Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part I. 第二十六章 匈人的推进——第一节

Manners Of The Pastoral Nations.—Progress Of The Huns, From China To Europe.—Flight Of The Goths.—They Pass The Danube.—Gothic War.—Defeat And Death Of Valens.—Gratian Invests Theodosius With The Eastern Empire.—His Character And Success.—Peace And Settlement Of The Goths.
游牧民族的习俗。——匈人自中国至欧洲的推进。——哥特人的奔逃。——哥特人渡过多瑙河。——哥特战争。——瓦伦斯的败亡。——格拉提安将东部帝国托付于狄奥多西。——狄奥多西其人及其功业。——哥特人的媾和与安置。
In the second year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, on the morning of the twenty-first day of July, the greatest part of the Roman world was shaken by a violent and destructive earthquake. The impression was communicated to the waters; the shores of the Mediterranean were left dry, by the sudden retreat of the sea; great quantities of fish were caught with the hand; large vessels were stranded on the mud; and a curious spectator 1 amused his eye, or rather his fancy, by contemplating the various appearance of valleys and mountains, which had never, since the formation of the globe, been exposed to the sun. But the tide soon returned, with the weight of an immense and irresistible deluge, which was severely felt on the coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece, and of Egypt: large boats were transported, and lodged on the roofs of houses, or at the distance of two miles from the shore; the people, with their habitations, were swept away by the waters; and the city of Alexandria annually commemorated the fatal day, on which fifty thousand persons had lost their lives in the inundation. This calamity, the report of which was magnified from one province to another, astonished and terrified the subjects of Rome; and their affrighted imagination enlarged the real extent of a momentary evil. They recollected the preceding earthquakes, which had subverted the cities of Palestine and Bithynia: they considered these alarming strokes as the prelude only of still more dreadful calamities, and their fearful vanity was disposed to confound the symptoms of a declining empire and a sinking world. 2 It was the fashion of the times to attribute every remarkable event to the particular will of the Deity; the alterations of nature were connected, by an invisible chain, with the moral and metaphysical opinions of the human mind; and the most sagacious divines could distinguish, according to the color of their respective prejudices, that the establishment of heresy tended to produce an earthquake; or that a deluge was the inevitable consequence of the progress of sin and error. Without presuming to discuss the truth or propriety of these lofty speculations, the historian may content himself with an observation, which seems to be justified by experience, that man has much more to fear from the passions of his fellow-creatures, than from the convulsions of the elements. 3 The mischievous effects of an earthquake, or deluge, a hurricane, or the eruption of a volcano, bear a very inconsiderable portion to the ordinary calamities of war, as they are now moderated by the prudence or humanity of the princes of Europe, who amuse their own leisure, and exercise the courage of their subjects, in the practice of the military art. But the laws and manners of modern nations protect the safety and freedom of the vanquished soldier; and the peaceful citizen has seldom reason to complain, that his life, or even his fortune, is exposed to the rage of war. In the disastrous period of the fall of the Roman empire, which may justly be dated from the reign of Valens, the happiness and security of each individual were personally attacked; and the arts and labors of ages were rudely defaced by the Barbarians of Scythia and Germany. The invasion of the Huns precipitated on the provinces of the West the Gothic nation, which advanced, in less than forty years, from the Danube to the Atlantic, and opened a way, by the success of their arms, to the inroads of so many hostile tribes, more savage than themselves. The original principle of motion was concealed in the remote countries of the North; and the curious observation of the pastoral life of the Scythians, 4 or Tartars, 5 will illustrate the latent cause of these destructive emigrations.
瓦伦提尼安与瓦伦斯即位的第二年,七月二十一日的清晨,一场猛烈而具毁灭之力的地震撼动了罗马世界的大半疆土。震动波及海水:地中海骤然退去,沿岸尽成干地,人们徒手便可捕得大量鱼虾,巨大的船只搁浅在泥沼之中;一位好奇的旁观者1纵目远眺——或不如说是任凭遐想驰骋——凝视着那些自地球形成以来从未见过天日的谷壑与丘峦,形貌各异,尽收眼底。然而潮水不久便挟着一场浩瀚难御的洪流重新涌回,西西里、达尔马提亚、希腊与埃及的海岸首当其冲,损失惨重:大船随波漂送,有的架上屋顶,有的抛到离岸两英里之遥;洪水卷走了民众,连同他们的房舍;亚历山大里亚城此后年年悼念那个不祥之日——那一天,有五万人葬身于这场大水。灾情的传闻每经一省便添几分夸张,罗马臣民听闻,无不惊骇失色;他们受惊的想象,更把这一时之祸的实况夸大了许多。人们回想起从前的地震,那些震动曾把巴勒斯坦与比提尼亚的城市尽数倾覆,便把眼下这一次次惊心动魄的天谴视为更可怕灾难的前奏;他们那既恐惧又自负的心思,惯于把帝国衰亡的征兆与世界末日的预兆混为一谈。2当时风气所尚,凡有异常之事,皆归于神明的特别旨意;自然界的种种变异,仿佛有一条无形的锁链,与人心中的道德见解和玄思冥想牵连在一起;而那些最精明的神学家,则各按自家成见的深浅,分辨出:异端一旦立足,便会招致地震;又或洪水泛滥,乃是罪恶与谬误滋长的必然结果。这些高论究竟是否属实、是否得当,史家无意妄加评断,只满足于提出一条似为经验所证实的看法:人所应惧者,与其说是天地元素的震荡,不如说是同类的欲望与狂情。3地震、洪水、飓风或火山喷发所造成的祸害,若与寻常的战争之灾相比,实在微不足道——尽管如今欧洲的君主凭其审慎与仁慈,已使战祸大为收敛,他们不过借演习武艺来消遣闲暇、砥砺臣民的勇气罢了。近代各国的法律与风俗,也保全了战败士兵的性命与自由;安分守己的百姓,也鲜有理由抱怨自己的生命乃至财产会暴露于战火的肆虐之下。然而在罗马帝国倾覆的那段惨烈岁月里——其起点尽可上溯至瓦伦斯之世——每一个人的幸福与安宁都直接受到侵害;千百年间积累的技艺与劳绩,也惨遭斯基泰与日耳曼蛮族的粗暴践踏。匈人的入侵,把哥特一族猛然推向西方各行省;哥特人不到四十年便从多瑙河一路挺进到大西洋岸,又凭武功之盛,为更多比他们还要野蛮的敌对部族打开了长驱直入的门径。这一切动荡的最初根源,深藏在遥远的北方之地;若细察斯基泰人4(亦即鞑靼人5)的游牧生活,便可揭示这些毁灭性大迁徙背后潜伏的原因。
The different characters that mark the civilized nations of the globe, may be ascribed to the use, and the abuse, of reason; which so variously shapes, and so artificially composes, the manners and opinions of a European, or a Chinese. But the operation of instinct is more sure and simple than that of reason: it is much easier to ascertain the appetites of a quadruped than the speculations of a philosopher; and the savage tribes of mankind, as they approach nearer to the condition of animals, preserve a stronger resemblance to themselves and to each other. The uniform stability of their manners is the natural consequence of the imperfection of their faculties. Reduced to a similar situation, their wants, their desires, their enjoyments, still continue the same: and the influence of food or climate, which, in a more improved state of society, is suspended, or subdued, by so many moral causes, most powerfully contributes to form, and to maintain, the national character of Barbarians. In every age, the immense plains of Scythia, or Tartary, have been inhabited by vagrant tribes of hunters and shepherds, whose indolence refuses to cultivate the earth, and whose restless spirit disdains the confinement of a sedentary life. In every age, the Scythians, and Tartars, have been renowned for their invincible courage and rapid conquests. The thrones of Asia have been repeatedly overturned by the shepherds of the North; and their arms have spread terror and devastation over the most fertile and warlike countries of Europe. 