Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part II. 第十七章君士坦丁堡的兴建——第二节

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part II.

第十七章君士坦丁堡的兴建——第二节

The master of the Roman world, who aspired to erect an eternal monument of the glories of his reign could employ in the prosecution of that great work, the wealth, the labor, and all that yet remained of the genius of obedient millions. Some estimate may be formed of the expense bestowed with Imperial liberality on the foundation of Constantinople, by the allowance of about two millions five hundred thousand pounds for the construction of the walls, the porticos, and the aqueducts. ³⁹ The forests that overshadowed the shores of the Euxine, and the celebrated quarries of white marble in the little island of Proconnesus, supplied an inexhaustible stock of materials, ready to be conveyed, by the convenience of a short water carriage, to the harbor of Byzantium. ⁴⁰ A multitude of laborers and artificers urged the conclusion of the work with incessant toil: but the impatience of Constantine soon discovered, that, in the decline of the arts, the skill as well as numbers of his architects bore a very unequal proportion to the greatness of his designs. The magistrates of the most distant provinces were therefore directed to institute schools, to appoint professors, and by the hopes of rewards and privileges, to engage in the study and practice of architecture a sufficient number of ingenious youths, who had received a liberal education. ⁴¹ The buildings of the new city were executed by such artificers as the reign of Constantine could afford; but they were decorated by the hands of the most celebrated masters of the age of Pericles and Alexander. To revive the genius of Phidias and Lysippus, surpassed indeed the power of a Roman emperor; but the immortal productions which they had bequeathed to posterity were exposed without defence to the rapacious vanity of a despot. By his commands the cities of Greece and Asia were despoiled of their most valuable ornaments. ⁴² The trophies of memorable wars, the objects of religious veneration, the most finished statues of the gods and heroes, of the sages and poets, of ancient times, contributed to the splendid triumph of Constantinople; and gave occasion to the remark of the historian Cedrenus, ⁴³ who observes, with some enthusiasm, that nothing seemed wanting except the souls of the illustrious men whom these admirable monuments were intended to represent. But it is not in the city of Constantine, nor in the declining period of an empire, when the human mind was depressed by civil and religious slavery, that we should seek for the souls of Homer and of Demosthenes.

这位罗马世界的主宰，一心要为自己治世的荣耀立下一座永世不朽的丰碑；为成就这番伟业，他可以调动亿万顺服臣民的财富、劳力，乃至他们尚存的一切才智。单看修筑城墙、柱廊与引水渠这一项，便拨款约二百五十万镑，由此已可略估皇帝营建君士坦丁堡时挥金如土的气派。³⁹ 黑海沿岸浓荫蔽日的森林，以及普罗孔涅索斯小岛上驰名的白大理石采石场，提供了取之不尽的建材；水路短捷，运往拜占庭港十分便利。⁴⁰ 成群的工匠与役夫日夜劳作，力求早日竣工；然而君士坦丁按捺不住，很快便发觉：值此百艺衰颓之世，建筑师无论人数还是技艺，都远不足以匹配他宏大的构想。于是他下令，连最偏远行省的长官也要设立学校、延聘教授，并以奖赏与特权相诱，招徕足够多受过良好教育的聪慧青年，投身建筑之学与营造之业。⁴¹ 新都的楼台馆舍，出自君士坦丁一朝所能罗致的工匠之手；然而装点其间的，却是伯里克利与亚历山大时代最负盛名的大师遗作。要让菲狄亚斯与利西波斯那样的天才重生，纵是罗马皇帝也力有未逮；但这两位大师留给后世的不朽杰作，却毫无遮护地任凭一位暴君贪婪的虚荣攫取。奉他之命，希腊与亚细亚诸城最珍贵的装饰被劫掠一空。⁴² 那些纪念赫赫战功的战利品、供人顶礼膜拜的圣物，以及古代神祇、英雄、贤哲与诗人最精美的雕像，尽数为君士坦丁堡的辉煌增色；史家塞德雷努斯⁴³因而不无热忱地评说：如今万物俱备，独缺那些伟人的灵魂——正是这些精妙雕像本欲再现的对象。然而，荷马与德摩斯梯尼的灵魂，断不能到君士坦丁的都城里去寻，也不能到那人心备受政治与宗教双重奴役、日渐消沉的帝国末世里去寻。

