Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part I. 第二十五章 约维安与瓦伦提尼安在位时期，帝国分治——第一节
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The Government And Death Of Jovian.—Election Of Valentinian, Who Associates His Brother Valens, And Makes The Final Division Of The Eastern And Western Empires.— Revolt Of Procopius.—Civil And Ecclesiastical Administration.—Germany. —Britain.—Africa.—The East.— The Danube.—Death Of Valentinian.—His Two Sons, Gratian And Valentinian II., Succeed To The Western Empire.
约维安（Jovian）的统治与死亡。——瓦伦提尼安（Valentinian）膺选为帝，随即立其弟瓦伦斯（Valens）为共治者，最终将帝国划分为东西两部。——普罗柯比（Procopius）的叛乱。——民政与教务。——日耳曼。——不列颠。——阿非利加。——东方。——多瑙河。——瓦伦提尼安之死。——其二子格拉提安（Gratian）与瓦伦提尼安二世（Valentinian II）继承西部帝国。
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The death of Julian had left the public affairs of the empire in a very doubtful and dangerous situation. The Roman army was saved by an inglorious, perhaps a necessary treaty; 1 and the first moments of peace were consecrated by the pious Jovian to restore the domestic tranquility of the church and state. The indiscretion of his predecessor, instead of reconciling, had artfully fomented the religious war: and the balance which he affected to preserve between the hostile factions, served only to perpetuate the contest, by the vicissitudes of hope and fear, by the rival claims of ancient possession and actual favor. The Christians had forgotten the spirit of the gospel; and the Pagans had imbibed the spirit of the church. In private families, the sentiments of nature were extinguished by the blind fury of zeal and revenge: the majesty of the laws was violated or abused; the cities of the East were stained with blood; and the most implacable enemies of the Romans were in the bosom of their country. Jovian was educated in the profession of Christianity; and as he marched from Nisibis to Antioch, the banner of the Cross, the Labarum of Constantine, which was again displayed at the head of the legions, announced to the people the faith of their new emperor. As soon as he ascended the throne, he transmitted a circular epistle to all the governors of provinces; in which he confessed the divine truth, and secured the legal establishment, of the Christian religion. The insidious edicts of Julian were abolished; the ecclesiastical immunities were restored and enlarged; and Jovian condescended to lament, that the distress of the times obliged him to diminish the measure of charitable distributions. 2 The Christians were unanimous in the loud and sincere applause which they bestowed on the pious successor of Julian. But they were still ignorant what creed, or what synod, he would choose for the standard of orthodoxy; and the peace of the church immediately revived those eager disputes which had been suspended during the season of persecution. The episcopal leaders of the contending sects, convinced, from experience, how much their fate would depend on the earliest impressions that were made on the mind of an untutored soldier, hastened to the court of Edessa, or Antioch. The highways of the East were crowded with Homoousian, and Arian, and Semi-Arian, and Eunomian bishops, who struggled to outstrip each other in the holy race: the apartments of the palace resounded with their clamors; and the ears of the prince were assaulted, and perhaps astonished, by the singular mixture of metaphysical argument and passionate invective. 3 The moderation of Jovian, who recommended concord and charity, and referred the disputants to the sentence of a future council, was interpreted as a symptom of indifference: but his attachment to the Nicene creed was at length discovered and declared, by the reverence which he expressed for the celestial 4 virtues of the great Athanasius. The intrepid veteran of the faith, at the age of seventy, had issued from his retreat on the first intelligence of the tyrant’s death. The acclamations of the people seated him once more on the archiepiscopal throne; and he wisely accepted, or anticipated, the invitation of Jovian. The venerable figure of Athanasius, his calm courage, and insinuating eloquence, sustained the reputation which he had already acquired in the courts of four successive princes. 5 As soon as he had gained the confidence, and secured the faith, of the Christian emperor, he returned in triumph to his diocese, and continued, with mature counsels and undiminished vigor, to direct, ten years longer, 6 the ecclesiastical government of Alexandria, Egypt, and the Catholic church. Before his departure from Antioch, he assured Jovian that his orthodox devotion would be rewarded with a long and peaceful reign. Athanasius, had reason to hope, that he should be allowed either the merit of a successful prediction, or the excuse of a grateful though ineffectual prayer. 7
