p. 224;索佐门,l. vi. c. 37;普罗柯比,Hist. Miscell. c. 5;约达尼斯,c. 24;Grandeur et Décadence…des Romains, c. 17)。
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Art added to their native ugliness; in fact, it is difficult to ascribe the proper share in the features of this hideous picture to nature, to the barbarous skill with which they were self-disfigured, or to the terror and hatred of the Romans. Their noses were flattened by their nurses, their cheeks were gashed by an iron instrument, that the scars might look more fearful, and prevent the growth of the beard. Jornandes and Sidonius Apollinaris:—
Obtundit teneras circumdata fascia nares,
Ut galeis cedant.
Yet he adds that their forms were robust and manly, their height of a middle size, but, from the habit of riding, disproportioned.
Stant pectora vasta,
Insignes humer, succincta sub ilibus alvus.
Forma quidem pediti media est, procera sed extat
Si cernas equites, sic longi sæpe putantur
Si sedeant.
在他们天生的丑陋之上,又添了人为的斧凿;说实在的,这幅可怖图景中的种种面貌,究竟几分该归于天生,几分该归于他们自残身体的野蛮手法,几分又该归于罗马人的恐惧与憎恨,实在难以分清。他们的鼻子被乳母压平,脸颊被铁器划破,好让伤疤显得更狰狞,也好阻止胡须生长。约达尼斯与西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯有云:——
“Obtundit teneras circumdata fascia nares, Ut galeis cedant.”(束带缠裹,压平了他们稚嫩的鼻子,好让头盔戴得贴合。)不过他又补充说,匈人的体形其实强健而雄壮,身量属于中等,只是由于常年骑马而显得比例失调。
“Stant pectora vasta, Insignes humer, succincta sub ilibus alvus. Forma quidem pediti media est, procera sed extat Si cernas equites, sic longi sæpe putantur Si sedeant.”(他们的胸膛宽阔厚实,两肩格外宽耸突出,而两胁之下的腰腹却收束得紧窄有力。就步行时的身量而言,他们其实不过中等;但你若看他们跨坐在马背之上的模样,那身形便显得高大而挺拔。也正因如此,每当见他们安坐于马上,人们往往会误以为他们生得身材颀长。)
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Prodigiosæ formæ, et pandi; ut bipedes existimes bestias; vel quales in commarginandis pontibus, effigiati stipites dolantur incompte. Ammian. xxxi. i. Jornandes (c. 24) draws a strong caricature of a Calmuck face. Species pavenda nigredine... quædam deformis offa, non fecies; habensque magis puncta quam lumina. See Buffon. Hist. Naturelle, tom. iii. 380.
“Prodigiosæ formæ, et pandi; ut bipedes existimes bestias; vel quales in commarginandis pontibus, effigiati stipites dolantur incompte.”(形貌怪诞而佝偻,简直会让你以为是两足的野兽;又像那些立在桥栏边、被粗粗砍削而成的木桩人像。)阿米阿努斯,xxxi. i。约达尼斯(c. 24)对卡尔梅克人的面孔作了一幅夸张的丑化描摹:“Species pavenda nigredine... quædam deformis offa, non fecies; habensque magis puncta quam lumina.”(那黝黑的模样令人生畏……与其说是一张脸,不如说是一团畸形的肉疙瘩,上面与其说长着眼睛,不如说是两个小点。)见布丰,Hist. Naturelle, tom. iii. 380。
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This execrable origin, which Jornandes (c. 24) describes with the rancor of a Goth, might be originally derived from a more pleasing fable of the Greeks. (Herodot. l. iv. c. 9, &c.)
约达尼斯(c. 24)带着哥特人的怨毒描述了这段可憎的出身传说,而它最初或许源自希腊人一则更为悦人的寓言(希罗多德,l. iv. c. 9 等)。
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The Roxolani may be the fathers of the the Russians, (D’Anville, Empire de Russie, p. 1—10,) whose residence (A.D. 862) about Novogrod Veliki cannot be very remote from that which the Geographer of Ravenna (i. 12, iv. 4, 46, v. 28, 30) assigns to the Roxolani, (A.D. 886.) * Note: See, on the origin of the Russ, Schlozer, Nordische Geschichte, p. 78—M.
罗克索拉尼人或许是俄罗斯人(Russians)的先祖(当维尔,Empire de Russie, p. 1—10);罗斯人在公元862年前后聚居于大诺夫哥罗德一带,这地方与拉文纳的地理学家(i. 12, iv. 4, 46, v. 28, 30)为罗克索拉尼人所标定的居地(公元886年)相距不会太远。* 编者按:关于罗斯人的起源,见施勒策尔,Nordische Geschichte, p. 78。—M
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The text of Ammianus seems to be imperfect or corrupt; but the nature of the ground explains, and almost defines, the Gothic rampart. Mémoires de l’Académie, &c., tom. xxviii. p. 444—462.
阿米阿努斯的文本似乎残缺或有讹误;但当地的地形,足以解释乃至几乎界定那道哥特人的壁垒。Mémoires de l’Académie 等,tom. xxviii. p. 444—462。
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M. de Buat (Hist. des Peuples de l’Europe, tom. vi. p. 407) has conceived a strange idea, that Alavivus was the same person as Ulphilas, the Gothic bishop; and that Ulphilas, the grandson of a Cappadocian captive, became a temporal prince of the Goths.
布阿(Hist. des Peuples de l’Europe, tom. vi. p. 407)有一个古怪的想法,认为阿拉维乌斯与哥特主教乌尔菲拉斯(Ulphilas)实为一人;又认为这位卡帕多西亚俘虏之孙乌尔菲拉斯,后来竟成了哥特人的世俗君主。
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Ammianus (xxxi. 3) and Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24) describe the subversion of the Gothic empire by the Huns.
阿米阿努斯(xxxi. 3)与约达尼斯(de Rebus Geticis, c. 24)记述了匈人颠覆哥特帝国的经过。
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The most probable opinion as to the position of this land is that of M. Malte-Brun. He thinks that Caucaland is the territory of the Cacoenses, placed by Ptolemy (l. iii. c. 8) towards the Carpathian Mountains, on the side of the present Transylvania, and therefore the canton of Cacava, to the south of Hermanstadt, the capital of the principality. Caucaland it is evident, is the Gothic form of these different names. St. Martin, iv 103.—M.
关于这片土地的位置,最可信的说法出自马尔特-布伦。他认为高加兰就是卡科恩塞斯人(Cacoenses)的地域——托勒密(l. iii. c. 8)把这个民族定位在喀尔巴阡山脉一带、今特兰西瓦尼亚这一侧——因而也就是赫尔曼施塔特(该公国首府)以南的卡卡瓦(Cacava)一带。显然,“高加兰”正是这些不同名称的哥特式写法。圣马丁,iv. 103。—M