During the siege of Byzantium, the conqueror had pitched his tent on the commanding eminence of the second hill. To perpetuate the memory of his success, he chose the same advantageous position for the principal Forum; ⁴⁴ which appears to have been of a circular, or rather elliptical form. The two opposite entrances formed triumphal arches; the porticos, which enclosed it on every side, were filled with statues; and the centre of the Forum was occupied by a lofty column, of which a mutilated fragment is now degraded by the appellation of the burnt pillar. This column was erected on a pedestal of white marble twenty feet high; and was composed of ten pieces of porphyry, each of which measured about ten feet in height, and about thirty-three in circumference. ⁴⁵ On the summit of the pillar, above one hundred and twenty feet from the ground, stood the colossal statue of Apollo. It was a bronze, had been transported either from Athens or from a town of Phrygia, and was supposed to be the work of Phidias. The artist had represented the god of day, or, as it was afterwards interpreted, the emperor Constantine himself, with a sceptre in his right hand, the globe of the world in his left, and a crown of rays glittering on his head. ⁴⁶ The Circus, or Hippodrome, was a stately building about four hundred paces in length, and one hundred in breadth. ⁴⁷ The space between the two metæ or goals were filled with statues and obelisks; and we may still remark a very singular fragment of antiquity; the bodies of three serpents, twisted into one pillar of brass. Their triple heads had once supported the golden tripod which, after the defeat of Xerxes, was consecrated in the temple of Delphi by the victorious Greeks. ⁴⁸ The beauty of the Hippodrome has been long since defaced by the rude hands of the Turkish conquerors; ⁴⁸¹¹ but, under the similar appellation of Atmeidan, it still serves as a place of exercise for their horses. From the throne, whence the emperor viewed the Circensian games, a winding staircase ⁴⁹ descended to the palace; a magnificent edifice, which scarcely yielded to the residence of Rome itself, and which, together with the dependent courts, gardens, and porticos, covered a considerable extent of ground upon the banks of the Propontis between the Hippodrome and the church of St. Sophia. ⁵⁰ We might likewise celebrate the baths, which still retained the name of Zeuxippus, after they had been enriched, by the munificence of Constantine, with lofty columns, various marbles, and above threescore statues of bronze. ⁵¹ But we should deviate from the design of this history, if we attempted minutely to describe the different buildings or quarters of the city. It may be sufficient to observe, that whatever could adorn the dignity of a great capital, or contribute to the benefit or pleasure of its numerous inhabitants, was contained within the walls of Constantinople. A particular description, composed about a century after its foundation, enumerates a capitol or school of learning, a circus, two theatres, eight public, and one hundred and fifty-three private baths, fifty-two porticos, five granaries, eight aqueducts or reservoirs of water, four spacious halls for the meetings of the senate or courts of justice, fourteen churches, fourteen palaces, and four thousand three hundred and eighty-eight houses, which, for their size or beauty, deserved to be distinguished from the multitude of plebeian inhabitants. ⁵²

当年围攻拜占庭时，这位征服者曾把营帐扎在居高临下的第二座山丘上。为永志此番大捷，他便选定这处形胜之地兴建全城的中心广场⁴⁴；广场大抵呈圆形，或者说更近于椭圆。两端相对的入口各成一座凯旋门；四面环抱的柱廊里满布雕像；广场正中矗立着一根高大的石柱，如今仅存一截残躯，徒得“焚柱”的贬称。石柱立在一座二十英尺高的白大理石基座之上，由十段斑岩叠成，每段约高十英尺、周长约三十三英尺。⁴⁵ 柱顶高出地面一百二十余英尺，上面矗立着一尊阿波罗巨像。这尊青铜像，或说取自雅典，或说来自弗里吉亚的某座城镇，相传出自菲狄亚斯之手。雕像所塑，本是这位光明之神——后人却又附会成君士坦丁皇帝本人——右手执权杖，左手托寰球，头戴一顶光芒四射的冠冕。⁴⁶ 竞技场，又称赛马场，是一座巍峨的建筑，长约四百步、宽约一百步。⁴⁷ 两处 metæ（即两端的转向标柱）之间，遍列雕像与方尖碑；其中至今犹存一件极为奇特的古物：三条蛇身相互缠绞，铸成一根铜柱。三个蛇头当年曾共托一只金鼎，那是希腊人击败薛西斯后献于德尔斐神庙的胜利祭品。⁴⁸ 赛马场昔日的华美，早经土耳其征服者的粗暴之手糟蹋殆尽⁴⁸¹¹；不过它易名为“阿特梅丹”，形制相仿，如今仍是土耳其人驯马跑马之所。皇帝观看竞技赛会的御座旁，有一道盘旋的阶梯⁴⁹直通宫殿；那是一座宏伟的建筑，比之罗马城的皇宫也几乎不遑多让；连同附属的庭院、园林与柱廊，它盘踞在普罗庞提斯海滨、赛马场与圣索菲亚教堂之间，占地极广。⁵⁰ 我们同样可以称道那处仍名为“宙克西波斯”的浴场：君士坦丁一掷千金，为它增添了高耸的石柱、色彩各异的大理石，还有六十余尊青铜雕像。⁵¹ 但若要细数城中形形色色的建筑与街区，便偏离本书的宗旨了。只消这样说便已足够：凡能为一座大都增辉、凡能给众多居民带来便利或欢愉之物，君士坦丁堡城内应有尽有。建城约一个世纪后写成的一份专门记述，详加列举了城中的一切：一座学宫（或称学府）、一座竞技场、两座剧院、八座公共浴场、一百五十三座私人浴场、五十二道柱廊、五座粮仓、八条引水渠或蓄水池、四座供元老院集会或法庭审案的宽敞大厅、十四座教堂、十四座宫殿，以及四千三百八十八栋因规模或华美而足以从平民住宅中脱颖而出的宅第。⁵²

