Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part II. 第二十五章 约维安与瓦伦提尼安在位时期，帝国分治——第二节
¶
Before Valentinian divided the provinces, he reformed the administration of the empire. All ranks of subjects, who had been injured or oppressed under the reign of Julian, were invited to support their public accusations. The silence of mankind attested the spotless integrity of the præfect Sallust; 29 and his own pressing solicitations, that he might be permitted to retire from the business of the state, were rejected by Valentinian with the most honorable expressions of friendship and esteem. But among the favorites of the late emperor, there were many who had abused his credulity or superstition; and who could no longer hope to be protected either by favor or justice. 30 The greater part of the ministers of the palace, and the governors of the provinces, were removed from their respective stations; yet the eminent merit of some officers was distinguished from the obnoxious crowd; and, notwithstanding the opposite clamors of zeal and resentment, the whole proceedings of this delicate inquiry appear to have been conducted with a reasonable share of wisdom and moderation. 31 The festivity of a new reign received a short and suspicious interruption from the sudden illness of the two princes; but as soon as their health was restored, they left Constantinople in the beginning of the spring. In the castle, or palace, of Mediana, only three miles from Naissus, they executed the solemn and final division of the Roman empire. 32 Valentinian bestowed on his brother the rich præfecture of the East, from the Lower Danube to the confines of Persia; whilst he reserved for his immediate government the warlike 3211 præfectures of Illyricum, Italy, and Gaul, from the extremity of Greece to the Caledonian rampart, and from the rampart of Caledonia to the foot of Mount Atlas. The provincial administration remained on its former basis; but a double supply of generals and magistrates was required for two councils, and two courts: the division was made with a just regard to their peculiar merit and situation, and seven master-generals were soon created, either of the cavalry or infantry. When this important business had been amicably transacted, Valentinian and Valens embraced for the last time. The emperor of the West established his temporary residence at Milan; and the emperor of the East returned to Constantinople, to assume the dominion of fifty provinces, of whose language he was totally ignorant. 33
瓦伦提尼安在划分行省之前，先着手整顿帝国的政务。凡在尤利安治下受过冤屈或欺压的臣民，无论身份高低，都获准公开提出控告。众人的缄默，恰恰印证了大区长官撒路斯提乌斯清白无瑕 29；他一再恳请准他卸去国务、退隐林下，瓦伦提尼安却以最恳切的言辞表达情谊与敬重，婉言回绝。然而先帝的宠臣当中，不乏曾利用其轻信与迷信谋私之辈，如今他们既得不到恩宠的庇护，也难逃公道的追究 30。宫中的大臣与各行省的长官，大半遭褫职罢黜；不过其中确有才干卓著者，得以从这群招人厌恶之辈里分辨出来；尽管热心者与怨愤者各执一词、喧嚷不休，这场棘手的清查，总体上办得还算明智而有分寸 31。新朝的欢庆，因两位君主骤然染病而短暂中断，此事透着蹊跷；待到病体康复，两人便于初春时节离开君士坦丁堡。在距奈苏斯仅三英里的梅迪亚纳城堡（或曰行宫），两人郑重其事地完成了罗马帝国最后的分治 32。瓦伦提尼安把富庶的东方大区让给弟弟，其地自下多瑙河一直伸展到波斯边境；自己则留下伊利里库姆、意大利与高卢这几个战事频仍 3211 的大区，归自己直接治理——其地从希腊的尽头直抵喀里多尼亚的边墙，又从喀里多尼亚的边墙远及阿特拉斯山麓。行省的建制一仍其旧，只是两套朝廷、两处议政，需要成倍的将领与官员；分派之际，公允地顾及各人的才具与所处的形势，不久便新设了七位统帅，或统骑兵，或领步兵。这桩大事和睦议定之后，瓦伦提尼安与瓦伦斯作了最后一次拥别。西部皇帝暂驻米兰，东部皇帝则返回君士坦丁堡，去统辖那五十个行省——而当地的语言，他竟一窍不通 33。
¶
The tranquility of the East was soon disturbed by rebellion; and the throne of Valens was threatened by the daring attempts of a rival whose affinity to the emperor Julian 34 was his sole merit, and had been his only crime. Procopius had been hastily promoted from the obscure station of a tribune, and a notary, to the joint command of the army of Mesopotamia; the public opinion already named him as the successor of a prince who was destitute of natural heirs; and a vain rumor was propagated by his friends, or his enemies, that Julian, before the altar of the Moon at Carrhæ, had privately invested Procopius with the Imperial purple. 35 He endeavored, by his dutiful and submissive behavior, to disarm the jealousy of Jovian; resigned, without a contest, his military command; and retired, with his wife and family, to cultivate the ample patrimony which he possessed in the province of Cappadocia. These useful and innocent occupations were interrupted by the appearance of an officer with a band of soldiers, who, in the name of his new sovereigns, Valentinian and Valens, was despatched to conduct the unfortunate Procopius either to a perpetual prison or an ignominious death. His presence of mind procured him a longer respite, and a more splendid fate. Without presuming to dispute the royal mandate, he requested the indulgence of a few moments to embrace his weeping family; and while the vigilance of his guards was relaxed by a plentiful entertainment, he dexterously escaped to the sea-coast of the Euxine, from whence he passed over to the country of Bosphorus. In that sequestered region he remained many months, exposed to the hardships of exile, of solitude, and of want; his melancholy temper brooding over his misfortunes, and his mind agitated by the just apprehension, that, if any accident should discover his name, the faithless Barbarians would violate, without much scruple, the laws of hospitality. In a moment of impatience and despair, Procopius embarked in a merchant vessel, which made sail for Constantinople; and boldly aspired to the rank of a sovereign, because he was not allowed to enjoy the security of a subject. At first he lurked in the villages of Bithynia, continually changing his habitation and his disguise. 36 By degrees he ventured into the capital, trusted his life and fortune to the fidelity of two friends, a senator and a eunuch, and conceived some hopes of success, from the intelligence which he obtained of the actual state of public affairs. The body of the people was infected with a spirit of discontent: they regretted the justice and the abilities of Sallust, who had been imprudently dismissed from the præfecture of the East. They despised the character of Valens, which was rude without vigor, and feeble without mildness. They dreaded the influence of his father-in-law, the patrician Petronius, a cruel and rapacious minister, who rigorously exacted all the arrears of tribute that might remain unpaid since the reign of the emperor Aurelian. The circumstances were propitious to the designs of a usurper. The hostile measures of the Persians required the presence of Valens in Syria: from the Danube to the Euphrates the troops were in motion; and the capital was occasionally filled with the