6 On this occasion, as well as on many others, the sober historian is forcibly awakened from a pleasing vision; and is compelled, with some reluctance, to confess, that the pastoral manners, which have been adorned with the fairest attributes of peace and innocence, are much better adapted to the fierce and cruel habits of a military life. To illustrate this observation, I shall now proceed to consider a nation of shepherds and of warriors, in the three important articles of, I. Their diet; II. Their habitations; and, III. Their exercises. The narratives of antiquity are justified by the experience of modern times; 7 and the banks of the Borysthenes, of the Volga, or of the Selinga, will indifferently present the same uniform spectacle of similar and native manners. 8
世上各文明民族,性情面貌各不相同,其根源可归于理性的运用与滥用;正是理性,以千变万化而又刻意雕琢的方式,塑造了欧洲人或中国人的习俗与见解。但本能的作用,比理性来得可靠而单纯:要摸清一头四足兽的欲求,远比揣度一位哲人的思辨容易得多;而人类中的野蛮部落,因其境况更接近禽兽,故无论是前后世代之间,还是彼此之间,都更为相似。他们的习俗之所以千古如一、稳定不变,正是其官能不健全的自然结果。既同处于相似的境地,他们的需求、欲望与享乐也就始终如一:食物与气候的影响,在较为进步的社会中本已为诸多道德因素所抑制或消解,而在蛮族那里,却最为有力地塑造并维系着他们的民族性格。自古以来,斯基泰(或曰鞑靼)那浩瀚无垠的原野上,一直居住着四处游荡的猎人与牧人部落;他们生性慵懒,不肯垦殖土地,又心浮气躁,鄙弃定居生活的种种拘束。自古以来,斯基泰人与鞑靼人便以其无可匹敌的勇武和迅猛的征伐而闻名。亚洲的王座,一再倾覆于北方牧人之手;他们的兵锋所及,也曾把恐怖与荒芜播撒到欧洲最富饶、最尚武的国度。6无论在此处还是在别的许多场合,清醒的史家都不得不从一场美梦中猛然惊醒,并且颇为不情愿地承认:世人向来以和平与纯真的种种美名来装点游牧生活,可这种生活其实更契合军旅生涯那凶悍残暴的习性。为印证这一看法,我如今便从三个要目入手,来考察这样一个既是牧人又是战士的民族:其一,饮食;其二,居所;其三,操练。古人的记述,如今为近世的见闻所印证;7无论在博里斯提尼斯河、伏尔加河还是色楞格河的两岸,呈现在眼前的都是同样一成不变的景象,风俗彼此相似,皆出于本性。8
I. The corn, or even the rice, which constitutes the ordinary and wholesome food of a civilized people, can be obtained only by the patient toil of the husbandman. Some of the happy savages, who dwell between the tropics, are plentifully nourished by the liberality of nature; but in the climates of the North, a nation of shepherds is reduced to their flocks and herds. The skilful practitioners of the medical art will determine (if they are able to determine) how far the temper of the human mind may be affected by the use of animal, or of vegetable, food; and whether the common association of carniverous and cruel deserves to be considered in any other light than that of an innocent, perhaps a salutary, prejudice of humanity. 9 Yet, if it be true, that the sentiment of compassion is imperceptibly weakened by the sight and practice of domestic cruelty, we may observe, that the horrid objects which are disguised by the arts of European refinement, are exhibited in their naked and most disgusting simplicity in the tent of a Tartarian shepherd. The ox, or the sheep, are slaughtered by the same hand from which they were accustomed to receive their daily food; and the bleeding limbs are served, with very little preparation, on the table of their unfeeling murderer. In the military profession, and especially in the conduct of a numerous army, the exclusive use of animal food appears to be productive of the most solid advantages. Corn is a bulky and perishable commodity; and the large magazines, which are indispensably necessary for the subsistence of our troops, must be slowly transported by the labor of men or horses. But the flocks and herds, which accompany the march of the Tartars, afford a sure and increasing supply of flesh and milk: in the far greater part of the uncultivated waste, the vegetation of the grass is quick and luxuriant; and there are few places so extremely barren, that the hardy cattle of the North cannot find some tolerable pasture.
一、五谷乃至稻米,是文明民族日常而有益的食物,唯有靠农夫辛勤耕作方能得到。某些有福的野人,栖居于南北回归线之间,赖大自然的慷慨馈赠而得温饱;但在北方的气候下,一个牧人民族却只能仰赖自家的牛羊为生。精于医道之人自会断定(倘若他们当真断定得了):人的心性究竟在多大程度上受食肉或食素的左右;而人们惯把“食肉”与“残忍”相提并论,这除了算作人类一种无伤大雅、或许还有益处的成见之外,是否还值得以别样的眼光去看待。9然而,倘若目睹并习于家中宰杀之事,恻隐之心果真会不知不觉地淡薄,那么我们不妨看看:那些在欧洲精致文明的粉饰下得以遮掩的可怖景象,在鞑靼牧人的帐幕里,却赤裸裸地、以最令人作呕的方式坦露无遗。那宰杀牛羊的手,正是它们素日里领取饲料的同一双手;血淋淋的肢体,几乎未经烹治,便端上了这铁石心肠的屠夫的餐桌。就军旅之事而言,尤其在统率大军之时,专以肉食为给养,似乎能带来最为实在的好处。谷物这东西,体积庞大,又易腐坏;维持军队生计所必不可少的大批粮秣,只能靠人力畜力缓慢转运。而随鞑靼人行军而来的成群牛羊,却能源源不断、且愈聚愈多地供给肉与乳:在那大片未经开垦的荒野上,牧草长得又快又茂;除极少数格外贫瘠之地外,北方那些耐苦的牲畜,总能觅得几分尚可的草场。
The supply is multiplied and prolonged by the undistinguishing appetite, and patient abstinence, of the Tartars. They indifferently feed on the flesh of those animals that have been killed for the table, or have died of disease. Horseflesh, which in every age and country has been proscribed by the civilized nations of Europe and Asia, they devour with peculiar greediness; and this singular taste facilitates the success of their military operations. The active cavalry of Scythia is always followed, in their most distant and rapid incursions, by an adequate number of spare horses, who may be occasionally used, either to redouble the speed, or to satisfy the hunger, of the Barbarians. Many are the resources of courage and poverty. When the forage round a camp of Tartars is almost consumed, they slaughter the greatest part of their cattle, and preserve the flesh, either smoked, or dried in the sun. On the sudden emergency of a hasty march, they provide themselves with a sufficient quantity of little balls of cheese, or rather of hard curd, which they occasionally dissolve in water; and this unsubstantial diet will support, for many days, the life, and even the spirits, of the patient warrior. But this extraordinary abstinence, which the Stoic would approve, and the hermit might envy, is commonly succeeded by the most voracious indulgence of appetite. The wines of a happier climate are the most grateful present, or the most valuable commodity, that can be offered to the Tartars; and the only example of their industry seems to consist in the art of extracting from mare’s milk a fermented liquor, which possesses a very strong power of intoxication. Like the animals of prey, the savages, both of the old and new world, experience the alternate vicissitudes of famine and plenty; and their stomach is inured to sustain, without much inconvenience, the opposite extremes of hunger and of intemperance.