The populousness of his favored city was the next and most serious object of the attention of its founder. In the dark ages which succeeded the translation of the empire, the remote and the immediate consequences of that memorable event were strangely confounded by the vanity of the Greeks and the credulity of the Latins. ⁵³ It was asserted, and believed, that all the noble families of Rome, the senate, and the equestrian order, with their innumerable attendants, had followed their emperor to the banks of the Propontis; that a spurious race of strangers and plebeians was left to possess the solitude of the ancient capital; and that the lands of Italy, long since converted into gardens, were at once deprived of cultivation and inhabitants. ⁵⁴ In the course of this history, such exaggerations will be reduced to their just value: yet, since the growth of Constantinople cannot be ascribed to the general increase of mankind and of industry, it must be admitted that this artificial colony was raised at the expense of the ancient cities of the empire. Many opulent senators of Rome, and of the eastern provinces, were probably invited by Constantine to adopt for their country the fortunate spot, which he had chosen for his own residence. The invitations of a master are scarcely to be distinguished from commands; and the liberality of the emperor obtained a ready and cheerful obedience. He bestowed on his favorites the palaces which he had built in the several quarters of the city, assigned them lands and pensions for the support of their dignity, ⁵⁵ and alienated the demesnes of Pontus and Asia to grant hereditary estates by the easy tenure of maintaining a house in the capital. ⁵⁶ But these encouragements and obligations soon became superfluous, and were gradually abolished. Wherever the seat of government is fixed, a considerable part of the public revenue will be expended by the prince himself, by his ministers, by the officers of justice, and by the domestics of the palace. The most wealthy of the provincials will be attracted by the powerful motives of interest and duty, of amusement and curiosity. A third and more numerous class of inhabitants will insensibly be formed, of servants, of artificers, and of merchants, who derive their subsistence from their own labor, and from the wants or luxury of the superior ranks. In less than a century, Constantinople disputed with Rome itself the preëminence of riches and numbers. New piles of buildings, crowded together with too little regard to health or convenience, scarcely allowed the intervals of narrow streets for the perpetual throng of men, of horses, and of carriages. The allotted space of ground was insufficient to contain the increasing people; and the additional foundations, which, on either side, were advanced into the sea, might alone have composed a very considerable city. ⁵⁷

如何让这座他偏爱的城市人烟稠密，是奠基者接下来最为着意的大事。帝国迁都之后，接踵而来的是一段蒙昧岁月；希腊人爱慕虚荣，拉丁人轻信盲从，遂将这桩大事的直接后果与长远影响胡乱混作一团。⁵³ 有人断言——且信之者众——罗马所有名门望族、元老院与骑士阶层，连同数不清的随从，全都追随皇帝迁到了普罗庞提斯海滨；只剩一群混杂的外乡人与平民，占据着这座沦为空城的古都；而意大利的田地——早已尽辟为园圃——一时间既无人耕种，也无人居住。⁵⁴ 本书行文之中，自会把这类夸大之词还原到应有的分量；不过，君士坦丁堡的壮大既不能归因于人口与百业的普遍增长，那就不得不承认：这座人为营造的移民之城，是牺牲帝国各古老城市而堆砌起来的。君士坦丁大概延请了罗马与东方各行省的许多豪富元老，劝他们把这块他选作行宫的福地也认作故乡。主上的延请，与命令几乎没有分别；而皇帝的慷慨，则换来了臣下爽快而欣然的顺从。他把自己在城中各区营建的宫邸赐给宠臣，又拨给田产与俸金以维持他们的体面⁵⁵；甚至不惜割让本都与亚细亚的皇室领地，只要受赐者在京城置有一宅，便可凭这一轻省的条件世代承袭这些产业。⁵⁶ 但这些奖掖与义务不久便成了多余，遂逐渐废止。凡政府所在之地，君主本人、他的大臣、司法官吏乃至宫中仆役，总要花掉公家岁入中可观的一部分。各行省中最富有的人，出于利害与职责、消遣与好奇这些强烈的动机，自会纷至沓来。于是不知不觉间又形成第三类、也是人数最多的一类居民：仆役、工匠与商贾，他们或靠自己的劳作糊口，或仰仗上层人家的日常所需与奢靡消费为生。不到一个世纪，君士坦丁堡便与罗马本城分庭抗礼，在财富与人口上竞夺首屈一指之位。一栋栋新楼密集堆挤，全然不顾卫生与便利，只在其间留出几条窄巷，供人流、马匹与车辆川流不息地拥挤穿行。划定的地面已容不下日增的人口；于是又向两侧海中填土筑基，单是这新拓的部分，便足以另成一座相当可观的城市了。⁵⁷