soldiers who passed or repassed the Thracian Bosphorus. Two cohorts of Gaul were persuaded to listen to the secret proposals of the conspirators; which were recommended by the promise of a liberal donative; and, as they still revered the memory of Julian, they easily consented to support the hereditary claim of his proscribed kinsman. At the dawn of day they were drawn up near the baths of Anastasia; and Procopius, clothed in a purple garment, more suitable to a player than to a monarch, appeared, as if he rose from the dead, in the midst of Constantinople. The soldiers, who were prepared for his reception, saluted their trembling prince with shouts of joy and vows of fidelity. Their numbers were soon increased by a band of sturdy peasants, collected from the adjacent country; and Procopius, shielded by the arms of his adherents, was successively conducted to the tribunal, the senate, and the palace. During the first moments of his tumultuous reign, he was astonished and terrified by the gloomy silence of the people; who were either ignorant of the cause, or apprehensive of the event. But his military strength was superior to any actual resistance: the malcontents flocked to the standard of rebellion; the poor were excited by the hopes, and the rich were intimidated by the fear, of a general pillage; and the obstinate credulity of the multitude was once more deceived by the promised advantages of a revolution. The magistrates were seized; the prisons and arsenals broke open; the gates, and the entrance of the harbor, were diligently occupied; and, in a few hours, Procopius became the absolute, though precarious, master of the Imperial city. 3611 The usurper improved this unexpected success with some degree of courage and dexterity. He artfully propagated the rumors and opinions the most favorable to his interest; while he deluded the populace by giving audience to the frequent, but imaginary, ambassadors of distant nations. The large bodies of troops stationed in the cities of Thrace and the fortresses of the Lower Danube, were gradually involved in the guilt of rebellion: and the Gothic princes consented to supply the sovereign of Constantinople with the formidable strength of several thousand auxiliaries. His generals passed the Bosphorus, and subdued, without an effort, the unarmed, but wealthy provinces of Bithynia and Asia. After an honorable defence, the city and island of Cyzicus yielded to his power; the renowned legions of the Jovians and Herculeans embraced the cause of the usurper, whom they were ordered to crush; and, as the veterans were continually augmented with new levies, he soon appeared at the head of an army, whose valor, as well as numbers, were not unequal to the greatness of the contest. The son of Hormisdas, 37 a youth of spirit and ability, condescended to draw his sword against the lawful emperor of the East; and the Persian prince was immediately invested with the ancient and extraordinary powers of a Roman Proconsul. The alliance of Faustina, the widow of the emperor Constantius, who intrusted herself and her daughter to the hands of the usurper, added dignity and reputation to his cause. The princess Constantia, who was then about five years of age, accompanied, in a litter, the march of the army. She was shown to the multitude in the arms of her adopted father; and, as often as she passed through the ranks, the tenderness of the soldiers was inflamed into martial fury: 38 they recollected the glories of the house of Constantine, and they declared, with loyal acclamation, that they would shed the last drop of their blood in the defence of the royal infant. 39
东方的安宁不久便为叛乱所扰；一个胆大妄为的对手起事，撼动了瓦伦斯的皇位。此人与尤利安皇帝 34 沾亲，这份亲缘既是他唯一的凭借，从前也曾是他唯一的罪名。普罗柯比原本只是个军事保民官兼书记官，出身卑微，却骤然获擢，与人共掌美索不达米亚的大军；舆论早已视他为那位膝下无嗣之君的继承人；他的友人（或是他的仇敌）更散布出一则空穴来风的传闻，说尤利安曾在卡莱的月神祭坛前，私下将帝王紫袍授予普罗柯比 35。他谨守臣节，恭顺自持，力图消解约维安的猜忌；毫不争辩地交出兵权，携妻带眷退隐，去经营自己在卡帕多西亚行省的大片祖产。这些有益而无害的营生，却因一名军官带着一队士兵前来而告中断：那人奉新君瓦伦提尼安与瓦伦斯之命，前来押解倒霉的普罗柯比，或投入终身监禁，或处以不体面的死刑。他临危不乱，为自己争得了更长的喘息，也赢得了更辉煌的命运。他不敢公然违抗王命，只请求宽限片刻，好与哭泣的家人诀别；趁看守因一场丰盛的宴饮而放松警惕，他巧妙地逃到黑海之滨，又由此渡海去了博斯普鲁斯地方。在那偏僻之地，他滞留了好几个月，饱尝流亡、孤独与匮乏之苦；他生性忧郁，终日为自己的不幸而愁苦，心中又时时萦绕着一层不无道理的忧惧——一旦有个闪失暴露了他的名字，那些背信弃义的蛮族便会毫不犹豫地践踏待客之道。在一阵焦躁与绝望之中，普罗柯比登上一艘驶往君士坦丁堡的商船；既然不容他安安稳稳地做一个臣民，他索性放胆去觊觎至尊之位。起初他潜伏在比提尼亚的乡村，不断变换住处与装扮 36。渐渐地，他壮起胆子潜入京城，把身家性命托付给两位忠诚的朋友——一位元老和一名宦官；从探得的时局实情里，他生出几分成事的指望。民众普遍怀着不满情绪：他们惋惜撒路斯提乌斯的公正与才干——这位东方大区长官竟遭轻率罢免。他们鄙薄瓦伦斯的为人——粗暴却无威势，软弱却不温和。他们畏惧其岳父、贵族佩特罗尼乌斯的势力：这是个残忍贪婪的大臣，凡自奥勒良皇帝以来尚未缴清的旧年贡赋，他都苛刻地追缴不遗。种种情势，都为篡位者的图谋提供了可乘之机。波斯人摆出敌对的阵势，逼得瓦伦斯必须亲赴叙利亚；从多瑙河到幼发拉底河，军队都在调动；来往穿越色雷斯博斯普鲁斯海峡的士兵，不时挤满京城。有两个高卢步兵营被人说动，愿意听取密谋者暗中的提议——一笔优厚犒赏的许诺，更使这提议格外诱人；加之他们仍追念尤利安，便轻易同意拥戴其遭到通缉的亲族，承认他世袭的名分。天刚破晓，这两营人马便在阿纳斯塔西娅浴场附近列队；普罗柯比身披紫袍——那袍子与其说配得上君主，不如说更像戏子的行头——恍如死而复生，出现在君士坦丁堡的中心。早已备好迎驾的士兵，向这位战战兢兢的君主欢呼致意，立誓效忠。附近乡间又聚来一群壮实的农夫，队伍随之壮大；拥戴者以刀枪相护，簇拥着普罗柯比，先后来到讲坛、元老院和皇宫。在他这乱哄哄登位的最初时刻，民众阴沉的沉默令他既惊且惧——他们要么不明缘由，要么是对事态的结局心存疑虑。然而他的兵力已非任何实际的抵抗所能匹敌：心怀不满者纷纷投奔叛旗；穷人指望着趁乱大肆劫掠，因而群情激奋，富人则唯恐遭此浩劫，因而人人自危；而一场革命所许诺的种种好处，又一次蒙蔽了这群冥顽轻信的乌合之众。他们拘押官员，砸开牢狱与武库，牢牢占据各处城门与港口的入口；不出几个时辰，普罗柯比便大权独揽，成了帝都的主人——尽管这地位还并不稳固 3611。这位篡位者以几分胆识和机变，把这场意外的成功经营得更为稳固。他巧妙地散播于己最为有利的谣言与说法；又不断接见远方各族派来的使节——其实全是子虚乌有——借此蒙骗民众。驻扎在色雷斯诸城和下多瑙河各要塞的大批军队，渐次卷入了这场叛乱的罪愆；哥特诸王也答应为君士坦丁堡的这位新主提供数千名骁勇的援兵，声势可畏。他的将领渡过博斯普鲁斯海峡，兵不血刃便征服了比提尼亚与亚细亚这两个手无寸铁却富庶的行省。基齐库斯城及其海岛经过一番体面的抵抗后归降于他；那两支久负盛名的军团——约维安军团与赫库利安军团——奉命来剿灭这位篡位者，却反而投向了他的旗下；老兵之外又不断补入新募之众，他很快便统率起一支军队，其勇武与人数都足以与这场大较量相称。霍尔米兹德之子 37 是个有胆有识的青年，竟屈尊拔剑，对抗东方的合法皇帝；随即，这位波斯王子便获授古罗马代执政官那既古老又非同寻常的权柄。君士坦提乌斯皇帝的遗孀福斯蒂娜也来结盟，把自己和女儿一并交到篡位者手中，为他的事业平添了几分尊贵与声望。当时约莫五岁的君士坦提娅公主，坐着轿子随军而行。养父把她抱在怀中，向众人展示；每当她经过队列，士兵的柔情便化作赴战的狂热 38：他们追念君士坦丁家族的荣光，齐声忠诚地宣誓，愿为守护这位皇家幼女流尽最后一滴血 39。
¶