尤利安（Julian）之死，使帝国的公共事务陷入极不明朗、极其危险的境地。罗马大军靠一纸并不光彩、却或许不得不订的和约，才得以保全；1和平刚一到来，虔诚的约维安首先致力的，便是恢复教会与国家内部的安宁。他的前任行事欠审慎，非但不去调和，反而用尽心机，煽起了这场宗教之争；他装作要在敌对各派之间维持均势，结果只让争斗绵延不休：各派时而满怀希望，时而忧惧交加，一边凭着旧日的既得权利，一边仗着眼下的恩宠，彼此相争，互不相让。基督徒早已忘却福音书的精神，异教徒却沾染上了教会的习气。便是寻常人家，狂热与复仇的盲目怒火也扑灭了骨肉天性；法律的威严或遭践踏，或被滥用；东方诸城血迹斑斑；罗马人最不共戴天的仇敌，竟就出在自己国中。约维安自幼受基督教的熏陶；当他从尼西比斯（Nisibis）向安条克（Antioch）进军时，十字架（Cross）的旗帜——即君士坦丁（Constantine）的拉巴伦军旗（Labarum）——重新高擎于各军团之前，向万民昭示新皇帝所奉的信仰。他一登基，便向各行省总督颁下一道通谕，昭告基督教乃神圣真理，并以法律确立其正式地位。尤利安那些暗藏机心的敕令一概废止；教会的种种豁免特权得以恢复，且有扩大；约维安还屈尊表示惋惜：时局艰难，逼得他不得不削减赈济的份额。2继尤利安而立的是一位虔诚的君主，基督徒众口一词，高声称颂，也都出于真心。然而他们尚不知道，他会择取哪一种信经、哪一次会议的决议，作为正统的准绳；教会一旦重获安宁，那些在迫害期间暂告搁置的激烈争论便立时死灰复燃。各争执教派的主教首领，凭经验深知：自己一派的命运，大半系于这位未受教养的军人心中最初留下的印象；于是纷纷赶往埃德萨（Edessa）或安条克的宫廷。东方的大道上挤满了同质派（Homoousian）、阿里乌斯派（Arian）、半阿里乌斯派（Semi-Arian）、欧诺米乌派的主教，人人争先，唯恐在这场神圣的竞逐中落于人后：宫廷的殿宇里回荡着他们的喧嚷；形而上的思辨与激愤的谩骂奇异地交织在一起，轮番冲击着这位君主的耳朵，或许也叫他听得瞠目结舌。3约维安态度温和，劝人和睦、宽容，并把争执各方一概交由日后的一场会议裁决；人们却把这份中庸看作漠不关心的表现。不过，他对伟大的阿塔纳修斯（Athanasius）那“celestial”4（天神般）的德行由衷敬仰，终于让人看出、也向世人表明了他倾心于尼西亚信经（Nicene creed）。这位无畏的信仰宿将，年已七十，一得到暴君死讯，便走出隐居之所。民众的欢呼把他再度拥上大主教的宝座；约维安相邀，他明智地应邀前往，或者说，不等邀请到来便已先行动身。阿塔纳修斯早已在前后四朝君主的宫廷中赢得声望，此番凭着庄严的仪表、镇定无畏的胆识和娓娓动人的辩才，依旧不负盛名。5他一赢得这位基督徒皇帝的信任，又稳住了皇帝的信仰，便凯旋而归，回到自己的教区，以老成的谋略和不减当年的精力，又主掌了亚历山大里亚（Alexandria）、埃及乃至整个大公教会的教务达十年之久。6离开安条克之前，他向约维安保证：这位皇帝对正统的虔敬，必将换来长久而太平的治世。阿塔纳修斯有理由指望：此言若验，他可居预言灵验之功；即便不验，也不过是一句心怀感激却未能奏效的祈祷，无可厚非。7
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The slightest force, when it is applied to assist and guide the natural descent of its object, operates with irresistible weight; and Jovian had the good fortune to embrace the religious opinions which were supported by the spirit of the times, and the zeal and numbers of the most powerful sect. 8 Under his reign, Christianity obtained an easy and lasting victory; and as soon as the smile of royal patronage was withdrawn, the genius of Paganism, which had been fondly raised and cherished by the arts of Julian, sunk irrecoverably in the. In many cities, the temples were shut or deserted: the philosophers who had abused their transient favor, thought it prudent to shave their beards, and disguise their profession; and the Christians rejoiced, that they were now in a condition to forgive, or to revenge, the injuries which they had suffered under the preceding reign. 9 The consternation of the Pagan world was dispelled by a wise and gracious edict of toleration; in which Jovian explicitly declared, that although he should severely punish the sacrilegious rites of magic, his subjects might exercise, with freedom and safety, the ceremonies of the ancient worship. The memory of this law has been preserved by the orator Themistius, who was deputed by the senate of Constantinople to express their royal devotion for the new emperor. Themistius expatiates on the clemency of the Divine Nature, the facility of human error, the rights of conscience, and the independence of the mind; and, with some eloquence, inculcates the principles of philosophical toleration; whose aid Superstition herself, in the hour of her distress, is not ashamed to implore. He justly observes, that in the recent changes, both religions had been alternately disgraced by the seeming acquisition of worthless proselytes, of those votaries of the reigning purple, who could pass, without a reason, and without a blush, from the church to the temple, and from the altars of Jupiter to the sacred table of the Christians. 10
物体顺其本性下落时，只需极微弱的力量从旁助推、稍加引导，便能势不可挡；约维安的幸运正在于此：他所信奉的宗教主张，既合乎时代风气，又有势力最大的一派凭着热忱与人数为之撑腰。8在他治下，基督教轻而易举地取得了持久的胜利；异教的生机原是尤利安百般设法、悉心扶植起来的，君王的青睐一经收回，便一落千丈，再也无从挽回。许多城市里，神庙或遭关闭，或被弃置；那些曾滥用一时恩宠的哲人，觉得还是剃去胡须、隐去本行为妙；基督徒则欢欣鼓舞：前朝所受的种种委屈，如今是宽恕还是报复，全由他们做主了。9约维安颁布了一道明智而仁厚的宽容敕令，异教世界的惊惶随之消散；他在敕令中明白宣告：亵渎神明的巫术之礼固当严惩，但臣民仍可自由而安然地举行古老崇拜的种种仪式。此项法令之所以留存至今，全赖演说家特米斯提乌斯（Themistius）；他受君士坦丁堡元老院之遣，前来向新皇帝表达他们的忠忱。特米斯提乌斯大谈神性之仁厚、人之易于犯错、良心的权利与心灵的自主，又以颇为动人的口才，阐扬哲学上的宽容原则；这条原则，便是迷信自己到了危难关头，也不以求它相助为耻。他中肯地指出：在近来的历次变动中，两种宗教都轮番蒙羞——它们看似各自招徕了一批皈依者，实则尽是些不值一提之徒；这些人不过是当朝紫袍的信徒，谁在位便拜谁，既无缘由，也不脸红，一忽儿从教会转投神庙，一忽儿又从朱庇特的祭坛奔向基督徒的圣桌。10