鞑靼人食不择物,又能耐饥忍饿,这就使他们的给养愈发充裕、愈发持久。无论是为食用而宰杀的牲畜,还是病死的牲畜,其肉他们都照吃不误。马肉,无论何时何地都为欧亚文明各族所禁忌,他们却吃得格外贪馋;而这一独特的口味,恰恰为其军事行动的成功大开方便之门。斯基泰那骁勇矫健的骑兵,无论奔袭何等遥远、何等迅疾,身后总跟着数目足够的备用马匹,随时可供役使:或用来加倍提速,或用来充蛮族之饥肠。勇气与穷困,自有其种种应变之道。一旦鞑靼营地四周的草料将尽,他们便把大部分牲畜宰掉,将肉熏制或晒干,以作储存。若遇急行军的突发状况,他们便备下足量的乳酪小团——或者说是硬凝的乳块——需要时化入水中饮用;就凭这份单薄的口粮,坚忍的战士竟能连日维系性命,乃至精神不坠。然而这般惊人的节制——斯多葛派会为之嘉许,隐修士或许还会艳羡——之后往往紧跟着一场最为饕餮的大快朵颐。产自气候更宜人之地的美酒,是能献给鞑靼人的最受欢迎的礼物,也是最贵重的商品;而他们唯一称得上勤勉的手艺,似乎就是从马奶中酿出一种醉性极烈的发酵酒。与那些食肉猛兽一样,无论旧大陆还是新大陆的野人,都要历经饥荒与丰足的交替循环;他们的肠胃早已练就,能安然承受饥馑与暴食这两个极端,而不觉有多少不适。
II. In the ages of rustic and martial simplicity, a people of soldiers and husbandmen are dispersed over the face of an extensive and cultivated country; and some time must elapse before the warlike youth of Greece or Italy could be assembled under the same standard, either to defend their own confines, or to invade the territories of the adjacent tribes. The progress of manufactures and commerce insensibly collects a large multitude within the walls of a city: but these citizens are no longer soldiers; and the arts which adorn and improve the state of civil society, corrupt the habits of the military life. The pastoral manners of the Scythians seem to unite the different advantages of simplicity and refinement. The individuals of the same tribe are constantly assembled, but they are assembled in a camp; and the native spirit of these dauntless shepherds is animated by mutual support and emulation. The houses of the Tartars are no more than small tents, of an oval form, which afford a cold and dirty habitation, for the promiscuous youth of both sexes. The palaces of the rich consist of wooden huts, of such a size that they may be conveniently fixed on large wagons, and drawn by a team perhaps of twenty or thirty oxen. The flocks and herds, after grazing all day in the adjacent pastures, retire, on the approach of night, within the protection of the camp. The necessity of preventing the most mischievous confusion, in such a perpetual concourse of men and animals, must gradually introduce, in the distribution, the order, and the guard, of the encampment, the rudiments of the military art. As soon as the forage of a certain district is consumed, the tribe, or rather army, of shepherds, makes a regular march to some fresh pastures; and thus acquires, in the ordinary occupations of the pastoral life, the practical knowledge of one of the most important and difficult operations of war. The choice of stations is regulated by the difference of the seasons: in the summer, the Tartars advance towards the North, and pitch their tents on the banks of a river, or, at least, in the neighborhood of a running stream. But in the winter, they return to the South, and shelter their camp, behind some convenient eminence, against the winds, which are chilled in their passage over the bleak and icy regions of Siberia. These manners are admirably adapted to diffuse, among the wandering tribes, the spirit of emigration and conquest. The connection between the people and their territory is of so frail a texture, that it may be broken by the slightest accident. The camp, and not the soil, is the native country of the genuine Tartar. Within the precincts of that camp, his family, his companions, his property, are always included; and, in the most distant marches, he is still surrounded by the objects which are dear, or valuable, or familiar in his eyes. The thirst of rapine, the fear, or the resentment of injury, the impatience of servitude, have, in every age, been sufficient causes to urge the tribes of Scythia boldly to advance into some unknown countries, where they might hope to find a more plentiful subsistence or a less formidable enemy. The revolutions of the North have frequently determined the fate of the South; and in the conflict of hostile nations, the victor and the vanquished have alternately drove, and been driven, from the confines of China to those of Germany. 10 These great emigrations, which have been sometimes executed with almost incredible diligence, were rendered more easy by the peculiar nature of the climate. It is well known that the cold of Tartary is much more severe than in the midst of the temperate zone might reasonably be expected; this uncommon rigor is attributed to the height of the plains, which rise, especially towards the East, more than half a mile above the level of the sea; and to the quantity of saltpetre with which the soil is deeply impregnated. 11 In the winter season, the broad and rapid rivers, that discharge their waters into the Euxine, the Caspian, or the Icy Sea, are strongly frozen; the fields are covered with a bed of snow; and the fugitive, or victorious, tribes may securely traverse, with their families, their wagons, and their cattle, the smooth and hard surface of an immense plain.
二、在那质朴而尚武的古昔年代,一个由士兵与农夫构成的民族,散居在辽阔而已垦的乡野之间;希腊或意大利那些好战的青年,无论是为保卫本邦疆界,还是为侵犯邻族领地,要聚集到同一面旗帜之下,总须费些时日。工商业的发展,不知不觉地把大批人口汇聚到城墙之内:可这些市民已不再是战士;那些装点并改良文明社会的技艺,反倒败坏了军旅生活的习性。斯基泰人的游牧习俗,却似乎兼收了质朴与文雅这两种截然不同的长处。同一部落的人时常聚在一处,然而这聚集乃是在一座营盘之中;这些无所畏惧的牧人,其天生的血性,在彼此扶持与相互争胜之中愈发昂扬。鞑靼人的居所,不过是些椭圆形的小帐篷,又冷又脏,男女青年杂处其中。富人的“宫室”,则是些木造的棚屋,大小恰好能稳稳架在大车上,由约莫二三十头牛拉着走。成群的牛羊,白日里在附近草场上吃草,一到夜幕将临,便退回营地的护卫之内。人畜如此长年聚集一处,为免生出最为棘手的混乱,营地的布置、秩序与守卫之中,势必渐渐孕育出军事技艺的雏形。某一带的草料一经耗尽,这支牧人的部落——毋宁说是牧人的军队——便有条不紊地开拔,转往新的草场;就这样,在游牧生活的日常事务里,他们竟习得了战争中最重要、也最棘手的一项行动的实际本领。扎营地点的选择,视季节而定:夏日里,鞑靼人向北进发,在河畔支起帐篷,至少也要靠近一条流动的溪水。到了冬天,他们又返回南方,把营盘安在某处地势合宜的高地之后,以躲避那些朔风——那风掠过西伯利亚荒凉冰封的地带,早已寒彻刺骨。这样的习俗,极其有利于在游荡的部落之间散播迁徙与征服的精神。民众与其土地之间的联系,本就脆弱得如同游丝,稍有变故便会断裂。对一个真正的鞑靼人来说,营盘而非土地,才是他的故乡。在那营盘的范围之内,他的家人、伙伴与财产无不齐备;纵使行军至天涯海角,环绕他左右的,仍旧是那些他视为亲爱、珍贵或熟悉之物。对劫掠的渴望,对伤害的恐惧或怨恨,对屈从的不耐——自古以来,这些便足以驱使斯基泰各部落大胆挺进某些未知的国度,指望在那里找到更丰足的生计,或更易对付的敌人。北方的动荡,往往决定着南方的命运;在敌对民族的彼此厮杀中,胜者与败者你逐我赶、交替易势,从中国的边境一直演到日耳曼的边境。10这些大规模的迁徙,有时以近乎难以置信的迅疾完成,而当地气候的特殊性质,又使其愈发便利。众所周知,鞑靼之地的严寒,远比人们对温带腹地所能合理预料的更为酷烈;这非同寻常的酷寒,一说是由于那些高原地势颇高——尤其是越往东去,海拔越在半英里以上;一说是由于土壤深处饱含硝石之故。11隆冬时节,那些注入黑海、里海或北冰洋的宽阔湍急的大河,都冻得结结实实;田野覆着一层厚雪;无论是逃亡的还是得胜的部落,都可带着家眷、车辆与牲畜,安然踏过那广袤平原上又平又硬的地面。