In the mean while Valentinian was alarmed and perplexed by the doubtful intelligence of the revolt of the East. 3911 The difficulties of a German war forced him to confine his immediate care to the safety of his own dominions; and, as every channel of communication was stopped or corrupted, he listened, with doubtful anxiety, to the rumors which were industriously spread, that the defeat and death of Valens had left Procopius sole master of the Eastern provinces. Valens was not dead: but on the news of the rebellion, which he received at Cæsarea, he basely despaired of his life and fortune; proposed to negotiate with the usurper, and discovered his secret inclination to abdicate the Imperial purple. The timid monarch was saved from disgrace and ruin by the firmness of his ministers, and their abilities soon decided in his favor the event of the civil war. In a season of tranquillity, Sallust had resigned without a murmur; but as soon as the public safety was attacked, he ambitiously solicited the preëminence of toil and danger; and the restoration of that virtuous minister to the præfecture of the East, was the first step which indicated the repentance of Valens, and satisfied the minds of the people. The reign of Procopius was apparently supported by powerful armies and obedient provinces. But many of the principal officers, military as well as civil, had been urged, either by motives of duty or interest, to withdraw themselves from the guilty scene; or to watch the moment of betraying, and deserting, the cause of the usurper. Lupicinus advanced by hasty marches, to bring the legions of Syria to the aid of Valens. Arintheus, who, in strength, beauty, and valor, excelled all the heroes of the age, attacked with a small troop a superior body of the rebels. When he beheld the faces of the soldiers who had served under his banner, he commanded them, with a loud voice, to seize and deliver up their pretended leader; and such was the ascendant of his genius, that this extraordinary order was instantly obeyed. 40 Arbetio, a respectable veteran of the great Constantine, who had been distinguished by the honors of the consulship, was persuaded to leave his retirement, and once more to conduct an army into the field. In the heat of action, calmly taking off his helmet, he showed his gray hairs and venerable countenance: saluted the soldiers of Procopius by the endearing names of children and companions, and exhorted them no longer to support the desperate cause of a contemptible tyrant; but to follow their old commander, who had so often led them to honor and victory. In the two engagements of Thyatira 41 and Nacolia, the unfortunate Procopius was deserted by his troops, who were seduced by the instructions and example of their perfidious officers. After wandering some time among the woods and mountains of Phyrgia, he was betrayed by his desponding followers, conducted to the Imperial camp, and immediately beheaded. He suffered the ordinary fate of an unsuccessful usurper; but the acts of cruelty which were exercised by the conqueror, under the forms of legal justice, excited the pity and indignation of mankind. 42
与此同时，东方叛乱的消息真伪难辨，令瓦伦提尼安既惊且惑 3911。一场日耳曼战事棘手缠身，逼得他只能把眼前的心思都放在保全自家疆土上；加之各条通讯渠道不是被切断，便是遭人做了手脚，他只得将信将疑、忧心忡忡地听着那些有人刻意散布的传闻——说瓦伦斯已兵败身死，普罗柯比独揽了东方各行省。瓦伦斯并未死；只是在凯撒里亚接到叛乱的消息时，他竟怯懦地对自己的性命与前程绝望起来，提议与篡位者谈判，还流露出想要逊位、脱下紫袍的隐衷。幸赖诸大臣意志坚定，这位怯懦的君主才免于蒙羞覆亡；他们的才干不久便使内战的结局朝着有利于他的方向转变。太平无事之时，撒路斯提乌斯曾毫无怨言地辞职引退；可一旦公共安危受到威胁，他却又满怀热望，主动请缨去担当那最艰险的重任；让这位德行高尚的大臣复任东方大区长官，正是瓦伦斯幡然悔悟的第一步，也顺遂了民心。普罗柯比的政权，表面上有强大的军队和驯服的行省作后盾。可是许多军政要员，或出于道义，或出于私利，早已打定主意，要从这罪恶的泥潭中抽身而退，或伺机背弃、叛离篡位者的事业。卢皮基努斯兼程疾进，率叙利亚诸军团来援瓦伦斯。阿林塞乌斯论气力、相貌与勇武，都胜过当世一切豪杰；他仅率一小队人马，就向数量占优的叛军发起攻击。当他认出队伍里那些曾在自己麾下效力的士兵，便高声喝令他们拿下并交出那个冒牌的头领；他天赋的威望竟如此慑人，这道非同寻常的命令立时得到遵从 40。阿尔贝提奥是伟大的君士坦丁麾下一位德高望重的老将，曾荣膺执政官之尊；人们劝他走出退隐，再度领兵出征。激战正酣之际，他从容摘下头盔，露出满头白发和令人肃然起敬的面容；他以“孩子”“伙伴”这般亲昵的称呼向普罗柯比的士兵致意，劝他们不要再为一个卑劣暴君的绝望事业卖命，而要追随他们的老统帅——那个曾一次次带他们走向荣耀与胜利的人。在提亚提拉 41 与纳科利亚两场交锋中，倒霉的普罗柯比遭部众抛弃——他们受了那些背信军官的教唆与示范。他在弗里吉亚的山林间流窜了一阵，终遭灰心丧气的随从出卖，被押往皇帝的营地，当即斩首。他所遭的，不过是失败的篡位者惯常的下场；然而胜利者假法律公道之名施行的种种暴行，却激起了世人的怜悯与愤慨 42。
¶
Such indeed are the common and natural fruits of despotism and rebellion. But the inquisition into the crime of magic, 4211 which, under the reign of the two brothers, was so rigorously prosecuted both at Rome and Antioch, was interpreted as the fatal symptom, either of the displeasure of Heaven, or of the depravity of mankind. 43 Let us not hesitate to indulge a liberal pride, that, in the present age, the enlightened part of Europe has abolished 44 a cruel and odious prejudice, which reigned in every climate of the globe, and adhered to every system of religious opinions. 45 The nations, and the sects, of the Roman world, admitted with equal credulity, and similar abhorrence, the reality of that infernal art, 46 which was able to control the eternal order of the planets, and the voluntary operations of the human mind. They dreaded the mysterious power of spells and incantations, of potent herbs, and execrable rites; which could extinguish or recall life, inflame the passions of the soul, blast the works of creation, and extort from the reluctant dæmons the secrets of futurity. They believed, with the wildest inconsistency, that this preternatural dominion of the air, of earth, and of hell, was exercised, from the vilest motives of malice or gain, by some wrinkled hags and itinerant sorcerers, who passed their obscure lives in penury and contempt. 47 The arts of magic were equally condemned by the public opinion, and by the laws of Rome; but as they tended to gratify the most imperious passions of the heart of man, they were continually proscribed, and continually practised. 48 An imaginary cause was capable of producing the most serious and mischievous effects. The dark predictions of the death of an emperor, or the success of a conspiracy, were calculated only to stimulate the hopes of ambition, and to dissolve the ties of fidelity; and the intentional guilt of magic was aggravated by the actual crimes of treason and sacrilege. 49 Such vain terrors disturbed the peace of society, and the happiness of individuals; and the harmless flame which insensibly melted a waxen image, might derive a powerful and pernicious energy from the affrighted fancy of the person whom it was maliciously designed to represent. 50 From the infusion of those herbs, which were supposed to possess a supernatural influence, it was an easy step to the use of more substantial poison; and the folly of mankind sometimes became the instrument, and the mask, of the most atrocious crimes. As soon as the zeal of informers was encouraged by the ministers of Valens and Valentinian, they could not refuse to listen to another charge, too frequently mingled in the scenes of domestic guilt; a charge of a softer and less malignant nature, for which the pious, though excessive, rigor of Constantine had recently decreed the punishment of death. 