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In the space of seven months, the Roman troops, who were now returned to Antioch, had performed a march of fifteen hundred miles; in which they had endured all the hardships of war, of famine, and of climate. Notwithstanding their services, their fatigues, and the approach of winter, the timid and impatient Jovian allowed only, to the men and horses, a respite of six weeks. The emperor could not sustain the indiscreet and malicious raillery of the people of Antioch. 11 He was impatient to possess the palace of Constantinople; and to prevent the ambition of some competitor, who might occupy the vacant allegiance of Europe. But he soon received the grateful intelligence, that his authority was acknowledged from the Thracian Bosphorus to the Atlantic Ocean. By the first letters which he despatched from the camp of Mesopotamia, he had delegated the military command of Gaul and Illyricum to Malarich, a brave and faithful officer of the nation of the Franks; and to his father-in-law, Count Lucillian, who had formerly distinguished his courage and conduct in the defence of Nisibis. Malarich had declined an office to which he thought himself unequal; and Lucillian was massacred at Rheims, in an accidental mutiny of the Batavian cohorts. 12 But the moderation of Jovinus, master-general of the cavalry, who forgave the intention of his disgrace, soon appeased the tumult, and confirmed the uncertain minds of the soldiers. The oath of fidelity was administered and taken, with loyal acclamations; and the deputies of the Western armies 13 saluted their new sovereign as he descended from Mount Taurus to the city of Tyana in Cappadocia. From Tyana he continued his hasty march to Ancyra, capital of the province of Galatia; where Jovian assumed, with his infant son, the name and ensigns of the consulship. 14 Dadastana, 15 an obscure town, almost at an equal distance between Ancyra and Nice, was marked for the fatal term of his journey and life. After indulging himself with a plentiful, perhaps an intemperate, supper, he retired to rest; and the next morning the emperor Jovian was found dead in his bed. The cause of this sudden death was variously understood. By some it was ascribed to the consequences of an indigestion, occasioned either by the quantity of the wine, or the quality of the mushrooms, which he had swallowed in the evening. According to others, he was suffocated in his sleep by the vapor of charcoal, which extracted from the walls of the apartment the unwholesome moisture of the fresh plaster. 16 But the want of a regular inquiry into the death of a prince, whose reign and person were soon forgotten, appears to have been the only circumstance which countenanced the malicious whispers of poison and domestic guilt. 17 The body of Jovian was sent to Constantinople, to be interred with his predecessors, and the sad procession was met on the road by his wife Charito, the daughter of Count Lucillian; who still wept the recent death of her father, and was hastening to dry her tears in the embraces of an Imperial husband. Her disappointment and grief were imbittered by the anxiety of maternal tenderness. Six weeks before the death of Jovian, his infant son had been placed in the curule chair, adorned with the title of Nobilissimus, and the vain ensigns of the consulship. Unconscious of his fortune, the royal youth, who, from his grandfather, assumed the name of Varronian, was reminded only by the jealousy of the government, that he was the son of an emperor. Sixteen years afterwards he was still alive, but he had already been deprived of an eye; and his afflicted mother expected every hour, that the innocent victim would be torn from her arms, to appease, with his blood, the suspicions of the reigning prince. 18
罗马大军此时已回到安条克；七个月里，他们行军一千五百英里，一路饱尝了战争、饥馑与恶劣天候的种种艰辛。将士劳苦功高，又值隆冬将近，可胆小而性急的约维安却只给人马六周的休整。安条克百姓出言轻佻、恶意讥讽，皇帝实在难以忍受。11他急于入主君士坦丁堡的宫廷，也想抢先一步，免得欧洲一时无主可效忠之际，某个觊觎者乘虚而起。但不久他便收到令人宽慰的消息：从色雷斯博斯普鲁斯海峡（Thracian Bosphorus）直到大西洋，处处都已承认他的权威。早在美索不达米亚的营中，他便发出最初几封书信，把高卢（Gaul）与伊利里库姆（Illyricum）的军事指挥权，交给了法兰克人中一位英勇忠诚的将领马拉里克（Malarich），以及自己的岳父卢基利安努斯（Lucillian）伯爵——后者当年守卫尼西比斯，曾以勇武与干练著称。马拉里克自忖难当此任，婉拒了这一职位；卢基利安努斯则在兰斯（Rheims）死于巴塔维（Batavian）步兵队一场突发的哗变。12骑兵统帅（Imperator）约维努斯（Jovinus）明知新君原有意罢免自己，却宽宏大度，不予计较，很快平息了骚乱，安定了士卒动摇的心。将士们在一片拥戴的欢呼声中宣誓效忠；新君翻越托罗斯山（Taurus）、抵达卡帕多西亚（Cappadocia）的提亚纳（Tyana）城时，西部各军的代表13前来向他致敬。他又从提亚纳匆匆赶往加拉太（Galatia）行省的首府安基拉（Ancyra），在那里，约维安与尚在襁褓的幼子一同就任执政官，领受了这一名号与仪仗。14达达斯塔纳（Dadastana）15是一座无名小镇，差不多正处在安基拉与尼西亚（Nice）之间；他此行的旅程，连同他的一生，都注定要在这里终结。一顿丰盛、或许过量的晚餐之后，他歇息就寝；次日清晨，人们发现约维安皇帝已死在床上。关于这场暴毙的缘由，众说纷纭。有人说他当晚饮酒过多，或是吃的蘑菇不洁，以致消化不良而死；也有人说，房中墙壁新抹了灰泥，炭火一烘，逼出有害的潮气，他便在睡梦中被炭烟闷死了。16这位君主其人其政，很快便被世人淡忘；有人恶意私语，说他是被毒死的，而且是家里人下的手；这类流言所以能够流传，似乎唯一的凭借就是：他的死从未经过正式查究。17约维安的遗体被送往君士坦丁堡，与历代先帝同葬；送葬的哀队在途中遇上了他的妻子卡里托（Charito）。她是卢基利安努斯伯爵之女，正为父亲新丧而哭泣，急着赶往已登大位的丈夫身边，想在他怀中拭去泪水。如今失望与悲恸交加，更兼一片慈母之心的忧惧，愈发难以承受。约维安死前六周，他年幼的儿子已被抱上执政官的象牙曲椅，授以至贵者（Nobilissimus）（Nobilissimus）的封号和那套虚有其表的执政官仪仗。这位皇子随祖父取名瓦罗尼阿努斯（Varronian），懵然不知自己的处境；唯有当权者的猜忌，时时提醒着他：他是一位皇帝的儿子。十六年后他仍然在世，却已被剜去一目；他那备受煎熬的母亲时刻担心：这无辜的牺牲品会被人从她怀中夺走，以他的血来平息当朝君主的疑忌。18