III. The pastoral life, compared with the labors of agriculture and manufactures, is undoubtedly a life of idleness; and as the most honorable shepherds of the Tartar race devolve on their captives the domestic management of the cattle, their own leisure is seldom disturbed by any servile and assiduous cares. But this leisure, instead of being devoted to the soft enjoyments of love and harmony, is usefully spent in the violent and sanguinary exercise of the chase. The plains of Tartary are filled with a strong and serviceable breed of horses, which are easily trained for the purposes of war and hunting. The Scythians of every age have been celebrated as bold and skilful riders; and constant practice had seated them so firmly on horseback, that they were supposed by strangers to perform the ordinary duties of civil life, to eat, to drink, and even to sleep, without dismounting from their steeds. They excel in the dexterous management of the lance; the long Tartar bow is drawn with a nervous arm; and the weighty arrow is directed to its object with unerring aim and irresistible force. These arrows are often pointed against the harmless animals of the desert, which increase and multiply in the absence of their most formidable enemy; the hare, the goat, the roebuck, the fallow-deer, the stag, the elk, and the antelope. The vigor and patience, both of the men and horses, are continually exercised by the fatigues of the chase; and the plentiful supply of game contributes to the subsistence, and even luxury, of a Tartar camp. But the exploits of the hunters of Scythia are not confined to the destruction of timid or innoxious beasts; they boldly encounter the angry wild boar, when he turns against his pursuers, excite the sluggish courage of the bear, and provoke the fury of the tiger, as he slumbers in the thicket. Where there is danger, there may be glory; and the mode of hunting, which opens the fairest field to the exertions of valor, may justly be considered as the image, and as the school, of war. The general hunting matches, the pride and delight of the Tartar princes, compose an instructive exercise for their numerous cavalry. A circle is drawn, of many miles in circumference, to encompass the game of an extensive district; and the troops that form the circle regularly advance towards a common centre; where the captive animals, surrounded on every side, are abandoned to the darts of the hunters. In this march, which frequently continues many days, the cavalry are obliged to climb the hills, to swim the rivers, and to wind through the valleys, without interrupting the prescribed order of their gradual progress. They acquire the habit of directing their eye, and their steps, to a remote object; of preserving their intervals of suspending or accelerating their pace, according to the motions of the troops on their right and left; and of watching and repeating the signals of their leaders. Their leaders study, in this practical school, the most important lesson of the military art; the prompt and accurate judgment of ground, of distance, and of time. To employ against a human enemy the same patience and valor, the same skill and discipline, is the only alteration which is required in real war; and the amusements of the chase serve as a prelude to the conquest of an empire. 12
三、游牧生活若与农耕和手工业的劳作相比,无疑是一种闲散的生活;而鞑靼族中最尊贵的牧人,又把照管牲畜的家务活儿都推给俘虏去做,自己的闲暇便鲜少为那些卑贱而繁琐的杂务所扰。但这份闲暇,他们并不用来沉溺于卿卿我我、温情脉脉的享乐,而是有益地耗在狩猎这一激烈而血腥的操练上。鞑靼的原野上,遍布着一种强健而堪用的马种,稍加调教便能用于征战与狩猎。历代斯基泰人都以大胆而娴熟的骑术著称;长年累月的操练,使他们在马背上坐得稳如磐石,以致外邦人都以为,他们连日常生活中的寻常事务——吃、喝,乃至睡觉——都是不下马鞍便一并料理的。他们长于灵巧地使用长矛;那把长长的鞑靼弓,一经强健的臂膀拉满,沉重的箭矢便以百发百中的准头和无可抵御的力道直取目标。这些箭矢,常常瞄准荒野上那些无害的走兽——它们因最可怕的天敌不在,得以繁衍滋生:野兔、野山羊、狍子、黇鹿、雄鹿、驼鹿和羚羊。无论人还是马,其体力与耐力都在狩猎的辛劳中不断得到磨练;而充足的猎获,也为鞑靼营地的生计乃至奢享增色不少。但斯基泰猎人的本领,并不限于猎杀那些胆怯或无害的野兽;当发怒的野猪掉头扑向追猎者时,他们敢于迎头相搏;他们激起熊那迟钝的血性,又去撩拨林莽深处酣睡之虎的凶怒。有危险处,便有荣耀可言;这种为勇武的施展开辟了最广阔天地的狩猎方式,尽可当作战争的写照与演武之所。大规模的围猎,乃鞑靼君长的骄傲与乐事,对其麾下众多骑兵而言,也是一种富有教益的操练。他们围出一个周长数英里的大圈,把广大地域内的猎物尽数圈入其中;组成圆圈的队伍,井然有序地向共同的圆心推进;被四面合围的野兽,最终只能任凭猎人的箭矢宰割。这样的行进往往持续数日,骑兵须翻山越岭、泅渡河流、迂回穿谷,却始终不得打乱规定的、层层推进的队形。他们由此养成了这样的习惯:目光与脚步始终朝向远处的目标;依据左右两翼队伍的动向,保持间距,或止步或加速;并留意统领的号令,逐级传递。而他们的统领,则在这所实战学堂里研习军事技艺中最要紧的一课:对地形、距离与时机迅速而准确的判断。到了真正的战场上,所需改变的不过是:把同样的坚忍与勇武、同样的技艺与纪律,用来对付人这个敌人罢了;于是,狩猎之乐,便成了征服一个帝国的前奏。12
The general hunting match of the Tartar princes: the image, and the school, of war 鞑靼君长的大围猎:战争的写照与演武之所 THE GENERAL HUNTING MATCH 大围猎 THE PRIDE AND DELIGHT OF THE TARTAR PRINCES — AN INSTRUCTIVE EXERCISE FOR THEIR NUMEROUS CAVALRY 鞑靼君长的骄傲与乐事,也是其麾下众多骑兵富有教益的操练 “A circle is drawn, of many miles in circumference, to encompass the game of an extensive district; and the troops that form the circle regularly advance towards a common centre; where the captive animals, surrounded on every side, are abandoned to the darts of the hunters.” 「他们围出一个周长数英里的大圈,把广大地域内的猎物尽数圈入其中;组成圆圈的队伍,井然有序地向共同的圆心推进; 被四面合围的野兽,最终只能任凭猎人的箭矢宰割。」 A CIRCLE OF MANY MILES IN CIRCUMFERENCE 周长数英里的大圈 THE MARCH FREQUENTLY CONTINUES MANY DAYS 这样的行进往往持续数日 climb the hills 翻山越岭 swim the rivers 泅渡河流 wind through the valleys 迂回穿谷 — without interrupting the prescribed order ——却始终不得打乱规定的队形 THE COMMON CENTRE 圆心 THE IMAGE, AND THE SCHOOL, OF WAR 战争的写照与演武之所 the habits which they acquire 他们由此养成的习惯 directing their eye, and their steps, to a remote object 目光与脚步始终朝向远处的目标 preserving their intervals 保持间距 suspending or accelerating their pace, according to the motions of the troops on their right and left 依据左右两翼队伍的动向, 或止步或加速 watching and repeating the signals of their leaders 留意统领的号令,逐级传递 THE LEADERS’ LESSON 统领的一课 the prompt and accurate judgment of ground, of distance, and of time 对地形、距离与时机 迅速而准确的判断 THE HARMLESS ANIMALS OF THE DESERT 荒野上那些无害的走兽 the hare · the goat · the roebuck · the fallow-deer · the stag · the elk · the antelope 野兔、野山羊、狍子、黇鹿、雄鹿、驼鹿、羚羊 BOLDLY ENCOUNTERED 敢于迎头相搏者 the angry wild boar · the bear · the tiger — “where there is danger, there may be glory” 发怒的野猪、熊、虎——「有危险处,便有荣耀可言」 I. THEIR DIET 饮食 II. THEIR HABITATIONS 居所 III. THEIR EXERCISES 操练 this plate 本图 the three articles of a nation of shepherds and of warriors 考察一个既是牧人又是战士的民族的三个要目 “the amusements of the chase serve as a prelude to the conquest of an empire.” 「狩猎之乐,便成了征服一个帝国的前奏。」
Fig. 26.1 — The general hunting-match of the Tartar princes: a circle of many miles in circumference, closing for days upon a common centre without once breaking its prescribed order — a mode of hunting justly considered “as the image, and as the school, of war,” whose amusements “serve as a prelude to the conquest of an empire.” 图26.1——鞑靼君长的大围猎:一个周长数英里的大圈,历经数日、井然有序地向共同的圆心收拢,始终不得打乱规定的队形——这种狩猎方式,尽可当作「战争的写照与演武之所」;而狩猎之乐,便成了「征服一个帝国的前奏」。
The political society of the ancient Germans has the appearance of a voluntary alliance of independent warriors. The tribes of Scythia, distinguished by the modern appellation of Hords, assume the form of a numerous and increasing family; which, in the course of successive generations, has been propagated from the same original stock. The meanest, and most ignorant, of the Tartars, preserve, with conscious pride, the inestimable treasure of their genealogy; and whatever distinctions of rank may have been introduced, by the unequal distribution of pastoral wealth, they mutually respect themselves, and each other, as the descendants of the first founder of the tribe. The custom, which still prevails, of adopting the bravest and most faithful of the captives, may countenance the very probable suspicion, that this extensive consanguinity is, in a great measure, legal and fictitious. But the useful prejudice, which has obtained the sanction of time and opinion, produces the effects of truth; the haughty Barbarians yield a cheerful and voluntary obedience to the head of their blood; and their chief, or mursa, as