51 This deadly and incoherent mixture of treason and magic, of poison and adultery, afforded infinite gradations of guilt and innocence, of excuse and aggravation, which in these proceedings appear to have been confounded by the angry or corrupt passions of the judges. They easily discovered that the degree of their industry and discernment was estimated, by the Imperial court, according to the number of executions that were furnished from the respective tribunals. It was not without extreme reluctance that they pronounced a sentence of acquittal; but they eagerly admitted such evidence as was stained with perjury, or procured by torture, to prove the most improbable charges against the most respectable characters. The progress of the inquiry continually opened new subjects of criminal prosecution; the audacious informer, whose falsehood was detected, retired with impunity; but the wretched victim, who discovered his real or pretended accomplices, were seldom permitted to receive the price of his infamy. From the extremity of Italy and Asia, the young, and the aged, were dragged in chains to the tribunals of Rome and Antioch. Senators, matrons, and philosophers, expired in ignominious and cruel tortures. The soldiers, who were appointed to guard the prisons, declared, with a murmur of pity and indignation, that their numbers were insufficient to oppose the flight, or resistance, of the multitude of captives. The wealthiest families were ruined by fines and confiscations; the most innocent citizens trembled for their safety; and we may form some notion of the magnitude of the evil, from the extravagant assertion of an ancient writer, that, in the obnoxious provinces, the prisoners, the exiles, and the fugitives, formed the greatest part of the inhabitants. 52
专制与叛乱，本就寻常地结出这类恶果。然而对巫术之罪的清查 4211——在两兄弟治下，罗马与安条克两地都追究得极其严酷——却被时人视作不祥之兆：要么昭示上天震怒，要么显出人心败坏 43。我们不妨坦然生出一份豁达的自豪：当今之世，欧洲已开化的那一部分，总算革除了一种既残忍又可憎的偏见 44——这偏见曾遍行于全球各处，依附于每一种宗教信条 45。罗马世界里的各族各教派，都以同样的轻信、同样的憎恶，认定那门地狱邪术确有其事 46——据说它能操纵诸行星永恒的运行，也能左右人心自主的活动。他们畏惧符咒禁语、灵验草药与邪恶仪式那神秘莫测的法力：据说它能夺人性命、亦能招魂复生，能点燃灵魂的情欲，能摧毁造化的产物，还能从不情愿的魔怪口中逼出未来的天机。他们的信念又荒诞到自相矛盾的地步：这种凌驾于天空、大地与地狱之上的超自然威能，据说竟出自最卑鄙的恶意或贪念，掌握在几个满脸皱纹的老巫婆和四处游荡的术士手里——这些人一生潦倒，籍籍无名，为人所不齿 47。巫术之技，为舆论所不齿，也为罗马法律所严禁；然而它既能满足人心中最难遏制的欲望，便一面屡遭查禁，一面又屡行不止 48。一桩子虚乌有的缘由，竟能酿成极其严重而有害的后果。那些预言皇帝之死或阴谋得逞的阴晦谶语，其效用无非是撩拨野心者的妄想，瓦解人们效忠的纽带；于是巫术那存心为恶的罪愆，又因叛逆与渎神的实际罪行而愈发深重 49。这类无谓的恐惧，扰乱了社会的安宁，也搅坏了个人的幸福；一团本无杀伤力的火苗，悄然熔化着一具蜡像，却可能从那个被恶意影射之人受惊的想象里，汲取出强大而致命的力量 50。从浸泡那些据信含有超自然力量的草药，到使用货真价实的毒药，不过一步之遥；人的愚昧，有时便成了最凶残罪行的工具，也成了它的幌子。瓦伦斯与瓦伦提尼安的大臣一旦纵容告密者的狂热，就不能不听信另一类罪名——这类罪名太常掺杂在家庭罪愆的种种情形里，性质较温和，恶意也较轻，君士坦丁出于一片虔诚、却未免过度的严苛，新近才为这种罪定下死刑 51。叛逆与巫术、毒杀与通奸，就这样致命而杂乱地混作一团；其间罪与无辜、情有可原与罪当加重的种种分际，本有千差万别，可在这类审讯里，却似乎尽被法官们愤怒或贪腐的私念搅成了一锅粥。他们不难看出，皇帝的朝廷是按各裁判所报上来的处决人数，来衡量他们尽职与明察的程度的。他们极不情愿地才肯宣判无罪；相反，凡是伪证污染的、严刑逼取的证词，只要能坐实那些针对最受敬重之人、最无稽的指控，他们都乐于采信。查究越往下走，可供起诉的新对象便层出不穷；那些谎言被戳穿的大胆告密者，反倒逍遥法外；而那些供出真的或假的同谋、以求苟活的可怜牺牲者，却难得能领到这份出卖自身声名换来的报偿。从意大利到亚细亚的天涯海角，无论老少，都被锁上镣铐，一路拖往罗马与安条克的裁判所。元老、贵妇与哲人，都在屈辱而惨烈的酷刑中断了气。奉命看守牢狱的士兵也带着怜悯与愤懑低声抱怨，说囚犯多得成群，单凭自己这点人手，根本挡不住这许多人逃跑或反抗。最富有的家族因罚金与抄没而破产，最清白的市民也为自身安危而战栗；这场灾祸究竟有多深重，我们从一位古代作家夸张的断言里可略窥一二：在那些遭殃的行省里，囚徒、流放者与逃亡者，竟占了居民的绝大多数 52。
¶
When Tacitus describes the deaths of the innocent and illustrious Romans, who were sacrificed to the cruelty of the first Cæsars, the art of the historian, or the merit of the sufferers, excites in our breast the most lively sensations of terror, of admiration, and of pity. The coarse and undistinguishing pencil of Ammianus has delineated his bloody figures with tedious and disgusting accuracy. But as our attention is no longer engaged by the contrast of freedom and servitude, of recent greatness and of actual misery, we should turn with horror from the frequent executions, which disgraced, both at Rome and Antioch, the reign of the two brothers. 53 Valens was of a timid, 54 and Valentinian of a choleric, disposition. 55 An anxious regard to his personal safety was the ruling principle of the administration of Valens. In the condition of a subject, he had kissed, with trembling awe, the hand of the oppressor; and when he ascended the throne, he reasonably expected, that the same fears, which had subdued his own mind, would secure the patient submission of his people. The favorites of Valens obtained, by the privilege of rapine and confiscation, the wealth which his economy would have refused. 56 They urged, with persuasive eloquence, that, in all cases of treason, suspicion is equivalent to proof; that the power supposes the intention, of mischief; that the intention is not less criminal than the act; and that a subject no longer deserves to live, if his life may threaten the safety, or disturb the repose, of his sovereign. The judgment of Valentinian was sometimes deceived, and his confidence abused; but he would have silenced the informers with a contemptuous smile, had they presumed to alarm his fortitude by the sound of danger. They praised his inflexible love of justice; and, in the pursuit of justice, the emperor was easily tempted to consider clemency as a weakness, and passion as a virtue. As long as he wrestled with his equals, in the bold competition of an active and ambitious life, Valentinian was seldom injured, and never insulted, with impunity: if his prudence was arraigned, his spirit was applauded; and the proudest and most powerful generals were apprehensive of provoking the resentment of a fearless soldier. After he became master of the world, he unfortunately forgot, that where no resistance can be made, no courage can be exerted; and instead of consulting the dictates of reason and magnanimity, he indulged the furious emotions of his temper, at a time when they were disgraceful to himself, and fatal to the defenceless objects of his displeasure. In the government of his household, or of his empire, slight, or even imaginary, offences—a hasty word, a casual omission, an involuntary delay—were chastised by a sentence of immediate death. The expressions which issued the most readily from the mouth of the emperor of the West were, “Strike off his head;” “Burn him alive;” “Let him be beaten with clubs till he expires;” 57 and his most favored ministers soon understood, that, by a rash attempt to dispute, or suspend, the execution of his sanguinary commands, they might involve themselves in the guilt and punishment of disobedience. The repeated gratification of this savage justice hardened the mind of Valentinian against pity and remorse; and the sallies of passion were confirmed by the habits of cruelty. 58 He could behold with calm satisfaction the convulsive agonies of torture and death; he reserved his friendship for those faithful servants whose temper was the most congenial to his own. The merit of Maximin, who had slaughtered the noblest families of Rome, was rewarded with the royal approbation, and the præfecture of Gaul.