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After the death of Jovian, the throne of the Roman world remained ten days, 19 without a master. The ministers and generals still continued to meet in council; to exercise their respective functions; to maintain the public order; and peaceably to conduct the army to the city of Nice in Bithynia, which was chosen for the place of the election. 20 In a solemn assembly of the civil and military powers of the empire, the diadem was again unanimously offered to the præfect Sallust. He enjoyed the glory of a second refusal: and when the virtues of the father were alleged in favor of his son, the præfect, with the firmness of a disinterested patriot, declared to the electors, that the feeble age of the one, and the unexperienced youth of the other, were equally incapable of the laborious duties of government. Several candidates were proposed; and, after weighing the objections of character or situation, they were successively rejected; but, as soon as the name of Valentinian was pronounced, the merit of that officer united the suffrages of the whole assembly, and obtained the sincere approbation of Sallust himself. Valentinian 21 was the son of Count Gratian, a native of Cibalis, in Pannonia, who from an obscure condition had raised himself, by matchless strength and dexterity, to the military commands of Africa and Britain; from which he retired with an ample fortune and suspicious integrity. The rank and services of Gratian contributed, however, to smooth the first steps of the promotion of his son; and afforded him an early opportunity of displaying those solid and useful qualifications, which raised his character above the ordinary level of his fellow-soldiers. The person of Valentinian was tall, graceful, and majestic. His manly countenance, deeply marked with the impression of sense and spirit, inspired his friends with awe, and his enemies with fear; and to second the efforts of his undaunted courage, the son of Gratian had inherited the advantages of a strong and healthy constitution. By the habits of chastity and temperance, which restrain the appetites and invigorate the faculties, Valentinian preserved his own and the public esteem. The avocations of a military life had diverted his youth from the elegant pursuits of literature; 2111 he was ignorant of the Greek language, and the arts of rhetoric; but as the mind of the orator was never disconcerted by timid perplexity, he was able, as often as the occasion prompted him, to deliver his decided sentiments with bold and ready elocution. The laws of martial discipline were the only laws that he had studied; and he was soon distinguished by the laborious diligence, and inflexible severity, with which he discharged and enforced the duties of the camp. In the time of Julian he provoked the danger of disgrace, by the contempt which he publicly expressed for the reigning religion; 22 and it should seem, from his subsequent conduct, that the indiscreet and unseasonable freedom of Valentinian was the effect of military spirit, rather than of Christian zeal. He was pardoned, however, and still employed by a prince who esteemed his merit; 23 and in the various events of the Persian war, he improved the reputation which he had already acquired on the banks of the Rhine. The celerity and success with which he executed an important commission, recommended him to the favor of Jovian; and to the honorable command of the second school, or company, of Targetiers, of the domestic guards. In the march from Antioch, he had reached his quarters at Ancyra, when he was unexpectedly summoned, without guilt and without intrigue, to assume, in the forty-third year of his age, the absolute government of the Roman empire.
约维安死后，罗马世界的皇位空悬了十天，无人执掌。19众大臣与将领照旧聚会议事，各司其职，维持公共秩序，并平稳地把军队带往比提尼亚（Bithynia）的尼西亚城——那里被选定为推举新君之地。20在一次帝国文武要员的庄严集会上，众人再度一致将冠冕献予长官撒路斯提乌斯（Sallust）。他又一次享有了辞让的荣耀。有人以父亲的德行为由，转而举荐他的儿子；这位长官秉持爱国者的一片公心，毫不动摇地向推举者们声明：自己年迈体衰，儿子则年少无阅历，二人都同样担不起治国的繁难重任。有人提出了好几位人选，但众人权衡其品性或处境上的种种不宜之处后，将他们一一否决；可是瓦伦提尼安的名字一经提出，这位将领的才干便赢得了全场一致的拥戴，连撒路斯提乌斯本人也由衷赞同。瓦伦提尼安21是格拉提安伯爵之子。格拉提安是潘诺尼亚（Pannonia）奇巴利斯（Cibalis）人，出身微贱，凭一身无双的膂力与灵巧，一路擢升，先后统领阿非利加与不列颠的军队；卸任时，他带走了万贯家财，为官是否清廉，却颇令人起疑。不过，格拉提安的地位与功勋，毕竟为儿子铺平了仕途的最初几步，也让儿子早早有机会施展扎实而实用的才干；凭着这些才干，他的声誉远远高出一般同袍。瓦伦提尼安身材高大，举止优雅，仪态威严。他阳刚的面容上深深镌刻着睿智与英气，令友人肃然起敬，令敌人望而生畏；这位格拉提安之子又继承了一副强健康泰的体魄，正好为他无畏的勇气添一份助力。他守身自持、饮食有度，这样的习惯既能约束嗜欲，又能振作心智；瓦伦提尼安凭此既保持了自重，也博得了众人的敬重。他年轻时忙于军务，无暇讲求文学的雅趣；2111他不通希腊语，也不谙修辞之术；但他开口说话时，心思从不因胆怯困惑而慌乱，所以一有需要，总能大胆而流利地把自己的决断和盘托出。军纪的条规是他唯一钻研过的法律；他勤勉不辍，治军严明、绝不通融，履行并督责营中一切职责，很快便脱颖而出。尤利安在位时，他曾公然对当朝所奉的宗教表示不屑，险些因此招祸蒙羞；22从他日后的行事来看，瓦伦提尼安这番不合时宜、也欠审慎的率直，似乎更多出于军人的意气，而非基督徒的热忱。然而这位君主赏识他的才干，不但赦免了他，还继续任用他；23在波斯战争的种种战事中，他更增益了早先在莱茵河畔已然赢得的声名。他奉命办一桩要差，既迅捷又圆满，由此博得约维安的赏识，得以光荣地统领宫廷卫队麾下持盾队（Targetiers）的第二营（拉丁文 schola，即一支连队）。他随军从安条克出发，刚到安基拉驻地，便出乎意料地接到召命：他既未行不义，也未曾钻营，就这样在四十三岁这年，受命执掌罗马帝国至高无上的统治权。
¶
The invitation of the ministers and generals at Nice was of little moment, unless it were confirmed by the voice of the army.