The frequent and regular distributions of wine and oil, of corn or bread, of money or provisions, had almost exempted the poorest citizens of Rome from the necessity of labor. The magnificence of the first Cæsars was in some measure imitated by the founder of Constantinople: ⁵⁸ but his liberality, however it might excite the applause of the people, has incurred the censure of posterity. A nation of legislators and conquerors might assert their claim to the harvests of Africa, which had been purchased with their blood; and it was artfully contrived by Augustus, that, in the enjoyment of plenty, the Romans should lose the memory of freedom. But the prodigality of Constantine could not be excused by any consideration either of public or private interest; and the annual tribute of corn imposed upon Egypt for the benefit of his new capital, was applied to feed a lazy and insolent populace, at the expense of the husbandmen of an industrious province. ⁵⁹ ⁵⁹¹¹ Some other regulations of this emperor are less liable to blame, but they are less deserving of notice. He divided Constantinople into fourteen regions or quarters, ⁶⁰ dignified the public council with the appellation of senate, ⁶¹ communicated to the citizens the privileges of Italy, ⁶² and bestowed on the rising city the title of Colony, the first and most favored daughter of ancient Rome. The venerable parent still maintained the legal and acknowledged supremacy, which was due to her age, her dignity, and to the remembrance of her former greatness. ⁶³

罗马频繁而有定期的施济——酒与油、谷物或面包、钱财或食物——几乎使最贫苦的市民也无需再靠劳作度日。君士坦丁堡的奠基者，多少也仿效了早期诸恺撒的这份阔绰⁵⁸；然而他的慷慨纵能博得民众的喝彩，却招来了后世的非议。一个立法者与征服者的民族，尽可主张阿非利加的收成理当归他们享用，因为那是用他们的鲜血换来的；而奥古斯都更处心积虑，要让罗马人在坐享富足之际，把对自由的记忆消磨殆尽。可是君士坦丁的挥霍，无论从公利还是私利的角度都无从辩解；他为新都之利而向埃及征课的年度谷贡，竟拿去豢养一群好逸恶劳、骄横无礼的市井之徒，代价却由一个勤勉行省的农夫来承担。⁵⁹ ⁵⁹¹¹ 这位皇帝另有一些举措，虽较少可指摘之处，却也更不值一提。他把君士坦丁堡划为十四个区⁶⁰，赐予市政会议以“元老院”之名⁶¹，把意大利人享有的种种特权也授予本城市民⁶²，并封这座新兴之城为“殖民地”——古罗马头一个、也最受宠爱的女儿。而那位可敬的母亲，凭其古老、其尊严，以及世人对她昔日辉煌的追念，仍旧保有法律所认可、众所公认的至尊地位。⁶³

Hæc nobis, hæc ante dabas; nunc pabula tantum Roma precor: miserere tuæ; pater optime, gentis: Extremam defende famem. Claud. de Bell. Gildon. v. 34.—G. It was scarcely this measure. Gildo had cut off the African as well as the Egyptian supplies.—M.]

Hæc nobis, hæc ante dabas; nunc pabula tantum Roma precor: miserere tuæ; pater optime, gentis: Extremam defende famem. Claud. de Bell. Gildon. v. 34.——G（诗句大意：这一切都是你从前赐予我的；而如今，罗马只向你乞讨一点果腹的口粮——至善至慈的父亲啊，可怜可怜你自己的子民吧，替他们挡开这即将临头、灭顶般的饥荒！）。其实这场饥荒恐怕算不上是这一措施所致：吉尔多当时早已把阿非利加与埃及两地运来的粮食供给一并切断了。——M]