塔西佗描写那些无辜而显赫的罗马人如何殒命于最初几位恺撒的残暴之下时，或凭史家的笔力，或凭受难者本身的德望，总能在我们胸中激起最强烈的恐惧、钦敬与怜悯之情。阿米阿努斯的笔却粗率而不知剪裁，把那些血淋淋的人物刻画得繁琐可厌，却又一丝不苟。然而，这里既没有自由与奴役的对照，也没有昔日显赫与眼下凄惨的反差来牵动我们的心弦，我们只会满怀惊惧，别过脸去，不忍再看那接连不断的处决——正是这些处决，使两兄弟在罗马与安条克的统治蒙上了污名 53。瓦伦斯生性怯懦 54，瓦伦提尼安则秉性暴躁 55。对自身安危战战兢兢的顾念，是瓦伦斯施政的头等准则。身为臣属时，他曾怀着战栗的敬畏，去亲吻压迫者的手；及至登上帝位，他便自以为有理地指望：那曾慑服自己内心的同一种恐惧，也能保得臣民逆来顺受。瓦伦斯的宠臣凭着劫掠与抄没的特权，攫取了他本人的吝啬本不肯给的财富 56。他们巧舌如簧地进言：凡涉叛逆之案，怀疑即等同于证据；有作恶之力，便可推定有作恶之心；存心为恶，其罪不亚于付诸行动；一个臣民，只要其性命可能危及君主的安全、扰乱君主的安宁，便不再配活着。瓦伦提尼安的判断有时受人蒙骗，他的信任也遭人滥用；可是，倘若有告密者胆敢以“危险”二字来惊扰他的刚勇，他只需报以轻蔑的一笑，便能叫他们闭口。人人称颂他对公道坚定不移的热爱；而在追求公道的路上，这位皇帝很容易受诱惑，把宽仁看作软弱，把激愤当成美德。当他还奋发进取、雄心勃勃，敢与地位相当者放胆角逐时，瓦伦提尼安鲜少受人损害，更无人能侮辱他而不受惩处：纵有人非议他不够审慎，也没人不叹服他的血性；就连最骄横、最有权势的将领，也都忌惮去招惹这位无所畏惧的军人的怨怒。可惜等他成了天下之主，却忘了这样一个道理：既无从抗拒，也就无所谓勇敢。他不去听从理智与宽宏的教诲，反而放纵性子里那股狂怒——而此时此地，这股狂怒既玷辱了他自己，又断送了那些手无寸铁、触怒了他的人。无论治家还是治国，一点点小小的、乃至纯属他臆想出来的冒犯——一句急躁的话，一次无心的疏忽，一回不由自主的迟延——都会招来立即处死的判决。这位西部皇帝口中最脱口而出的话，无非是：“砍掉他的脑袋”“把他活活烧死”“用棍子打到他断气” 57；他最宠信的大臣也很快明白：谁若冒失地质疑或拖延他那些嗜血的命令，谁就可能连自己也一并卷进抗命的罪与罚里。这种野蛮“公道”一再得逞，把瓦伦提尼安的心肠磨得再不知怜悯与悔恨为何物；一时的暴怒，也终于固化成残忍的习性 58。眼看酷刑与死亡的痉挛惨状，他竟能平静而满足地欣赏；他把情谊只留给那些秉性与他最投合的忠仆。马克西明屠戮了罗马最显贵的一批家族，其“功劳”却换来了君主的嘉许，以及高卢大区长官之职。
¶
Two fierce and enormous bears, distinguished by the appellations of Innocence, and Mica Aurea, could alone deserve to share the favor of Maximin. The cages of those trusty guards were always placed near the bed-chamber of Valentinian, who frequently amused his eyes with the grateful spectacle of seeing them tear and devour the bleeding limbs of the malefactors who were abandoned to their rage. Their diet and exercises were carefully inspected by the Roman emperor; and when Innocence had earned her discharge, by a long course of meritorious service, the faithful animal was again restored to the freedom of her native woods. 59
唯有两头凶猛硕大的熊，才配与马克西明一同分享君主的宠幸；它们分别得了“无辜”与 Mica Aurea（“金屑”）的名号。这两名忠实卫士的笼子，总安放在瓦伦提尼安的寝室近旁；他常以饱眼福为乐，看它们撕咬吞食那些被丢去任其逞凶的罪犯——那血淋淋的肢体，在他看来竟是赏心悦目的景象。这位罗马皇帝还亲自过问它们的饮食与操练；待“无辜”凭着长久的“功勋”挣得了退役，这头忠心的畜生便重获自由，放归它出生的山林 59。
Notes 注释
29
↩
Notwithstanding the evidence of Zonaras, Suidas, and the Paschal Chronicle, M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 671) wishes to disbelieve those stories, si avantageuses à un payen.
尽管有佐纳拉斯、苏达斯和《复活节编年史》为证，蒂耶蒙先生（Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 671）仍执意不肯相信这些说法——只因它们 si avantageuses à un payen（对一个异教徒实在太有利了）。
30
↩
Eunapius celebrates and exaggerates the sufferings of Maximus. (p. 82, 83;) yet he allows that the sophist or magician, the guilty favorite of Julian, and the personal enemy of Valentinian, was dismissed on the payment of a small fine.
欧纳皮乌斯极力渲染、乃至夸大了马克西穆斯所受的苦难（第 82、83 页）；不过他也承认，这位辩士（或曰术士）——尤利安身边负罪的宠臣、瓦伦提尼安的私敌——最终只是缴了一小笔罚金便获释了。
31
↩
The loose assertions of a general disgrace (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 201), are detected and refuted by Tillemont, (tom. v. p. 21.)
关于一场普遍失势的种种含糊说法（Zosimus, l. iv. p. 201），已被蒂耶蒙查核驳倒（tom. v. p. 21）。
32
↩
Ammianus, xxvi. 5.
阿米阿努斯，xxvi. 5。
3211
↩
Ipse supra impacati Rhen semibarbaras ripas raptim vexilla constituens * * Princeps creatus ad difficilem militiam revertisti. Symm. Orat. 81.—M.