the representative of their great father, exercises the authority of a judge in peace, and of a leader in war. In the original state of the pastoral world, each of the mursas (if we may continue to use a modern appellation) acted as the independent chief of a large and separate family; and the limits of their peculiar territories were gradually fixed by superior force, or mutual consent. But the constant operation of various and permanent causes contributed to unite the vagrant Hords into national communities, under the command of a supreme head. The weak were desirous of support, and the strong were ambitious of dominion; the power, which is the result of union, oppressed and collected the divided force of the adjacent tribes; and, as the vanquished were freely admitted to share the advantages of victory, the most valiant chiefs hastened to range themselves and their followers under the formidable standard of a confederate nation. The most successful of the Tartar princes assumed the military command, to which he was entitled by the superiority, either of merit or of power. He was raised to the throne by the acclamations of his equals; and the title of Khan expresses, in the language of the North of Asia, the full extent of the regal dignity. The right of hereditary succession was long confined to the blood of the founder of the monarchy; and at this moment all the Khans, who reign from Crimea to the wall of China, are the lineal descendants of the renowned Zingis. 13 But, as it is the indispensable duty of a Tartar sovereign to lead his warlike subjects into the field, the claims of an infant are often disregarded; and some royal kinsman, distinguished by his age and valor, is intrusted with the sword and sceptre of his predecessor. Two distinct and regular taxes are levied on the tribes, to support the dignity of the national monarch, and of their peculiar chief; and each of those contributions amounts to the tithe, both of their property, and of their spoil. A Tartar sovereign enjoys the tenth part of the wealth of his people; and as his own domestic riches of flocks and herds increase in a much larger proportion, he is able plentifully to maintain the rustic splendor of his court, to reward the most deserving, or the most favored of his followers, and to obtain, from the gentle influence of corruption, the obedience which might be sometimes refused to the stern mandates of authority. The manners of his subjects, accustomed, like himself, to blood and rapine, might excuse, in their eyes, such partial acts of tyranny, as would excite the horror of a civilized people; but the power of a despot has never been acknowledged in the deserts of Scythia. The immediate jurisdiction of the khan is confined within the limits of his own tribe; and the exercise of his royal prerogative has been moderated by the ancient institution of a national council. The Coroulai, 14 or Diet, of the Tartars, was regularly held in the spring and autumn, in the midst of a plain; where the princes of the reigning family, and the mursas of the respective tribes, may conveniently assemble on horseback, with their martial and numerous trains; and the ambitious monarch, who reviewed the strength, must consult the inclination of an armed people. The rudiments of a feudal government may be discovered in the constitution of the Scythian or Tartar nations; but the perpetual conflict of those hostile nations has sometimes terminated in the establishment of a powerful and despotic empire. The victor, enriched by the tribute, and fortified by the arms of dependent kings, has spread his conquests over Europe or Asia: the successful shepherds of the North have submitted to the confinement of arts, of laws, and of cities; and the introduction of luxury, after destroying the freedom of the people, has undermined the foundations of the throne. 15
古代日耳曼人的政治社会,看上去像是一群独立武士自愿结成的联盟。斯基泰各部落,今人称之为“霍尔德”(Hords,义即成群的游牧部落),则呈现出一个人丁众多、不断繁衍的大家族的样貌,世代相传,皆出于同一个始祖。即便是鞑靼人中最卑微、最无知者,也怀着自觉的骄傲,守护着他们那无价之宝般的家谱;尽管游牧财富的分配不均,或已带来种种尊卑之别,但他们仍彼此敬重,都以部落始祖的后裔自居。至今仍盛行着一种风俗:把俘虏中最勇敢、最忠诚者收为族人;这就为一个极可能成立的猜想提供了佐证——如此广泛的血缘关系,在很大程度上不过是约定俗成、出于虚构罢了。然而这种有用的成见,既已获得时间与舆论的认可,便产生了与事实无异的效力;高傲的蛮族,对本族血脉的首领欣然甘心地服从;他们的酋长,即“穆尔萨”(mursa),作为始祖的代表,平时行使裁判之权,战时则执掌统兵之职。在游牧世界的原初状态下,每一位“穆尔萨”(mursa,姑且沿用这一今人的称谓)都是一个庞大而独立的家族的自主首领;各自地盘的界线,渐渐或凭强力、或经协商而定了下来。但种种恒久不变的因素持续作用,终使这些游荡的部落群联合成若干民族共同体,共戴一位至高的首领。弱者渴望依靠,强者觊觎统治;联合所生出的力量,一面压服、一面聚拢了邻近部落原本分散的势力;而战败者既能自由地分享胜利的果实,最勇猛的酋长们便争先恐后,率领各自的部众,投到这联盟之邦那令人生畏的旗帜之下。鞑靼君长中最有建树者,凭其功勋或实力的优势,理所当然地执掌了军事统帅之权。众位与他地位相当者,以欢呼将他拥上宝座;而“汗”(Khan)这一称号,在亚洲北方的语言里,道尽了王者尊荣的全部分量。世袭继承之权,长久以来只限于开国君主的血脉;直到此刻,从克里米亚一直到中国长城,凡在位的诸汗,无一不是威名赫赫的成吉思汗的嫡系子孙。13然而,鞑靼君主既负有率领其尚武臣民出征的不可推卸之责,年幼者的继承资格便往往遭到搁置;某位以年长和勇武著称的王室宗亲,会受托接过先王的宝剑与权杖。各部落须缴纳两种各别而固定的赋税,以供养全族的君主和本部落的酋长;这两项贡赋,各相当于其财产与战利品的十分之一。一位鞑靼君主,可坐享其子民财富的十分之一;加之他自家的牛羊之富,增长的比例又远大于此,便足以阔绰地维持宫廷那份粗朴的排场,赏赐部属中最有功或最得宠者,并借收买笼络的柔和手段,换取那种有时对严厉政令都未必肯给的服从。他的臣民和他一样,习于杀戮与劫掠,在他们看来,某些偏私的暴虐之举原是情有可原的,尽管这类行径足以令文明民族心生惊骇;但专制君主那种为所欲为的权力,在斯基泰的荒原上却从不曾得到认可。汗所直接管辖的范围,仅限于本部落之内;而其王权的行使,也受到一项古老制度——全族议事会——的节制。鞑靼人的“库里尔台”(Coroulai)14,即部族大会,照例于春秋两季在原野中央举行;届时,在位王族的诸位王子,以及各部落的穆尔萨,都可乘马赴会,各带其威武而众多的扈从,聚集一处,甚为便利;而那位野心勃勃的君主,一面检阅全族的实力,一面也不得不体察这个全民皆兵的民族的意向。在斯基泰或鞑靼各族的政制之中,尽可窥见封建统治的雏形;不过,这些敌对民族无休止的争斗,有时也会以一个强盛而专制的帝国的建立而告终。胜利者靠贡赋而致富,又借附庸诸王的兵力而壮大,便把征服的疆域铺展到欧洲或亚洲:这些得胜的北方牧人,最终屈从于技艺、法律与城市的种种束缚;而奢靡之风的浸入,先是葬送了民众的自由,继而又蛀空了王座的根基。15
The memory of past events cannot long be preserved in the frequent and remote emigrations of illiterate Barbarians. The modern Tartars are ignorant of the conquests of their ancestors; 16 and our knowledge of the history of the Scythians is derived from their intercourse with the learned and civilized nations of the South, the Greeks, the Persians, and the Chinese. The Greeks, who navigated the Euxine, and planted their colonies along the sea-coast, made the gradual and imperfect discovery of Scythia; from the Danube, and the confines of Thrace, as far as the frozen Mæotis, the seat of eternal winter, and Mount Caucasus, which, in the language of poetry, was described as the utmost boundary of the earth. They celebrated, with simple credulity, the virtues of the pastoral life: 17 they entertained a more rational apprehension of the strength and numbers of the warlike Barbarians, 18 who contemptuously baffled the immense armament of Darius, the son of Hystaspes. 19 The Persian monarchs had extended their western conquests to the banks of the Danube, and the limits of European Scythia. The eastern provinces of their empire were exposed to the Scythians of Asia; the wild inhabitants of the plains beyond the Oxus and the Jaxartes, two mighty rivers, which direct their course towards the Caspian Sea. The long and memorable quarrel of Iran and Touran is still the theme of history or romance: the famous, perhaps the fabulous, valor of the Persian heroes, Rustan and Asfendiar, was signalized, in the defence of their country, against the Afrasiabs of the North; 20 and the invincible spirit of the same Barbarians resisted, on the same ground, the victorious arms of Cyrus and Alexander. 