As Constantine urged the progress of the work with the impatience of a lover, the walls, the porticos, and the principal edifices were completed in a few years, or, according to another account, in a few months; ⁶⁴ but this extraordinary diligence should excite the less admiration, since many of the buildings were finished in so hasty and imperfect a manner, that under the succeeding reign, they were preserved with difficulty from impending ruin. ⁶⁵ But while they displayed the vigor and freshness of youth, the founder prepared to celebrate the dedication of his city. ⁶⁶ The games and largesses which crowned the pomp of this memorable festival may easily be supposed; but there is one circumstance of a more singular and permanent nature, which ought not entirely to be overlooked. As often as the birthday of the city returned, the statue of Constantine, framed by his order, of gilt wood, and bearing in his right hand a small image of the genius of the place, was erected on a triumphal car. The guards, carrying white tapers, and clothed in their richest apparel, accompanied the solemn procession as it moved through the Hippodrome. When it was opposite to the throne of the reigning emperor, he rose from his seat, and with grateful reverence adored the memory of his predecessor. ⁶⁷ At the festival of the dedication, an edict, engraved on a column of marble, bestowed the title of Second or New Rome on the city of Constantine. ⁶⁸ But the name of Constantinople ⁶⁹ has prevailed over that honorable epithet; and after the revolution of fourteen centuries, still perpetuates the fame of its author. ⁷⁰

君士坦丁像热恋中人一般焦急地催促工程，城墙、柱廊与各处主要建筑，几年之内便告落成——另有一说，只用了几个月⁶⁴；但这般惊人的速度其实不值得多少称赞，因为不少建筑赶工草率、做工粗劣，到了下一朝，竟要费尽气力才勉强保住，不致坍塌。⁶⁵ 不过，趁着这些建筑仍显出青春的朝气与簇新，奠基者便着手筹办新城的落成大典。⁶⁶ 这场值得纪念的盛典上，竞技赛会与赏赐施舍如何隆重铺张，读者不难想见；但其中有一桩更为奇特、也更为长久的安排，却不该全然略过。每逢建城纪念日，人们便按君士坦丁的旨意，把一尊君士坦丁像安置在凯旋战车之上；那像以镀金木料雕成，右手托着一尊本城守护神的小像。卫士们手持白烛、身着最华贵的服饰，簇拥着这庄严的行列缓缓穿过赛马场。每当车驾行至当朝皇帝御座正对面，皇帝便起身离座，怀着感念与敬意，向先帝的英灵顶礼致敬。⁶⁷ 落成典礼上，一道镌刻在大理石柱上的敕令，赐予君士坦丁之城以“第二罗马”或“新罗马”的名号。⁶⁸ 然而流传下来、盖过这一尊号的，却是“君士坦丁堡”这个名字⁶⁹；历经十四个世纪的沧桑变迁，它至今仍在传扬其创建者的英名。⁷⁰

The foundation of a new capital is naturally connected with the establishment of a new form of civil and military administration. The distinct view of the complicated system of policy, introduced by Diocletian, improved by Constantine, and completed by his immediate successors, may not only amuse the fancy by the singular picture of a great empire, but will tend to illustrate the secret and internal causes of its rapid decay. In the pursuit of any remarkable institution, we may be frequently led into the more early or the more recent times of the Roman history; but the proper limits of this inquiry will be included within a period of about one hundred and thirty years, from the accession of Constantine to the publication of the Theodosian code; ⁷¹ from which, as well as from the Notitia ⁷¹¹¹ of the East and West, ⁷² we derive the most copious and authentic information of the state of the empire. This variety of objects will suspend, for some time, the course of the narrative; but the interruption will be censured only by those readers who are insensible to the importance of laws and manners, while they peruse, with eager curiosity, the transient intrigues of a court, or the accidental event of a battle.

新都既立，一套崭新的军政管理体制也自然随之而生。这套繁复的治理体系，由戴克里先草创，经君士坦丁改良，又由其后继诸帝最终完备；将这套体系清晰地铺陈开来，不仅能以一幅泱泱大国的奇景怡悦想象，更有助于揭示帝国迅速衰朽的内在隐秘根由。追溯某一重要制度的来龙去脉，往往会把我们引向罗马史上更早或更晚的年代；不过本篇探究的适当范围，只限于约一百三十年间——上起君士坦丁登基，下讫《狄奥多西法典》颁行⁷¹；从这部法典，以及那部 Notitia（百官志）⁷¹¹¹——它分记东、西两部的官职⁷²——我们得以获取有关帝国状况最丰富、最可靠的资料。如此纷繁的内容，将令叙事的进程暂停一时；但会为这番中断而不满的，唯有那些读者：他们急切好奇地细读一朝宫廷转瞬即逝的阴谋、一场战役偶然的胜负，却对法律与风俗的重大意义麻木无感。

Notes 注释

Six hundred centenaries, or sixty thousand pounds’ weight of gold. This sum is taken from Codinus, Antiquit. Const. p. 11; but unless that contemptible author had derived his information from some purer sources, he would probably have been unacquainted with so obsolete a mode of reckoning.