尼西亚诸大臣与将领的推举，若得不到全军的认可，便无足轻重。
¶
The aged Sallust, who had long observed the irregular fluctuations of popular assemblies, proposed, under pain of death, that none of those persons, whose rank in the service might excite a party in their favor, should appear in public on the day of the inauguration. Yet such was the prevalence of ancient superstition, that a whole day was voluntarily added to this dangerous interval, because it happened to be the intercalation of the Bissextile. 24 At length, when the hour was supposed to be propitious, Valentinian showed himself from a lofty tribunal; the judicious choice was applauded; and the new prince was solemnly invested with the diadem and the purple, amidst the acclamation of the troops, who were disposed in martial order round the tribunal. But when he stretched forth his hand to address the armed multitude, a busy whisper was accidentally started in the ranks, and insensibly swelled into a loud and imperious clamor, that he should name, without delay, a colleague in the empire. The intrepid calmness of Valentinian obtained silence, and commanded respect; and he thus addressed the assembly: “A few minutes since it was in your power, fellow-soldiers, to have left me in the obscurity of a private station. Judging, from the testimony of my past life, that I deserved to reign, you have placed me on the throne. It is now my duty to consult the safety and interest of the republic. The weight of the universe is undoubtedly too great for the hands of a feeble mortal. I am conscious of the limits of my abilities, and the uncertainty of my life; and far from declining, I am anxious to solicit, the assistance of a worthy colleague. But, where discord may be fatal, the choice of a faithful friend requires mature and serious deliberation. That deliberation shall be my care. Let your conduct be dutiful and consistent. Retire to your quarters; refresh your minds and bodies; and expect the accustomed donative on the accession of a new emperor.” 25 The astonished troops, with a mixture of pride, of satisfaction, and of terror, confessed the voice of their master.
撒路斯提乌斯年事已高，久已看惯群众集会反复无常的波澜，便提议：凡在军中地位足以引人结党拥戴者，即位当日一律不得公开露面，违者处死。然而古老的迷信积习极深：只因恰逢闰年多出的那一日，人们竟心甘情愿在这段危险的空档里再多等整整一天。24待到人们认定吉时已至，瓦伦提尼安便登上高高的将台，现身于众；众人为这一明智的人选齐声喝彩；全军披甲列阵，环立于将台四周，在一片欢呼声中，新君庄严地戴上冠冕，披上紫袍。但当他伸手示意、正要向这武装的人群讲话时，行伍间不知怎地起了一阵交头接耳，渐渐地竟汇成一片高亢而不容违拗的鼓噪：要他即刻指定一位共治帝国的同僚。瓦伦提尼安镇定无畏，令众人安静下来，肃然听命；他于是向集会众人说道：“将士们，就在片刻之前，是否让我久居平民、湮没无闻，原本还全在你们一念之间。你们凭我平生的行止断定我配为君主，于是把我拥上了皇位。如今，为国家的安危与利益筹谋，便是我的职责了。这天下之重，凭一介孱弱凡人之手，断然是担负不起的。我深知自己才具有限、寿数难料；因此，一位贤能同僚的辅佐，我非但不会推辞，反而急于求得。但既然不和可能招致灭顶之祸，择一位忠实之友便须经深思熟虑。这番斟酌，自当由我来担当。而你们，只需恪守本分、始终如一。各自回营去吧，让身心得些歇息，静候新皇登基照例颁发的赏赐。”25将士们又惊又服，心中夹杂着几分自豪、几分满足、又有几分畏惧，都承认这确是主上的口吻。
¶
Their angry clamors subsided into silent reverence; and Valentinian, encompassed with the eagles of the legions, and the various banners of the cavalry and infantry, was conducted, in warlike pomp, to the palace of Nice. As he was sensible, however, of the importance of preventing some rash declaration of the soldiers, he consulted the assembly of the chiefs; and their real sentiments were concisely expressed by the generous freedom of Dagalaiphus. “Most excellent prince,” said that officer, “if you consider only your family, you have a brother; if you love the republic, look round for the most deserving of the Romans.” 26 The emperor, who suppressed his displeasure, without altering his intention, slowly proceeded from Nice to Nicomedia and Constantinople. In one of the suburbs of that capital, 27 thirty days after his own elevation, he bestowed the title of Augustus on his brother Valens; 2711 and as the boldest patriots were convinced, that their opposition, without being serviceable to their country, would be fatal to themselves, the declaration of his absolute will was received with silent submission. Valens was now in the thirty-sixth year of his age; but his abilities had never been exercised in any employment, military or civil; and his character had not inspired the world with any sanguine expectations. He possessed, however, one quality, which recommended him to Valentinian, and preserved the domestic peace of the empire; devout and grateful attachment to his benefactor, whose superiority of genius, as well as of authority, Valens humbly and cheerfully acknowledged in every action of his life. 28
他们方才愤然的鼓噪，渐归于无言的敬畏；于是，在各军团的鹰旗与骑步各队五花八门的旗帜簇拥之下，瓦伦提尼安以一派赫赫军威，被护送往尼西亚的宫殿。不过，他深知务必防止士卒贸然拥立什么人，便向众将领的会议征询意见；达加莱弗斯（Dagalaiphus）坦率磊落，一语道破了众人的真实心意。这位将领说道：“至圣明的君主，倘若您只顾念自家骨肉，那您有一位兄弟；可倘若您心系国家，就请环顾四周，遴选罗马人中最堪当此任者。”26皇帝按下心头不快，主意却丝毫未改，缓缓地从尼西亚经尼科米底亚（Nicomedia）前往君士坦丁堡。在这座都城的一处近郊，27就在他自己登基三十天后，他把奥古斯都的尊号授予了自己的兄弟瓦伦斯；2711就连最敢直言的爱国者也已看清：出面反对既无益于国家，反会给自己招来杀身之祸；于是，他这道乾纲独断的谕令，只换来一片默然的顺从。瓦伦斯此时年三十六；但无论军职还是文职，他的才能从未经受历练；他的品性也不曾让世人对他抱有什么厚望。不过，他倒有一样长处，既讨瓦伦提尼安的欢心，也保全了帝国内部的太平：他对恩主一片虔敬感激，始终依附；恩主无论才具还是权位都高过自己，瓦伦斯一生行事，处处谦卑而欣然地承认这一点。28
Notes 注释
1
↩
The medals of Jovian adorn him with victories, laurel crowns, and prostrate captives. Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 52. Flattery is a foolish suicide; she destroys herself with her own hands.