21 In the eyes of the Greeks and Persians, the real geography of Scythia was bounded, on the East, by the mountains of Imaus, or Caf; and their distant prospect of the extreme and inaccessible parts of Asia was clouded by ignorance, or perplexed by fiction. But those inaccessible regions are the ancient residence of a powerful and civilized nation, 22 which ascends, by a probable tradition, above forty centuries; 23 and which is able to verify a series of near two thousand years, by the perpetual testimony of accurate and contemporary historians. 24 The annals of China 25 illustrate the state and revolutions of the pastoral tribes, which may still be distinguished by the vague appellation of Scythians, or Tartars; the vassals, the enemies, and sometimes the conquerors, of a great empire; whose policy has uniformly opposed the blind and impetuous valor of the Barbarians of the North. From the mouth of the Danube to the Sea of Japan, the whole longitude of Scythia is about one hundred and ten degrees, which, in that parallel, are equal to more than five thousand miles. The latitude of these extensive deserts cannot be so easily, or so accurately, measured; but, from the fortieth degree, which touches the wall of China, we may securely advance above a thousand miles to the northward, till our progress is stopped by the excessive cold of Siberia. In that dreary climate, instead of the animated picture of a Tartar camp, the smoke that issues from the earth, or rather from the snow, betrays the subterraneous dwellings of the Tongouses, and the Samoides: the want of horses and oxen is imperfectly supplied by the use of reindeer, and of large dogs; and the conquerors of the earth insensibly degenerate into a race of deformed and diminutive savages, who tremble at the sound of arms. 26
目不识丁的蛮族,既屡屡迁徙、又远走他乡,往事的记忆便难以长久留存。今日的鞑靼人,对其祖先的赫赫武功一无所知;16而我们之所以能了解斯基泰人的历史,全赖他们与南方那些博学而文明的民族——希腊人、波斯人和中国人——的往来交涉。希腊人航行于黑海之上,沿海岸遍植殖民地,才一点一点地、不甚完整地认识了斯基泰;其范围自多瑙河与色雷斯的边界起,直抵那终年冰封、永为寒冬所据的迈奥提斯湖,以及高加索山——诗人的笔下,曾把此山描绘为大地的极边。他们怀着单纯的轻信,讴歌游牧生活的种种美德;17而对那些好战蛮族的实力与人数,他们的认识倒还较为合乎情理18——正是这些蛮族,曾不屑一顾地挫败了希斯塔斯佩斯之子大流士所统率的庞大军队。19波斯诸王向西征伐,已把疆界拓展到多瑙河畔,直抵欧洲斯基泰的边缘。而其帝国东部的行省,则暴露在亚洲斯基泰人的威胁之下——那是居于阿姆河与锡尔河之外原野上的野蛮居民;这两条大河,皆朝里海的方向奔流而去。伊朗与图兰之间旷日持久、可歌可泣的争斗,至今仍是史册与传奇吟咏的题材:波斯英雄鲁斯坦与阿斯凡迪亚尔那名扬四海、或许纯属虚构的勇武,正是在保卫家国、抵御北方阿夫拉西亚卜之辈的战斗中显扬于世的;20同样是这些蛮族,凭其不可征服的意志,在同一片土地上,抵挡住了居鲁士与亚历山大那所向披靡的兵锋。21在希腊人和波斯人眼中,斯基泰在地理上真正的东界,止于伊茂斯山(Imaus),亦即卡夫山(Caf);至于亚洲那极远而人迹难至的地方,他们遥望所及,不是为无知所蒙蔽,便是为虚构所迷惑。然而,那些人迹罕至的地方,恰是一个强盛而文明的民族的古老家园;22据大致可信的传说,其历史可上溯四千余年;23而凭借历代精确的当世史家从不间断的记载,其中近两千年的信史更是可以一一考实。24中国的史册25,为我们照见了那些游牧部落的状况与兴衰——这些部落,如今仍可用“斯基泰人”或“鞑靼人”这一含糊的名号来统称;他们时而是一个泱泱大国的附庸,时而是它的敌人,有时甚至是它的征服者;而这个大国的方略,始终如一地与北方蛮族那盲目而莽撞的勇武针锋相对。从多瑙河口到日本海,斯基泰全境横跨经度约一百一十度,在那一纬度上折合五千多英里。这片辽阔荒原的纬度跨度,就没那么容易、也没那么精确地量得出来了;不过,从与中国长城相接的北纬四十度算起,我们尽可放心地一路向北推进一千余英里,直到西伯利亚酷烈的严寒挡住去路为止。在那阴郁的气候里,再也见不到鞑靼营地那生气勃勃的景象,唯有从地下——或者不如说从雪层下——冒出的炊烟,泄露了通古斯人与萨莫耶德人那些地窖般的居所:那里缺马少牛,只能勉强以驯鹿和大狗来充数;于是,那曾经征服大地的族类,竟不知不觉地退化成一支身形佝偻、矮小猥琐的野人,一听到刀兵之声便瑟瑟发抖。26

Notes 注释

1
Such is the bad taste of Ammianus, (xxvi. 10,) that it is not easy to distinguish his facts from his metaphors. Yet he positively affirms, that he saw the rotten carcass of a ship, ad decundum lapidem, at Mothone, or Modon, in Peloponnesus.
阿米阿努斯(xxvi. 10)的文笔趣味实在拙劣,以致难以分清哪些是他记述的事实,哪些是他的比喻。不过他倒是言之凿凿,说自己在伯罗奔尼撒的莫托内(即莫东)见到过一艘腐烂的破船残骸,ad decundum lapidem(在第二块里程碑处)。
2
The earthquakes and inundations are variously described by Libanius, (Orat. de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. x., in Fabricius, Bibl. Græc. tom. vii. p. 158, with a learned note of Olearius,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 221,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 2,) Cedrenus, (p. 310, 314,) and Jerom, (in Chron. p. 186, and tom. i. p. 250, in Vit. Hilarion.) Epidaurus must have been overwhelmed, had not the prudent citizens placed St. Hilarion, an Egyptian monk, on the beach. He made the sign of the Cross; the mountain-wave stopped, bowed, and returned.
关于这些地震与水患,利巴尼乌斯(Orat. de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. x.,见法布里丘斯 Bibl. Græc. tom. vii. p. 158,附奥莱亚里乌斯一条博洽的注释)、佐西莫斯(l. iv. p. 221)、索佐门(l. vi. c. 2)、塞德雷努斯(p. 310, 314)以及哲罗姆(in Chron. p. 186,又 tom. i. p. 250, in Vit. Hilarion)各有不同的记述。埃皮达鲁斯本已难逃灭顶之灾,幸得城中审慎的居民把埃及修士圣希拉里翁请到海滩上。他在胸前画了十字,那山峦般的巨浪便停住、俯首,随即退去。
3
Dicæarchus, the Peripatetic, composed a formal treatise, to prove this obvious truth; which is not the most honorable to the human species. (Cicero, de Officiis, ii. 5.)
逍遥派的狄凯阿库斯曾郑重其事地写过一篇专论,来证明这一显而易见、却并不怎么给人类脸上增光的道理。(西塞罗,de Officiis, ii. 5)
4
The original Scythians of Herodotus (l. iv. c. 47—57, 99—101) were confined, by the Danube and the Palus Mæotis, within a square of 4000 stadia, (400 Roman miles.) See D’Anville (Mém. de l’Académie, tom. xxxv. p. 573—591.) Diodorus Siculus (tom. i. l. ii. p. 155, edit. Wesseling) has marked the gradual progress of the name and nation.
希罗多德笔下最初的斯基泰人(l. iv. c. 47—57, 99—101),其地为多瑙河与迈奥提斯湖(Palus Mæotis)所限,不过方圆四千斯塔迪亚(合四百罗马英里)。参看当维尔(Mém. de l’Académie, tom. xxxv. p. 573—591)。西西里的狄奥多罗斯(tom. i. l. ii. p. 155,韦塞林版)则记述了这一名号及其民族的逐步扩展。
5
The Tatars, or Tartars, were a primitive tribe, the rivals, and at length the subjects, of the Moguls. In the victorious armies of Zingis Khan, and his successors, the Tartars formed the vanguard; and the name, which first reached the ears of foreigners, was applied to the whole nation, (Freret, in the Hist. de l’Académie, tom. xviii. p. 60.) In speaking of all, or any of the northern shepherds of Europe, or Asia, I indifferently use the appellations of Scythians or Tartars. * Note: The Moguls, (Mongols,) according to M. Klaproth, are a tribe of the Tartar nation. Tableaux Hist. de l’Asie, p. 154.—M.
Tatars(塔塔尔人),亦即鞑靼人,本是一个原始部落,起初与蒙古人分庭抗礼,最终沦为其臣属。在成吉思汗及其后继者百战百胜的军队里,鞑靼人充当前锋;这个最先传入外邦人耳中的名字,遂被用来指称整个民族(弗雷雷,Hist. de l’Académie, tom. xviii. p. 60)。凡提及欧亚北方的牧人,无论泛指全体还是其中任何一支,我都不加区别地使用 Scythians(斯基泰人)或 Tartars(鞑靼人)这两个称谓。* 编者按:据克拉普罗特先生说,蒙古人(Mongols)乃是鞑靼民族的一支。Tableaux Hist. de l’Asie, p. 154。—M
6
Imperium Asiæ ter quæsivere: ipsi perpetuo ab alieno imperio, aut intacti aut invicti, mansere. Since the time of Justin, (ii. 2,) they have multiplied this account. Voltaire, in a few words, (tom. x. p. 64, Hist. Generale, c. 156,) has abridged the Tartar conquests.
Oft o’er the trembling nations from afar,
Has Scythia breathed the living cloud of war.
Note *: Gray.—M.
Imperium Asiæ ter quæsivere: ipsi perpetuo ab alieno imperio, aut intacti aut invicti, mansere.(他们三度谋求亚洲的霸权;而自身则始终不受外来统治的侵扰,或未遭染指,或未被征服。)自查士丁(ii. 2)以来,人们对这一说法多有铺陈。伏尔泰以寥寥数语(tom. x. p. 64, Hist. Generale, c. 156),概括了鞑靼人的征服。
Oft o’er the trembling nations from afar,
Has Scythia breathed the living cloud of war.