Ipse supra impacati Rhen semibarbaras ripas raptim vexilla constituens * * Princeps creatus ad difficilem militiam revertisti（你亲自在未靖的莱茵河那半开化的岸边匆匆立起旌旗……身为君主，你重又踏上了艰难的征伐）。叙马库斯《演说集》81。—M
33
↩
Ammianus says, in general terms, subagrestis ingenii, nec bellicis nec liberalibus studiis eruditus. Ammian. xxxi. 14. The orator Themistius, with the genuine impertinence of a Greek, wishes for the first time to speak the Latin language, the dialect of his sovereign. Orat. vi. p. 71.
阿米阿努斯只是笼统地说他 subagrestis ingenii, nec bellicis nec liberalibus studiis eruditus（天性近乎粗鄙，武艺与文教皆无所长）。Ammian. xxxi. 14。演说家特米斯提乌斯则带着希腊人特有的冒失，说自己头一回想要讲拉丁语——他那位君主所操的方言。Orat. vi. p. 71。
34
↩
The uncertain degree of alliance, or consanguinity, is expressed by the words, cognatus, consobrinus, (see Valesius ad Ammian. xxiii. 3.) The mother of Procopius might be a sister of Basilina and Count Julian, the mother and uncle of the Apostate. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 49.
这门亲缘（或血亲）关系究竟有多近，说不确切，只以 cognatus、consobrinus（亲属、表亲）这类字眼来表示（参看 Valesius ad Ammian. xxiii. 3）。普罗柯比的母亲，或许是巴西丽娜与尤利安伯爵的姐妹——此二人正是背教者尤利安的母亲与舅父。Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 49。
35
↩
Ammian. xxiii. 3, xxvi. 6. He mentions the report with much hesitation: susurravit obscurior fama; nemo enim dicti auctor exstitit verus. It serves, however, to remark, that Procopius was a Pagan. Yet his religion does not appear to have promoted, or obstructed, his pretensions.
Ammian. xxiii. 3, xxvi. 6。他提到这则传闻时颇多迟疑：susurravit obscurior fama; nemo enim dicti auctor exstitit verus（暗昧的流言窃窃私语，却查无一个确凿的传述之人）。不过，这倒值得一提：普罗柯比是个异教徒。然而他的信仰，似乎既未助长、也未妨碍他的僭望。
36
↩
One of his retreats was a country-house of Eunomius, the heretic. The master was absent, innocent, ignorant; yet he narrowly escaped a sentence of death, and was banished into the remote parts of Mauritania, (Philostorg. l. ix. c. 5, 8, and Godefroy’s Dissert. p. 369-378.)
他藏身之处，有一所属于异端欧诺米乌斯的乡间宅第。宅主当时不在，既无辜又毫不知情，却险些被判死刑，终遭流放到毛里塔尼亚的偏远地带（Philostorg. l. ix. c. 5, 8，及 Godefroy’s Dissert. p. 369-378）。
3611
↩
It may be suspected, from a fragment of Eunapius, that the heathen and philosophic party espoused the cause of Procopius. Heraclius, the Cynic, a man who had been honored by a philosophic controversy with Julian, striking the ground with his staff, incited him to courage with the line of Homer Eunapius. Mai, p. 207 or in Niebuhr’s edition, p. 73.—M.
从欧纳皮乌斯的一段残篇可以推想，异教徒与哲人一派曾拥护普罗柯比的事业。犬儒派的希拉克略——此人曾因与尤利安展开一场哲学论辩而得享殊荣——以手杖击地，用荷马的一句诗激励他鼓起勇气（欧纳皮乌斯，见 Mai, p. 207，或尼布尔版 p. 73）。—M
37
↩
Hormisdæ maturo juveni Hormisdæ regalis illius filio, potestatem Proconsulis detulit; et civilia, more veterum, et bella, recturo. Ammian. xxvi. 8. The Persian prince escaped with honor and safety, and was afterwards (A. D. 380) restored to the same extraordinary office of proconsul of Bithynia, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 204) I am ignorant whether the race of Sassan was propagated. I find (A. D. 514) a pope Hormisdas; but he was a native of Frusino, in Italy, (Pagi Brev. Pontific. tom. i. p. 247)
Hormisdæ maturo juveni Hormisdæ regalis illius filio, potestatem Proconsulis detulit; et civilia, more veterum, et bella, recturo（他把代执政官之权授予那位年富力强的青年霍尔米兹德，即王族霍尔米兹德之子，令其依古制既掌民政又统军事）。Ammian. xxvi. 8。这位波斯王子体面而平安地脱身，日后（公元 380 年）又官复原职，重任那非同寻常的比提尼亚代执政官（Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 204）。萨珊一脉是否延续，我不得而知。我查到（公元 514 年）有一位教宗霍尔米兹德；不过他生于意大利的弗鲁西诺（Pagi Brev. Pontific. tom. i. p. 247）。
38
↩
The infant rebel was afterwards the wife of the emperor Gratian but she died young, and childless. See Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 48, 59.
这个尚在襁褓的“叛党”，后来成了格拉提安皇帝的妻子，却早逝而无子嗣。参见 Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 48, 59。
39
↩
Sequimini culminis summi prosapiam, was the language of Procopius, who affected to despise the obscure birth, and fortuitous election of the upstart Pannonian. Ammian. xxvi. 7.
“Sequimini culminis summi prosapiam”（追随这至尊血统的后裔吧）——这是普罗柯比的说辞，他装出一副鄙夷之态，讥讽那位潘诺尼亚暴发户出身寒微、登位全凭侥幸。Ammian. xxvi. 7。
3911
↩
Symmachus describes his embarrassment. “The Germans are the common enemies of the state, Procopius the private foe of the Emperor; his first care must be victory, his second revenge.” Symm. Orat. p. 11.—M.
叙马库斯描述了他的窘境：“日耳曼人是国家共同的敌人，普罗柯比则是皇帝个人的仇敌；他首先要谋求的是胜利，其次才是复仇。”Symm. Orat. p. 11。—M
40
↩
Et dedignatus hominem superare certamine despicabilem, auctoritatis et celsi fiducia corporis ipsis hostibus jussit, suum vincire rectorem: atque ita turmarum, antesignanus umbratilis comprensus suorum manibus. The strength and beauty of Arintheus, the new Hercules, are celebrated by St. Basil, who supposed that God had created him as an inimitable model of the human species. The painters and sculptors could not express his figure: the historians appeared fabulous when they related his exploits, (Ammian. xxvi. and Vales. ad loc.)
Et dedignatus hominem superare certamine despicabilem, auctoritatis et celsi fiducia corporis ipsis hostibus jussit, suum vincire rectorem: atque ita turmarum, antesignanus umbratilis comprensus suorum manibus（他不屑于同这等卑鄙之徒较量取胜，凭着自己的威望与魁伟的身躯，径直命令敌军把他们自己的头领捆起来；于是这个徒有其表的骑队首领，便被自己人当场擒获）。阿林塞乌斯气力过人、相貌俊美，这位当世的赫拉克勒斯为圣巴西尔所盛赞；巴西尔以为，上帝创造此人，原是要立一个无从摹仿的人类典范。画家与雕塑家都描摹不出他的形貌；史家叙述他的事迹时，也显得近乎荒诞（Ammian. xxvi. 及 Vales. ad loc.）。
41
↩
The same field of battle is placed by Ammianus in Lycia, and by Zosimus at Thyatira, which are at the distance of 150 miles from each other. But Thyatira alluitur Lyco, (Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 31, Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 79;) and the transcribers might easily convert an obscure river into a well-known province. * Note: Ammianus and Zosimus place the last battle at Nacolia in Phrygia; Ammianus altogether omits the former battle near Thyatira. Procopius was on his march (iter tendebat) towards Lycia. See Wagner’s note, in c.—M.