约维安的钱币上，把他装点成战功赫赫、头戴桂冠、脚下伏着俘虏的模样。Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 52。阿谀无异于愚蠢的自杀：到头来，亲手毁掉的正是它自己。
2
↩
Jovian restored to the church a forcible and comprehensive expression, (Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 5, with Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 329. Sozomen, l. vi. c. 3.) The new law which condemned the rape or marriage of nuns (Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xxv. leg. 2) is exaggerated by Sozomen; who supposes, that an amorous glance, the adultery of the heart, was punished with death by the evangelic legislator.
约维安下令把（先前充公之物）归还教会，措辞既强硬又周全（Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 5, with Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 329. Sozomen, l. vi. c. 3）。有一条新法惩治强奸或娶修女之罪（Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xxv. leg. 2），索佐门（Sozomen）对此有所夸大：他以为这位遵奉福音的立法者，连一个含情的眼波、一桩心中的奸念，都要处以死刑。
3
↩
Compare Socrates, l. iii. c. 25, and Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 6, with Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 330.
参较 Socrates, l. iii. c. 25 与 Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 6，并见 Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 330。
4
↩
The word celestial faintly expresses the impious and extravagant flattery of the emperor to the archbishop. (See the original epistle in Athanasius, tom. ii. p. 33.) Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xxi. p. 392) celebrates the friendship of Jovian and Athanasius. The primate’s journey was advised by the Egyptian monks, (Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 221.)
皇帝对这位大主教的谀辞亵渎神明、过分之极，celestial（天神般）一词只能略见一斑。（原信见 Athanasius, tom. ii. p. 33。）纳齐安的格列高利（Orat. xxi. p. 392）盛赞约维安与阿塔纳修斯之间的友谊。这位首席主教的此番出行，乃是埃及众修士的进言所致（Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 221）。
5
↩
Athanasius, at the court of Antioch, is agreeably represented by La Bleterie, (Hist. de Jovien, tom. i. p. 121-148;) he translates the singular and original conferences of the emperor, the primate of Egypt, and the Arian deputies. The Abbé is not satisfied with the coarse pleasantry of Jovian; but his partiality for Athanasius assumes, in his eyes, the character of justice.
拉布莱特里（La Bleterie）把阿塔纳修斯在安条克宫廷中的情形描摹得颇为动人（Hist. de Jovien, tom. i. p. 121-148）；他译出了皇帝、埃及首席主教与阿里乌斯派使节之间那番独特而别致的谈话。这位神父不满于约维安言语间的粗鄙戏谑；但他偏袒阿塔纳修斯，在他自己眼中却俨然成了主持公道。
6
↩
The true area of his death is perplexed with some difficulties, (Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 719-723.) But the date (A. D. 373, May 2) which seems the most consistent with history and reason, is ratified by his authentic life, (Maffei Osservazioni Letterarie, tom. iii. p. 81.)
他的确切卒年有些疑难，不易断定（Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 719-723）。但公元 373 年 5 月 2 日这一日期似乎最合于史实与情理，并得到一部可信传记的印证（Maffei Osservazioni Letterarie, tom. iii. p. 81）。
7
↩
See the observations of Valesius and Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 38) on the original letter of Athanasius; which is preserved by Theodoret, (l. iv. c. 3.) In some Mss. this indiscreet promise is omitted; perhaps by the Catholics, jealous of the prophetic fame of their leader.
关于阿塔纳修斯的原信，可参看瓦莱修斯（Valesius）与乔廷（Jortin）的评论（Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 38）；此信由狄奥多勒（Theodoret）保存下来（l. iv. c. 3）。在若干抄本中，这句轻率的许诺被略去了，或许是大公教徒所为——他们唯恐损及自家领袖那预言灵验的名声。
8
↩
Athanasius (apud Theodoret, l. iv. c. 3) magnifies the number of the orthodox, who composed the whole world. This assertion was verified in the space of thirty and forty years.
阿塔纳修斯（见 Theodoret, l. iv. c. 3）夸大了正统信徒的人数，说他们遍布整个世界。这一断言在此后三四十年间果然应验了。
9
↩
Socrates, l. iii. c. 24. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. iv. p. 131) and Libanius (Orat. Parentalis, c. 148, p. 369) expresses the living sentiments of their respective factions.
Socrates, l. iii. c. 24。纳齐安的格列高利（Orat. iv. p. 131）与利巴尼乌斯（Orat. Parentalis, c. 148, p. 369）各自道出了本派活生生的情绪。
10
↩
Themistius, Orat. v. p. 63-71, edit. Harduin, Paris, 1684. The Abbé de la Bleterie judiciously remarks, (Hist. de Jovien, tom. i. p. 199,) that Sozomen has forgot the general toleration; and Themistius the establishment of the Catholic religion. Each of them turned away from the object which he disliked, and wished to suppress the part of the edict the least honorable, in his opinion, to the emperor.