六百“肯特纳里”（centenaries），合六万磅重的黄金。此数取自 Codinus, Antiquit. Const. p. 11；但这位不足称道的作者，若非另有更纯正的资料来源，恐怕根本不会知晓这样一种早已废弃的计量方式。

For the forests of the Black Sea, consult Tournefort, Lettre XVI. for the marble quarries of Proconnesus, see Strabo, l. xiii. p. 588, (881, edit. Casaub.) The latter had already furnished the materials of the stately buildings of Cyzicus.

关于黑海沿岸的森林，可参阅 Tournefort, Lettre XVI.；关于普罗孔涅索斯的大理石采石场，见 Strabo, l. xiii. p. 588（卡索邦校本作881页）。这处采石场早先已为基齐库斯那些巍峨的建筑提供过石料。

See the Codex Theodos. l. xiii. tit. iv. leg. 1. This law is dated in the year 334, and was addressed to the præfect of Italy, whose jurisdiction extended over Africa. The commentary of Godefroy on the whole title well deserves to be consulted.

见《狄奥多西法典》第十三卷第四题第一条（Codex Theodos. l. xiii. tit. iv. leg. 1）。此项法令颁于公元334年，下达给意大利的大区长官，而其辖区一直延伸到阿非利加。戈德弗鲁瓦对这一整题所作的注释，很值得一读。

Constantinopolis dedicatur pœne omnium urbium nuditate. Hieronym. Chron. p. 181. See Codinus, p. 8, 9. The author of the Antiquitat. Const. l. iii. (apud Banduri Imp. Orient. tom. i. p. 41) enumerates Rome, Sicily, Antioch, Athens, and a long list of other cities. The provinces of Greece and Asia Minor may be supposed to have yielded the richest booty.

Constantinopolis dedicatur pœne omnium urbium nuditate.（意为：君士坦丁堡的落成，几乎是靠掏空天下所有城市换来的。）见 Hieronym. Chron. p. 181，及 Codinus, p. 8, 9。《君士坦丁堡古迹》第三卷的作者（见 Banduri, Imp. Orient. tom. i. p. 41）列举了罗马、西西里、安条克、雅典以及一长串别的城市。可以推想，希腊与小亚细亚诸行省贡献的战利品最为丰厚。

Hist. Compend. p. 369. He describes the statue, or rather bust, of Homer with a degree of taste which plainly indicates that Cadrenus copied the style of a more fortunate age.

Hist. Compend. p. 369。他对荷马雕像——或者说半身像——的描述颇有品味，这分明表明塞德雷努斯是在摹仿一个更幸运时代的文风。

Zosim. l. ii. p. 106. Chron. Alexandrin. vel Paschal. p. 284, Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 24. Even the last of those writers seems to confound the Forum of Constantine with the Augusteum, or court of the palace. I am not satisfied whether I have properly distinguished what belongs to the one and the other.

Zosim. l. ii. p. 106；Chron. Alexandrin. vel Paschal. p. 284；Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 24。就连最后这位作者，似乎也把君士坦丁广场同奥古斯泰翁（即宫廷前庭）混为一谈。至于我自己是否已把二者各自的所属划分清楚，尚无把握。

The most tolerable account of this column is given by Pocock. Description of the East, vol. ii. part ii. p. 131. But it is still in many instances perplexed and unsatisfactory.

关于这根石柱，较为像样的记述见于 Pocock, Description of the East, vol. ii. part ii. p. 131；不过其中仍有许多含混而不能令人满意之处。

Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 24, p. 76, and his notes ad Alexiad. p. 382. The statue of Constantine or Apollo was thrown down under the reign of Alexius Comnenus. * Note: On this column (says M. von Hammer) Constantine, with singular shamelessness, placed his own statue with the attributes of Apollo and Christ. He substituted the nails of the Passion for the rays of the sun. Such is the direct testimony of the author of the Antiquit. Constantinop. apud Banduri. Constantine was replaced by the “great and religious” Julian, Julian, by Theodosius. A. D. 1412, the key stone was loosened by an earthquake. The statue fell in the reign of Alexius Comnenus, and was replaced by the cross. The Palladium was said to be buried under the pillar. Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, i. 162.—M.

Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 24, p. 76，及其为《阿莱克修斯传》所作的注（notes ad Alexiad. p. 382）。这尊君士坦丁像（或阿波罗像）在阿历克塞·科穆宁在位期间被推倒。* 编者按：冯·哈默先生说，君士坦丁在这根石柱上厚颜无耻地立起自己的像，并赋予它阿波罗与基督的双重属性——他以耶稣受难的圣钉替代了太阳的光芒。《君士坦丁堡古迹》的作者（见 Banduri）留下的正是这样直截了当的记载。后来君士坦丁像被“伟大而虔诚的”尤利安像取代，尤利安像又被狄奥多西像取代。公元1412年，柱顶的封石被一场地震震松。塑像终于在阿历克塞·科穆宁一朝坠落，代之以十字架。据说柱下埋着护城神像帕拉狄乌姆。见 Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, i. 162。——M

Tournefort (Lettre XII.) computes the Atmeidan at four hundred paces. If he means geometrical paces of five feet each, it was three hundred toises in length, about forty more than the great circus of Rome. See D’Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 73.