(斯基泰屡屡自远方,向战栗的列邦呵出那活生生的战云。)
* 编者按:此诗句出自格雷。—M
7
The fourth book of Herodotus affords a curious though imperfect, portrait of the Scythians. Among the moderns, who describe the uniform scene, the Khan of Khowaresm, Abulghazi Bahadur, expresses his native feelings; and his genealogical history of the Tartars has been copiously illustrated by the French and English editors. Carpin, Ascelin, and Rubruquis (in the Hist. des Voyages, tom. vii.) represent the Moguls of the fourteenth century. To these guides I have added Gerbillon, and the other Jesuits, (Description de la China par du Halde, tom. iv.,) who accurately surveyed the Chinese Tartary; and that honest and intelligent traveller, Bell, of Antermony, (two volumes in 4to. Glasgow, 1763.) * Note: Of the various works published since the time of Gibbon, which throw fight on the nomadic population of Central Asia, may be particularly remarked the Travels and Dissertations of Pallas; and above all, the very curious work of Bergman, Nomadische Streifereyen. Riga, 1805.—M.
希罗多德的第四卷,为斯基泰人勾勒了一幅有趣却不完整的画像。在描绘这一成不变之景象的近人当中,花剌子模之汗阿布尔加齐·巴哈杜尔道出了身为本族人的感受;他所著的鞑靼人谱系史,经法、英两国的编者详加疏证。卡尔皮尼、阿瑟兰与鲁布鲁克(见 Hist. des Voyages, tom. vii.)描述了十四世纪的蒙古人。除这几位向导之外,我还参用了张诚(Gerbillon)及其他耶稣会士的记述(见杜赫德《中华帝国全志》tom. iv.),他们曾精确勘察过中国的鞑靼地区;此外还有安特摩尼的贝尔(Bell)那位诚实而颖悟的旅行家(四开本两卷,格拉斯哥,1763 年)。* 编者按:吉本以后问世的种种著作中,凡阐明中亚游牧人口者,尤以帕拉斯的《游记与论集》为要;而最为奇特者,当推贝格曼的《游牧漫记》(Nomadische Streifereyen,里加,1805 年)。—M
8
The Uzbecks are the most altered from their primitive manners; 1. By the profession of the Mahometan religion; and 2. By the possession of the cities and harvests of the great Bucharia.
乌兹别克人偏离其原始习俗最远,原因有二:其一,皈依了伊斯兰教;其二,占据了大布哈拉的城市与农获。
9
Il est certain que les grands mangeurs de viande sont en général cruels et féroces plus que les autres hommes. Cette observation est de tous les lieux, et de tous les temps: la barbarie Angloise est connue, &c. Emile de Rousseau, tom. i. p. 274. Whatever we may think of the general observation, we shall not easily allow the truth of his example. The good-natured complaints of Plutarch, and the pathetic lamentations of Ovid, seduce our reason, by exciting our sensibility.
Il est certain que les grands mangeurs de viande sont en général cruels et féroces plus que les autres hommes. Cette observation est de tous les lieux, et de tous les temps: la barbarie Angloise est connue, &c.(大凡嗜食肉者,通常都比旁人更为残忍凶暴;此论放之四海、验之古今皆准:英国人的野蛮便是众所周知的,等等。)语出卢梭《爱弥儿》,tom. i. p. 274。这一泛泛之论姑且不论,单说他所举的例子,我们却未必肯轻信其为真。普鲁塔克那些出于善意的抱怨,奥维德那番凄恻的悲叹,都不过是撩拨我们的感伤,来蒙蔽我们的理智罢了。
10
These Tartar emigrations have been discovered by M. de Guignes (Histoire des Huns, tom. i. ii.) a skilful and laborious interpreter of the Chinese language; who has thus laid open new and important scenes in the history of mankind.
这些鞑靼人的迁徙,是由德经先生(Histoire des Huns, tom. i. ii.)考订出来的;他是一位精熟而勤勉的汉语译家,由此为人类历史揭开了崭新而重要的篇章。
11
A plain in the Chinese Tartary, only eighty leagues from the great wall, was found by the missionaries to be three thousand geometrical paces above the level of the sea. Montesquieu, who has used, and abused, the relations of travellers, deduces the revolutions of Asia from this important circumstance, that heat and cold, weakness and strength, touch each other without any temperate zone, (Esprit des Loix, l. xvii. c. 3.)
传教士们测得,中国鞑靼地区有一处平原,离长城不过八十里格,却高出海平面三千几何步。孟德斯鸠对旅行家的记述既有采用、也有滥用,他便从这一重要情形——即那里冷热、强弱彼此紧邻,中间并无温带过渡——推演出亚洲历次剧变的缘由(Esprit des Loix, l. xvii. c. 3)。
12
Petit de la Croix (Vie de Gengiscan, l. iii. c. 6) represents the full glory and extent of the Mogul chase. The Jesuits Gerbillon and Verbiest followed the emperor Khamhi when he hunted in Tartary, (Duhalde, Déscription de la Chine, tom. iv. p. 81, 290, &c., folio edit.) His grandson, Kienlong, who unites the Tartar discipline with the laws and learning of China, describes (Eloge de Moukden, p. 273—285) as a poet the pleasures which he had often enjoyed as a sportsman.
佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦(Vie de Gengiscan, l. iii. c. 6)描绘了蒙古人围猎的全部盛况与规模。当康熙帝在鞑靼地区行猎时,耶稣会士张诚(Gerbillon)与南怀仁(Verbiest)曾随驾同行(杜赫德《中华帝国全志》tom. iv. p. 81, 290 等,对开本)。康熙之孙乾隆帝,兼采鞑靼的尚武之制与中国的法度学问,曾以诗人之笔(《盛京赋》〔Eloge de Moukden〕,p. 273—285)描摹自己屡屡作为猎手所享的乐趣。
13
See the second volume of the Genealogical History of the Tartars; and the list of the Khans, at the end of the life of Geng’s, or Zingis. Under the reign of Timur, or Tamerlane, one of his subjects, a descendant of Zingis, still bore the regal appellation of Khan and the conqueror of Asia contented himself with the title of Emir or Sultan. Abulghazi, part v. c. 4. D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orien tale, p. 878.
参看《鞑靼人谱系史》第二卷,以及成吉思(即成吉思汗)传末所附的诸汗名录。在帖木儿(又作塔麦兰)当政之时,他麾下一位臣属、成吉思汗的后裔,仍冠有“汗”这一王号,而这位亚洲的征服者本人,却只满足于“埃米尔”或“苏丹”的称号。阿布尔加齐,part v. c. 4。埃尔布洛,Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 878。
14
See the Diets of the ancient Huns, (De Guignes, tom. ii. p. 26,) and a curious description of those of Zingis, (Vie de Gengiscan, l. i. c. 6, l. iv. c. 11.) Such assemblies are frequently mentioned in the Persian history of Timur; though they served only to countenance the resolutions of their master.
参看古代匈人部族大会的记载(德经,tom. ii. p. 26),以及对成吉思汗此类大会的一段有趣描述(Vie de Gengiscan, l. i. c. 6, l. iv. c. 11)。在记述帖木儿的波斯史籍中,也屡屡提及这类集会;不过它们的作用,也不过是替其主上早已定下的决断装点门面罢了。
15
Montesquieu labors to explain a difference, which has not existed, between the liberty of the Arabs, and the perpetual slavery of the Tartars. (Esprit des Loix, l. xvii. c. 5, l. xviii. c. 19, &c.)
孟德斯鸠煞费苦心,要去解释阿拉伯人的自由与鞑靼人永世为奴之间的差别——可这差别其实子虚乌有。(Esprit des Loix, l. xvii. c. 5, l. xviii. c. 19, 等)
16
Abulghasi Khan, in the two first parts of his Genealogical History, relates the miserable tales and traditions of the Uzbek Tartars concerning the times which preceded the reign of Zingis. * Note: The differences between the various pastoral tribes and nations comprehended by the ancients under the vague name of Scythians, and by Gibbon under inst of Tartars, have received some, and still, perhaps, may receive more, light from the comparisons of their dialects and languages by modern scholars.—M
阿布尔加齐汗在其《谱系史》的头两部分里,讲述了乌兹别克鞑靼人关于成吉思汗即位以前那些年代的种种可怜的传说与掌故。* 编者按:古人用“斯基泰人”这一含糊之名、吉本用“鞑靼人”之名所统括的各游牧部落与民族,彼此之间的差异,已经、并且或许还将,从近世学者对其方言与语言的比较研究中得到一些阐明。—M
17
In the thirteenth book of the Iliad, Jupiter turns away his eyes from the bloody fields of Troy, to the plains of Thrace and Scythia. He would not, by changing the prospect, behold a more peaceful or innocent scene.