Themistius, Orat. v. p. 63-71, edit. Harduin, Paris, 1684。神父德·拉布莱特里中肯地指出（Hist. de Jovien, tom. i. p. 199）：索佐门遗漏了普遍宽容一事，特米斯提乌斯则略去了确立大公教信仰之举。两人都避开了自己不喜欢的一面，各自想把敕令中自认为最有损皇帝声誉的部分掩去。
11
↩
Johan. Antiochen. in Excerpt. Valesian. p. 845. The libels of Antioch may be admitted on very slight evidence.
Johan. Antiochen. in Excerpt. Valesian. p. 845。至于安条克人讥谤皇帝一事，即便证据极其单薄，也不妨采信。
12
↩
Compare Ammianus, (xxv. 10,) who omits the name of the Batarians, with Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 197,) who removes the scene of action from Rheims to Sirmium.
可将阿米阿努斯（xxv. 10）与佐西莫斯（l. iii. p. 197）相较：前者略去了巴塔维人之名，后者则把事发地点从兰斯移到了西尔米乌姆（Sirmium）。
13
↩
Quos capita scholarum ordo castrensis appellat. Ammian. xxv. 10, and Vales. ad locum.
Quos capita scholarum ordo castrensis appellat（军营的编制称他们为“各军营之首”）。见 Ammian. xxv. 10 及 Vales. ad locum。
14
↩
Cugus vagitus, pertinaciter reluctantis, ne in curuli sella veheretur ex more, id quod mox accidit protendebat. Augustus and his successors respectfully solicited a dispensation of age for the sons or nephews whom they raised to the consulship. But the curule chair of the first Brutus had never been dishonored by an infant.
Cugus vagitus, pertinaciter reluctantis, ne in curuli sella veheretur ex more, id quod mox accidit protendebat（那婴孩执拗地啼哭挣扎，不肯依例被抱上象牙执政椅，仿佛预示了不久便要发生之事）。奥古斯都及其历代继承者，凡要擢升子侄为执政官，都会恭敬地请求豁免其年龄的限制。然而当年首任执政官老布鲁图斯（Brutus）所设的象牙执政椅，却从不曾因一个襁褓婴孩而蒙羞。
15
↩
The Itinerary of Antoninus fixes Dadastana 125 Roman miles from Nice; 117 from Ancyra, (Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 142.) The pilgrim of Bourdeaux, by omitting some stages, reduces the whole space from 242 to 181 miles. Wesseling, p. 574. * Note: Dadastana is supposed to be Castabat.—M.
《安敦尼行程录》（Itinerary of Antoninus）把达达斯塔纳定在距尼西亚 125 罗马里、距安基拉 117 罗马里处（Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 142）。波尔多（Bourdeaux）朝圣者略去了若干驿站，把全程从 242 里缩减为 181 里（Wesseling, p. 574）。* 编者按：达达斯塔纳一般认为即卡斯塔巴特（Castabat）。—M
16
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See Ammianus, (xxv. 10,) Eutropius, (x. 18.) who might likewise be present, Jerom, (tom. i. p. 26, ad Heliodorum.) Orosius, (vii. 31,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 6,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 197, 198,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 28, 29.) We cannot expect a perfect agreement, and we shall not discuss minute differences.
可参看阿米阿努斯（xxv. 10）、欧特罗皮乌斯（x. 18，他或许亦在场）、哲罗姆（tom. i. p. 26, ad Heliodorum）、奥罗修斯（vii. 31）、索佐门（l. vi. c. 6）、佐西莫斯（l. iii. p. 197, 198）以及佐纳拉斯（tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 28, 29）。诸家记载不可能完全一致，细微的出入我们也不必深究。
17
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Ammianus, unmindful of his usual candor and good sense, compares the death of the harmless Jovian to that of the second Africanus, who had excited the fears and resentment of the popular faction.
阿米阿努斯一反平日的公允与明达，竟把与世无争的约维安之死，比作那位小阿非利卡努斯（Africanus）之死——后者曾激起平民一党的畏惧与怨恨。
18
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Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 336, 344, edit. Montfaucon. The Christian orator attempts to comfort a widow by the examples of illustrious misfortunes; and observes, that of nine emperors (including the Cæsar Gallus) who had reigned in his time, only two (Constantine and Constantius) died a natural death. Such vague consolations have never wiped away a single tear.
Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 336, 344, edit. Montfaucon。这位基督教演说家想用显赫人物的不幸来宽慰一位寡妇，他指出：在他所处的时代先后在位的九位皇帝中（连恺撒加卢斯（Gallus）也算在内），只有两位（君士坦丁与君士坦提乌斯（Constantius））得以善终。此等空泛的慰藉，却从不曾拭去过一滴眼泪。
19
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Ten days appear scarcely sufficient for the march and election. But it may be observed, 1. That the generals might command the expeditious use of the public posts for themselves, their attendants, and messengers. 2. That the troops, for the ease of the cities, marched in many divisions; and that the head of the column might arrive at Nice, when the rear halted at Ancyra.
十天，似乎不足以完成行军与推举。但也须留意：其一，众将领可以为自己、随从与信使调用驿传，快速往来；其二，为减轻沿途城镇的负担，军队分作多路行进，当纵队的先头已抵尼西亚时，后队或许还停在安基拉。
20
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Ammianus, xxvi. 1. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 198. Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 334. Philostorgius, who appears to have obtained some curious and authentic intelligence, ascribes the choice of Valentinian to the præfect Sallust, the master-general Arintheus, Dagalaiphus count of the domestics, and the patrician Datianus, whose pressing recommendations from Ancyra had a weighty influence in the election.
Ammianus, xxvi. 1。Zosimus, l. iii. p. 198。Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 334。菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯（Philostorgius）似乎掌握了一些奇特而可靠的内情，他把拥立瓦伦提尼安一事归功于长官撒路斯提乌斯、统帅阿林塞乌斯（Arintheus）、侍卫伯达加莱弗斯，以及贵族达提阿努斯（Datianus）——此人从安基拉发来的急切举荐，对这次推选有着举足轻重的影响。
21
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Ammianus (xxx. 7, 9) and the younger Victor have furnished the portrait of Valentinian, which naturally precedes and illustrates the history of his reign. * Note: Symmachus, in a fragment of an oration published by M. Mai, describes Valentinian as born among the snows of Illyria, and habituated to military labor amid the heat and dust of Libya: genitus in frigoribus, educatus is solibus Sym. Orat. Frag. edit. Niebuhr, p. 5.—M.