同一处战场，阿米阿努斯把它放在吕基亚，佐西莫斯却放在提亚提拉，而两地相距足有 150 英里。可是提亚提拉“alluitur Lyco”（有吕科斯河流经）（Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 31，Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 79）；抄写者很容易就把一条无名小河，讹成了一个人所共知的行省。*按：阿米阿努斯与佐西莫斯都把最后一战置于弗里吉亚的纳科利亚；提亚提拉附近那先一场战事，阿米阿努斯则完全略去。普罗柯比当时正朝吕基亚进发（iter tendebat）。参看瓦格纳该处的注。—M
42
↩
The adventures, usurpation, and fall of Procopius, are related, in a regular series, by Ammianus, (xxvi. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,) and Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 203-210.) They often illustrate, and seldom contradict, each other. Themistius (Orat. vii. p. 91, 92) adds some base panegyric; and Euna pius (p. 83, 84) some malicious satire. ——Symmachus joins with Themistius in praising the clemency of Valens dic victoriæ moderatus est, quasi contra se nemo pugnavit. Symm. Orat. p. 12.—M.
普罗柯比的种种经历、僭位与败亡，阿米阿努斯（xxvi. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10）与佐西莫斯（l. iv. p. 203-210）都作了条理分明的连贯记述。二人常相互印证，鲜有抵牾。特米斯提乌斯（Orat. vii. p. 91, 92）添了几句卑下的谀辞；欧纳皮乌斯（p. 83, 84）则加了些恶毒的讥讽。——叙马库斯与特米斯提乌斯一样称颂瓦伦斯的宽仁：dic victoriæ moderatus est, quasi contra se nemo pugnavit（可以说他节制地对待胜利，仿佛根本无人曾与他为敌）。Symm. Orat. p. 12。—M
4211
↩
This infamous inquisition into sorcery and witchcraft has been of greater influence on human affairs than is commonly supposed. The persecutions against philosophers and their libraries was carried on with so much fury, that from this time (A. D. 374) the names of the Gentile philosophers became almost extinct; and the Christian philosophy and religion, particularly in the East, established their ascendency. I am surprised that Gibbon has not made this observation. Heyne, Note on Zosimus, l. iv. 14, p. 637. Besides vast heaps of manuscripts publicly destroyed throughout the East, men of letters burned their whole libraries, lest some fatal volume should expose them to the malice of the informers and the extreme penalty of the law. Amm. Marc. xxix. 11.—M.
这场臭名昭著、针对巫蛊之术的清查，对人世的影响，实比通常所设想的更为深远。当时对哲学家及其藏书的迫害极其疯狂，以致从此（公元 374 年）起，异教哲学家的名字几乎绝迹；而基督教哲学与宗教，尤其在东方，就此确立了优势。我很诧异吉本竟未提出这一见解。海涅，Note on Zosimus, l. iv. 14, p. 637。除了东方各地当众销毁的成堆手稿之外，文人们更把自家整座藏书付之一炬，唯恐某一卷不祥之书，会让自己落入告密者的恶意与法律极刑之中。Amm. Marc. xxix. 11。—M
43
↩
Libanius de ulciscend. Julian. nece, c. ix. p. 158, 159. The sophist deplores the public frenzy, but he does not (after their deaths) impeach the justice of the emperors.
利巴尼乌斯，de ulciscend. Julian. nece（《论为尤利安之死复仇》），c. ix. p. 158, 159。这位辩士痛惜举世的疯狂，却（在他们死后）并未指摘两位皇帝行事不公。
44
↩
The French and English lawyers, of the present age, allow the theory, and deny the practice, of witchcraft, (Denisart, Recueil de Decisions de Jurisprudence, au mot Sorciers, tom. iv. p. 553. Blackstone’s Commentaries, vol. iv. p. 60.) As private reason always prevents, or outstrips, public wisdom, the president Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 5, 6) rejects the existence of magic.
当今法、英两国的法学家，承认巫术之“理论”，却否认巫术之“实行”（Denisart, Recueil de Decisions de Jurisprudence, au mot Sorciers, tom. iv. p. 553。Blackstone’s Commentaries, vol. iv. p. 60）。私人的理性总是先于、且胜过公众的智慧，故孟德斯鸠院长（Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 5, 6）径直否认巫术的“存在”。
45
↩
See Œuvres de Bayle, tom. iii. p. 567-589. The sceptic of Rotterdam exhibits, according to his custom, a strange medley of loose knowledge and lively wit.
参见 Œuvres de Bayle, tom. iii. p. 567-589。这位鹿特丹的怀疑论者一如既往，把庞杂散漫的学识与灵动的机智，糅成一锅奇特的大杂烩。
46
↩
The Pagans distinguished between good and bad magic, the Theurgic and the Goetic, (Hist. de l’Académie, &c., tom. vii. p. 25.) But they could not have defended this obscure distinction against the acute logic of Bayle. In the Jewish and Christian system, all dæmons are infernal spirits; and all commerce with them is idolatry, apostasy &c., which deserves death and damnation.
异教徒把巫术分为善恶两类，即神通之术（Theurgic）与妖邪之术（Goetic）（Hist. de l’Académie, &c., tom. vii. p. 25）。然而面对培尔犀利的逻辑，他们这一含混的区分根本站不住脚。在犹太教与基督教的体系里，“一切”精灵皆是地狱恶魔，“一切”与之往来皆属偶像崇拜、背教等等，理当处死并遭永罚。
47
↩
The Canidia of Horace (Carm. l. v. Od. 5, with Dacier’s and Sanadon’s illustrations) is a vulgar witch. The Erictho of Lucan (Pharsal. vi. 430-830) is tedious, disgusting, but sometimes sublime. She chides the delay of the Furies, and threatens, with tremendous obscurity, to pronounce their real names; to reveal the true infernal countenance of Hecate; to invoke the secret powers that lie below hell, &c.
贺拉斯笔下的卡尼狄娅（Carm. l. v. Od. 5，附达西耶与萨纳东的注解）是个粗俗的女巫。卢坎笔下的厄里克托（Pharsal. vi. 430-830）冗长而令人作呕，却也时见崇高。她斥责复仇女神迟迟不至，又以骇人的隐晦口吻威胁道：要说出她们真正的名字，要揭露赫卡忒地狱里真实的面目，要召唤蛰伏于地狱更深处的秘密之力，如此等等。
48
↩
Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostrâ et vetabitur semper et retinebitur. Tacit. Hist. i. 22. See Augustin. de Civitate Dei, l. viii. c. 19, and the Theodosian Code l. ix. tit. xvi., with Godefroy’s Commentary.
Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostrâ et vetabitur semper et retinebitur（这是一类对当权者不忠、对存指望者行骗的人；在我们的城邦里，它将永远既被禁绝、又被留存）。Tacit. Hist. i. 22。另见 Augustin. de Civitate Dei, l. viii. c. 19，及《狄奥多西法典》l. ix. tit. xvi.，附戈德弗鲁瓦的注疏。
49
↩
The persecution of Antioch was occasioned by a criminal consultation. The twenty-four letters of the alphabet were arranged round a magic tripod: and a dancing ring, which had been placed in the centre, pointed to the four first letters in the name of the future emperor, O. E. O Triangle. Theodorus (perhaps with many others, who owned the fatal syllables) was executed. Theodosius succeeded. Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 353-372) has copiously and fairly examined this dark transaction of the reign of Valens.