图尔内福尔（Lettre XII.）把阿特梅丹估算为四百步。如果他指的是每步五英尺的几何步，那就是三百 toises（法丈）长，比罗马的大竞技场约长四十丈。见 D’Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 73。

The guardians of the most holy relics would rejoice if they were able to produce such a chain of evidence as may be alleged on this occasion. See Banduri ad Antiquitat. Const. p. 668. Gyllius de Byzant. l. ii. c. 13. 1. The original consecration of the tripod and pillar in the temple of Delphi may be proved from Herodotus and Pausanias. 2. The Pagan Zosimus agrees with the three ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen, that the sacred ornaments of the temple of Delphi were removed to Constantinople by the order of Constantine; and among these the serpentine pillar of the Hippodrome is particularly mentioned. 3. All the European travellers who have visited Constantinople, from Buondelmonte to Pocock, describe it in the same place, and almost in the same manner; the differences between them are occasioned only by the injuries which it has sustained from the Turks. Mahomet the Second broke the under jaw of one of the serpents with a stroke of his battle axe Thevenot, l. i. c. 17. * Note: See note 75, ch. lxviii. for Dr. Clarke’s rejection of Thevenot’s authority. Von Hammer, however, repeats the story of Thevenot without questioning its authenticity.—M.

掌管最神圣圣物的守护者们，若能拿出本例中所能援引的这样一条环环相扣的证据链，想必会欣喜若狂。见 Banduri ad Antiquitat. Const. p. 668；Gyllius de Byzant. l. ii. c. 13。其一，这只金鼎与石柱最初供奉于德尔斐神庙一事，可由希罗多德与保萨尼阿斯的记载证实。其二，异教徒佐西莫斯，与优西比乌、苏格拉底、索佐门这三位教会史家看法一致，都说德尔斐神庙的圣物是奉君士坦丁之命迁往君士坦丁堡的，其中尤其提到了赛马场上的蟠蛇石柱。其三，凡到过君士坦丁堡的欧洲旅人，自布翁德尔蒙特直到波科克，无不把它记在同一处、且叙述几乎如出一辙；彼此的出入，仅仅缘于它遭土耳其人损毁的程度不同。穆罕默德二世曾一斧砍下，打断了其中一条蛇的下颚，见 Thevenot, l. i. c. 17。* 编者按：关于克拉克博士否定泰夫诺此说的可信度，参见第六十八章注75。不过冯·哈默仍旧照搬泰夫诺的说法，未加质疑。——M

4811

In 1808 the Janizaries revolted against the vizier Mustapha Baisactar, who wished to introduce a new system of military organization, besieged the quarter of the Hippodrome, in which stood the palace of the viziers, and the Hippodrome was consumed in the conflagration.—G.

1808年，耶尼切里禁军起而反抗维齐尔穆斯塔法·拜拉克塔尔，因后者想推行一套新的军事编制；乱兵围攻赛马场一带——维齐尔的府邸正坐落于此——赛马场遂在大火中化为灰烬。——G

The Latin name Cochlea was adopted by the Greeks, and very frequently occurs in the Byzantine history. Ducange, Const. i. c. l, p. 104.

拉丁语名称 Cochlea（螺旋梯）为希腊人所沿用，在拜占庭史籍中屡见不鲜。Ducange, Const. i. c. l, p. 104。

There are three topographical points which indicate the situation of the palace. 1. The staircase which connected it with the Hippodrome or Atmeidan. 2. A small artificial port on the Propontis, from whence there was an easy ascent, by a flight of marble steps, to the gardens of the palace. 3. The Augusteum was a spacious court, one side of which was occupied by the front of the palace, and another by the church of St. Sophia.

有三处地形标志可用来判定宫殿的位置。其一，连接宫殿与赛马场（即阿特梅丹）的那道阶梯。其二，普罗庞提斯海滨的一座人工小港，由此沿一段大理石台阶拾级而上，便可轻松登入宫苑。其三，奥古斯泰翁是一座宽阔的庭院，一侧是宫殿的正面，另一侧则是圣索菲亚教堂。

Zeuxippus was an epithet of Jupiter, and the baths were a part of old Byzantium. The difficulty of assigning their true situation has not been felt by Ducange. History seems to connect them with St. Sophia and the palace; but the original plan inserted in Banduri places them on the other side of the city, near the harbor. For their beauties, see Chron. Paschal. p. 285, and Gyllius de Byzant. l. ii. c. 7. Christodorus (see Antiquitat. Const. l. vii.) composed inscriptions in verse for each of the statues. He was a Theban poet in genius as well as in birth:—Bæotum in crasso jurares aëre natum. * Note: Yet, for his age, the description of the statues of Hecuba and of Homer are by no means without merit. See Antholog. Palat. (edit. Jacobs) i. 37—M.