阿米阿努斯（xxx. 7, 9）与小维克托（Victor）为我们留下了瓦伦提尼安的肖像，置于其治世史之前，恰可作为引子与写照。* 编者按：叙马库斯（Symmachus）在迈先生刊布的一篇演说残篇中，称瓦伦提尼安生于伊利里亚的冰雪之中，又在利比亚的炎热与尘沙里习于戎马之劳：genitus in frigoribus, educatus is solibus。见 Sym. Orat. Frag. edit. Niebuhr, p. 5。—M
2111
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According to Ammianus, he wrote elegantly, and was skilled in painting and modelling. Scribens decore, venusteque pingens et fingens. xxx. 7.—M.
据阿米阿努斯所记，他文笔优雅，又擅长绘画与塑像。Scribens decore, venusteque pingens et fingens。xxx. 7。—M
22
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At Antioch, where he was obliged to attend the emperor to the table, he struck a priest, who had presumed to purify him with lustral water, (Sozomen, l. vi. c. 6. Theodoret, l. iii. c. 15.) Such public defiance might become Valentinian; but it could leave no room for the unworthy delation of the philosopher Maximus, which supposes some more private offence, (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 200, 201.)
在安条克，他奉命随侍皇帝赴宴，有位祭司擅自以净礼之水为他祓除，他竟一拳打了过去（Sozomen, l. vi. c. 6. Theodoret, l. iii. c. 15）。这样公然的抗拒，倒也合乎瓦伦提尼安的性子；但如此一来，哲人马克西穆斯（Maximus）那不足取信的告发便无从成立了——那告发假定另有一桩更为私密的冒犯（Zosimus, l. iv. p. 200, 201）。
23
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Socrates, l. iv. A previous exile to Melitene, or Thebais (the first might be possible,) is interposed by Sozomen (l. vi. c. 6) and Philostorgius, (l. vii. c. 7, with Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 293.)
Socrates, l. iv。索佐门（l. vi. c. 6）与菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯（l. vii. c. 7, with Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 293）在此之前还插入了一段流放：或流放至梅利泰内（Melitene），或流放至底比斯地区（Thebais）（前者或许属实）。
24
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Ammianus, in a long, because unseasonable, digression, (xxvi. l, and Valesius, ad locum,) rashly supposes that he understands an astronomical question, of which his readers are ignorant. It is treated with more judgment and propriety by Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 20) and Macrobius, (Saturnal. i. c. 12-16.) The appellation of Bissextile, which marks the inauspicious year, (Augustin. ad Januarium, Epist. 119,) is derived from the repetition of the sixth day of the calends of March.
阿米阿努斯（xxvi. 1, 及 Valesius, ad locum）插了一段题外话，来得不合时宜，也就显得冗长；他在其中轻率地自以为弄懂了一个天文问题，而对这个问题，他的读者一无所知。这一问题，岑索里努斯（de Die Natali, c. 20）与马克罗比乌斯（Saturnal. i. c. 12-16）处理得更为明智得体。标示这不吉之年的Bissextile（闰年）一名（Augustin. ad Januarium, Epist. 119），来自把三月朔日前的“第六日”“重复”一次。
25
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Valentinian’s first speech is in Ammianus, (xxvi. 2;) concise and sententious in Philostorgius, (l. viii. c. 8.)
瓦伦提尼安的首次演说见于阿米阿努斯（xxvi. 2）；菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯（l. viii. c. 8）的记述则简练而多警句。
26
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Si tuos amas, Imperator optime, habes fratrem; si Rempublicam quære quem vestias. Ammian. xxvi. 4. In the division of the empire, Valentinian retained that sincere counsellor for himself, (c.6.)
Si tuos amas, Imperator optime, habes fratrem; si Rempublicam quære quem vestias（至圣明的皇帝，若您爱的是自家人，您有一位兄弟；若您爱的是国家，那就另择一位为您披上紫袍之人）。见 Ammian. xxvi. 4。在划分帝国时，瓦伦提尼安把这位坦诚的谋臣留在了自己身边（c. 6）。
27
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In suburbano, Ammian. xxvi. 4. The famous Hebdomon, or field of Mars, was distant from Constantinople either seven stadia, or seven miles. See Valesius, and his brother, ad loc., and Ducange, Const. l. ii. p. 140, 141, 172, 173.
In suburbano，见 Ammian. xxvi. 4。那座著名的Hebdomon，即战神校场，距君士坦丁堡或为七斯塔迪亚，或为七英里。参看瓦莱修斯及其兄弟 ad loc.，以及 Ducange, Const. l. ii. p. 140, 141, 172, 173。
2711
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Symmachus praises the liberality of Valentinian in raising his brother at once to the rank of Augustus, not training him through the slow and probationary degree of Cæsar. Exigui animi vices munerum partiuntur, liberalitas desideriis nihil reliquit. Symm. Orat. p. 7. edit. Niebuhr, 1816, reprinted from Mai.—M.
叙马库斯称赞瓦伦提尼安的慷慨：他一举把兄弟擢升为奥古斯都，而不让他循恺撒那缓慢的试用之阶逐级而上。Exigui animi vices munerum partiuntur, liberalitas desideriis nihil reliquit。见 Symm. Orat. p. 7. edit. Niebuhr, 1816，据迈氏本重印。—M
28
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Participem quidem legitimum potestatis; sed in modum apparitoris morigerum, ut progrediens aperiet textus. Ammian. xxvi. 4.
Participem quidem legitimum potestatis; sed in modum apparitoris morigerum, ut progrediens aperiet textus（他固然是权力的合法分享者，却像个唯命是从的属吏，一如后文所将揭示的那样）。见 Ammian. xxvi. 4。