安条克的这场迫害，起因于一次有罪的占问。人们把二十四个字母排列在一具魔法三足鼎的四周；置于正中的一枚跳动的指环，指向了那位未来皇帝名字起首的四个字母——Θ、Ε、Ο、Δ。狄奥多鲁斯（或许还连同许多名字里也带着那几个不祥音节的人）因此被处死。继位的却是狄奥多西。拉德纳（Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 353-372）对瓦伦斯朝这桩晦暗之事，作了详尽而公允的考察。
50
↩
Limus ut hic durescit, et hæc ut cera liquescit
Uno eodemque igni—Virgil. Bucolic. viii. 80.
Devovet absentes, simulacraque cerea figit.
—Ovid. in Epist. Hypsil. ad Jason 91.
Such vain incantations could affect the mind, and increase the disease of Germanicus. Tacit. Annal. ii. 69.
Uno eodemque igni—Virgil. Bucolic. viii. 80.
Devovet absentes, simulacraque cerea figit.
—Ovid. in Epist. Hypsil. ad Jason 91.
Such vain incantations could affect the mind, and increase the disease of Germanicus. Tacit. Annal. ii. 69.
Limus ut hic durescit, et hæc ut cera liquescit Uno eodemque igni（如这泥团在同一炉火中变硬，那蜡块却在同一炉火中熔化）——维吉尔《牧歌》第八首，80行。Devovet absentes, simulacraque cerea figit（她诅咒不在场之人，把蜡像钉刺穿透）——奥维德《书简·许普茜皮勒致伊阿宋》，91行。此类无谓的巫咒竟能扰动心神，加重日耳曼尼库斯的病情。塔西佗《编年史》第二卷，69节。
51
↩
See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. ii. p. 353, &c. Cod. Theodosian. l. ix. tit. 7, with Godefroy’s Commentary.
参见 Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. ii. p. 353, &c.；Cod. Theodosian. l. ix. tit. 7，附戈德弗鲁瓦的注疏。
52
↩
The cruel persecution of Rome and Antioch is described, and most probably exaggerated, by Ammianus (xxvii. 1. xxix. 1, 2) and Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 216-218.) The philosopher Maximus, with some justice, was involved in the charge of magic, (Eunapius in Vit. Sophist. p. 88, 89;) and young Chrysostom, who had accidentally found one of the proscribed books, gave himself up for lost, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 340.)
罗马与安条克那场残酷的迫害，阿米阿努斯（xxvii. 1. xxix. 1, 2）与佐西莫斯（l. iv. p. 216-218）都有描述，多半还夸大其词。哲学家马克西穆斯被牵连进巫术的指控，倒也不无缘由（Eunapius in Vit. Sophist. p. 88, 89）；而年轻的克里索斯托偶然寻得一本禁书，便自以为必死无疑了（Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 340）。
53
↩
Consult the six last books of Ammianus, and more particularly the portraits of the two royal brothers, (xxx. 8, 9, xxxi. 14.) Tillemont has collected (tom. v. p. 12-18, p. 127-133) from all antiquity their virtues and vices.
可查阅阿米阿努斯最后六卷，尤其是关于两位皇室兄弟的那些画像（xxx. 8, 9, xxxi. 14）。蒂耶蒙则从古人的全部记载中，辑录了他们的德行与劣迹（tom. v. p. 12-18, p. 127-133）。
54
↩
The younger Victor asserts, that he was valde timidus: yet he behaved, as almost every man would do, with decent resolution at the head of an army. The same historian attempts to prove that his anger was harmless. Ammianus observes, with more candor and judgment, incidentia crimina ad contemptam vel læsam principis amplitudinem trahens, in sanguinem sæviebat.
小维克托断言他 valde timidus（极为怯懦）；然而一旦身处大军“阵前”，他却也像几乎人人都会做的那样，表现出相当的决断。这位史家还试图证明他的怒气并无害处。阿米阿努斯的评说则更为坦率而有见地：incidentia crimina ad contemptam vel læsam principis amplitudinem trahens, in sanguinem sæviebat（他动辄把偶发的罪案，都往“蔑视或损害君主威严”上牵扯，于是嗜血逞凶）。
55
↩
Cum esset ad acerbitatem naturæ calore propensior. .. pœnas perignes augebat et gladios. Ammian. xxx. 8. See xxvii. 7
Cum esset ad acerbitatem naturæ calore propensior... pœnas per ignes augebat et gladios（他天性中那股火气本就偏向暴戾……于是变本加厉，动用烈火与刀剑来施刑）。Ammian. xxx. 8。另见 xxvii. 7。
56
↩
I have transferred the reproach of avarice from Valens to his servant. Avarice more properly belongs to ministers than to kings; in whom that passion is commonly extinguished by absolute possession.
我把贪婪之责，从瓦伦斯身上转到了他仆臣的头上。贪婪这毛病，本更宜归于大臣，而非君王；因为君王既已尽握天下，这份贪念通常也就随之消泯了。
57
↩
He sometimes expressed a sentence of death with a tone of pleasantry: “Abi, Comes, et muta ei caput, qui sibi mutari provinciam cupit.” A boy, who had slipped too hastily a Spartan bound; an armorer, who had made a polished cuirass that wanted some grains of the legitimate weight, &c., were the victims of his fury.
他有时会以打趣的口吻宣判死刑：“Abi, Comes, et muta ei caput, qui sibi mutari provinciam cupit”（去吧，伯爵，那个想给自己换个行省的人，就给他把脑袋换掉）。一个过于性急放脱了斯巴达猎犬的男孩，一个把胸甲打磨得光亮、分量却差了几粒之数的甲匠，如此等等，都成了他雷霆之怒下的牺牲品。
58
↩
The innocents of Milan were an agent and three apparitors, whom Valentinian condemned for signifying a legal summons. Ammianus (xxvii. 7) strangely supposes, that all who had been unjustly executed were worshipped as martyrs by the Christians. His impartial silence does not allow us to believe, that the great chamberlain Rhodanus was burnt alive for an act of oppression, (Chron. Paschal. p. 392.) * Note: Ammianus does not say that they were worshipped as martyrs. Quorum memoriam apud Mediolanum colentes nunc usque Christiani loculos ubi sepulti sunt, ad innocentes appellant. Wagner’s note in loco. Yet if the next paragraph refers to that transaction, which is not quite clear. Gibbon is right.—M.
米兰的那几个“无辜者”，本是一名代理人和三名传令吏，瓦伦提尼安却因他们送达一纸合法的传票而将其治罪。阿米阿努斯（xxvii. 7）却离奇地设想，凡遭冤杀者，都被基督徒当作殉道者来敬奉。既然他不偏不倚地保持沉默，我们便不能据以相信：内廷总管罗达努斯当真因一桩压迫之举而被活活烧死（Chron. Paschal. p. 392）。*按：阿米阿努斯并未说他们被当作“殉道者”敬奉。Quorum memoriam apud Mediolanum colentes nunc usque Christiani loculos ubi sepulti sunt, ad innocentes appellant（米兰的基督徒至今仍崇敬他们的遗念，把他们的安葬之处称作“无辜者之墓”）。瓦格纳该处的注。不过，倘若下一段所指的正是此事——这一点并不十分明了——那么吉本是对的。—M
59
↩
Ut bene meritam in sylvas jussit abire Innoxiam. Ammian. xxix. and Valesius ad locum.
Ut bene meritam in sylvas jussit abire Innoxiam（他下令让功勋卓著的“无辜”放归山林）。Ammian. xxix.，及 Valesius ad locum。