在《伊利亚特》第十三卷中,朱庇特把目光从特洛伊血染的疆场移开,投向色雷斯与斯基泰的原野;纵然改换所望,他也再寻不见比这更为和平纯真的景象了。
18
Thucydides, l. ii. c. 97.
修昔底德,l. ii. c. 97。
19
See the fourth book of Herodotus. When Darius advanced into the Moldavian desert, between the Danube and the Niester, the king of the Scythians sent him a mouse, a frog, a bird, and five arrows; a tremendous allegory!
参看希罗多德第四卷。当大流士挺进到多瑙河与德涅斯特河之间的摩尔达维亚荒野时,斯基泰人的国王给他送去一只鼠、一只蛙、一只鸟和五支箭——好一则惊心动魄的隐喻!
20
These wars and heroes may be found under their respective titles, in the Bibliothèque Orientale of D’Herbelot. They have been celebrated in an epic poem of sixty thousand rhymed couplets, by Ferdusi, the Homer of Persia. See the history of Nadir Shah, p. 145, 165. The public must lament that Mr. Jones has suspended the pursuit of Oriental learning. Note: Ferdusi is yet imperfectly known to European readers. An abstract of the whole poem has been published by Goerres in German, under the title “das Heldenbuch des Iran.” In English, an abstract with poetical translations, by Mr. Atkinson, has appeared, under the auspices of the Oriental Fund. But to translate a poet a man must be a poet. The best account of the poem is in an article by Von Hammer in the Vienna Jahrbucher, 1820: or perhaps in a masterly article in Cochrane’s Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 1, 1835. A splendid and critical edition of the whole work has been published by a very learned English Orientalist, Captain Macan, at the expense of the king of Oude. As to the number of 60,000 couplets, Captain Macan (Preface, p. 39) states that he never saw a MS. containing more than 56,685, including doubtful and spurious passages and episodes.—M. * Note: The later studies of Sir W. Jones were more in unison with the wishes of the public, thus expressed by Gibbon.—M.
这些战争与英雄,可在埃尔布洛的 Bibliothèque Orientale 中各按其名目查得。波斯的荷马菲尔多西,曾以一部六万行押韵对句的史诗吟咏他们。参看纳迪尔沙史,p. 145, 165。琼斯先生中辍了对东方学问的钻研,实为世人所应叹惋。编者按:欧洲读者对菲尔多西至今所知无多。格雷斯曾以德文刊行全诗的一部提要,题为《伊朗英雄记》(das Heldenbuch des Iran)。英文方面,阿特金森先生译出一部附有韵文翻译的提要,由东方基金会资助问世。然而要翻译诗人,自己必先是诗人。关于此诗最出色的评述,见冯·哈默载于《维也纳年鉴》(Vienna Jahrbucher)1820 年的一篇文章;又或见科克伦《外国季评》(Foreign Quarterly Review)1835 年第一号上一篇精湛之作。全诗一部华美而精审的校勘本,已由博学的英国东方学者马坎上尉刊行,费用出自奥德国王。至于六万对句之说,马坎上尉(序言,p. 39)称,他所见的抄本,连同存疑与伪窜的段落和插曲在内,从未有超过五万六千六百八十五行者。—M * 编者按:威廉·琼斯爵士后来的研究,倒更合乎吉本在此表达的公众心愿。—M
21
The Caspian Sea, with its rivers and adjacent tribes, are laboriously illustrated in the Examen Critique des Historiens d’Alexandre, which compares the true geography, and the errors produced by the vanity or ignorance of the Greeks.
里海及其诸河与周边部落,在 Examen Critique des Historiens d’Alexandre 一书中得到了详尽的考订;该书将真实的地理,与希腊人出于虚荣或无知而造成的种种谬误一一比对。
22
The original seat of the nation appears to have been in the Northwest of China, in the provinces of Chensi and Chansi. Under the two first dynasties, the principal town was still a movable camp; the villages were thinly scattered; more land was employed in pasture than in tillage; the exercise of hunting was ordained to clear the country from wild beasts; Petcheli (where Pekin stands) was a desert, and the Southern provinces were peopled with Indian savages. The dynasty of the Han (before Christ 206) gave the empire its actual form and extent.
这个民族最初的居地,似乎在中国的西北,即陕西、山西两省。在头两个朝代,其都邑仍是可以迁移的营地;村落稀疏散布;用作牧场的土地多于耕地;狩猎则被定为清除境内野兽的例行之举;直隶(北京所在之地)当时还是一片荒野,而南方各省则住着印度种的野人。到了汉朝(公元前 206 年),这个帝国才有了它如今的形制与疆域。
23
The æra of the Chinese monarchy has been variously fixed from 2952 to 2132 years before Christ; and the year 2637 has been chosen for the lawful epoch, by the authority of the present emperor. The difference arises from the uncertain duration of the two first dynasties; and the vacant space that lies beyond them, as far as the real, or fabulous, times of Fohi, or Hoangti. Sematsien dates his authentic chronology from the year 841; the thirty-six eclipses of Confucius (thirty-one of which have been verified) were observed between the years 722 and 480 before Christ. The historical period of China does not ascend above the Greek Olympiads.
中国君主制的纪元,众说不一,或定于公元前 2952 年,或定于公元前 2132 年;而当今皇帝以其权威,选定公元前 2637 年为正统的纪元起点。分歧的根源,在于头两个朝代的年数难以确定,以及在此之前那段空白——它一直上溯到伏羲或黄帝那真实或荒诞的时代。司马迁把他的信史纪年定在公元前 841 年;孔子所记的三十六次日食(其中三十一次已得到验证),是在公元前 722 至 480 年间观测到的。中国的信史时期,并不比希腊的奥林匹亚纪年更为古远。
24
After several ages of anarchy and despotism, the dynasty of the Han (before Christ 206) was the æra of the revival of learning. The fragments of ancient literature were restored; the characters were improved and fixed; and the future preservation of books was secured by the useful inventions of ink, paper, and the art of printing. Ninety-seven years before Christ, Sematsien published the first history of China. His labors were illustrated, and continued, by a series of one hundred and eighty historians. The substance of their works is still extant; and the most considerable of them are now deposited in the king of France’s library.
历经数代的动乱与专制之后,汉朝(公元前 206 年)成了学术复兴的时代。古代典籍的残篇得以整理复原;文字得到改良并固定下来;墨、纸以及印刷术这些有用的发明,又为日后书籍的保存提供了保障。公元前 97 年,司马迁著成了中国第一部通史。此后,一脉相承的一百八十位史家,对他的成果既有阐发,又有续补。他们著作的主体至今犹存;其中最重要的几种,如今就庋藏于法国国王的图书馆。
25
China has been illustrated by the labors of the French; of the missionaries at Pekin, and Messrs. Freret and De Guignes at Paris. The substance of the three preceding notes is extracted from the Chou-king, with the preface and notes of M. de Guignes, Paris, 1770. The Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou, translated by P. de Mailla, under the name of Hist. Génerale de la Chine, tom. i. p. xlix.—cc.; the Mémoires sur la Chine, Paris, 1776, &c., tom. i. p. 1—323; tom. ii. p. 5—364; the Histoire des Huns, tom. i. p. 4—131, tom. v. p. 345—362; and the Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 377—402; tom. xv. p. 495—564; tom. xviii. p. 178—295; xxxvi. p. 164—238.
中国的情况之所以为世人所了解,全赖法国人的努力:北京的传教士,以及巴黎的弗雷雷与德经两位先生。以上三条注释的内容,取自《书经》,附德经先生的序言与注释(1770 年于巴黎);又取自《通鉴纲目》(Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou,由冯秉正神父译出,题为 Hist. Générale de la Chine),tom. i. p. xlix.—cc.;以及 Mémoires sur la Chine(1776 年于巴黎等),tom. i. p. 1—323, tom. ii. p. 5—364;Histoire des Huns, tom. i. p. 4—131, tom. v. p. 345—362;还有 Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 377—402, tom. xv. p. 495—564, tom. xviii. p. 178—295, xxxvi. p. 164—238。
26
See the Histoire Generale des Voyages, tom. xviii., and the Genealogical History, vol. ii. p. 620—664.
参看 Histoire Générale des Voyages, tom. xviii.,以及《谱系史》vol. ii. p. 620—664。