“宙克西波斯”本是朱庇特的一个别号，这处浴场属于旧拜占庭城的一部分。杜康热并未觉察确定其位置有何困难。史料似乎把它与圣索菲亚教堂及宫殿联系在一起；但班杜里所收录的原始平面图，却把它置于城的另一侧、靠近港口之处。关于它的华美，见 Chron. Paschal. p. 285，及 Gyllius de Byzant. l. ii. c. 7。克里斯托多鲁斯（见 Antiquitat. Const. l. vii.）为每一尊雕像都撰写了韵文题铭。无论就天赋还是出身而言，他都是个底比斯诗人——正如那句戏语所说：Bæotum in crasso jurares aëre natum（你准会赌咒说他是生在彼奥提亚那浑浊的空气里的）。* 编者按：不过，以他所处的时代而论，他对赫卡柏与荷马雕像的描摹，绝非全无可取之处。见 Antholog. Palat.（雅各布斯校本）i. 37。——M

See the Notitia. Rome only reckoned 1780 large houses, domus; but the word must have had a more dignified signification. No insulæ are mentioned at Constantinople. The old capital consisted of 42 streets, the new of 322.

参见 Notitia（城区志）。罗马仅登记有1780栋大宅（domus）；但这个词想必含有更为尊贵的意味。君士坦丁堡则未提及任何 insulæ（公寓楼）。旧都有街道42条，新都则有322条。

Liutprand, Legatio ad Imp. Nicephornm, p. 153. The modern Greeks have strangely disfigured the antiquities of Constantinople. We might excuse the errors of the Turkish or Arabian writers; but it is somewhat astonishing, that the Greeks, who had access to the authentic materials preserved in their own language, should prefer fiction to truth, and loose tradition to genuine history. In a single page of Codinus we may detect twelve unpardonable mistakes; the reconciliation of Severus and Niger, the marriage of their son and daughter, the siege of Byzantium by the Macedonians, the invasion of the Gauls, which recalled Severus to Rome, the sixty years which elapsed from his death to the foundation of Constantinople, &c.

Liutprand, Legatio ad Imp. Nicephorum, p. 153。今日的希腊人把君士坦丁堡的古迹弄得面目全非，实在离奇。土耳其或阿拉伯作者出错，尚可原谅；可希腊人明明能读到用本国语言保存下来的可靠史料，却偏爱虚构而不取真相、宁信散漫的传说而不据信史，这就未免令人诧异了。单在科迪努斯的一页书里，我们就能挑出十二处不可饶恕的错误：塞维鲁与尼格尔的和解、二人子女的联姻、马其顿人围攻拜占庭、迫使塞维鲁回师罗马的高卢人入侵、从他去世到君士坦丁堡奠基之间竟隔了整整六十年，如此等等。

Montesquieu, Grandeur et Décadence des Romains, c. 17.

见 Montesquieu, Grandeur et Décadence des Romains, c. 17。

Themist. Orat. iii. p. 48, edit. Hardouin. Sozomen, l. ii. c. 3. Zosim. l. ii. p. 107. Anonym. Valesian. p. 715. If we could credit Codinus, (p. 10,) Constantine built houses for the senators on the exact model of their Roman palaces, and gratified them, as well as himself, with the pleasure of an agreeable surprise; but the whole story is full of fictions and inconsistencies.

Themist. Orat. iii. p. 48（阿尔杜安校本）；Sozomen, l. ii. c. 3；Zosim. l. ii. p. 107；Anonym. Valesian. p. 715。倘若科迪努斯（p. 10）的话可信，那么君士坦丁曾照着元老们罗马旧邸的样式，为他们一一建造府第，好让他们、也让他自己，都尝到那种意外惊喜的快慰；不过这整个故事满是虚构与自相矛盾之处。

The law by which the younger Theodosius, in the year 438, abolished this tenure, may be found among the Novellæ of that emperor at the end of the Theodosian Code, tom. vi. nov. 12. M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 371) has evidently mistaken the nature of these estates. With a grant from the Imperial demesnes, the same condition was accepted as a favor, which would justly have been deemed a hardship, if it had been imposed upon private property.

小狄奥多西于公元438年废除这一保有条件的法令，见于该皇帝置于《狄奥多西法典》末尾的《新律》（Novellæ, tom. vi. nov. 12）。蒂耶蒙先生（Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 371）显然误解了这些产业的性质。既然田产乃是皇室领地的恩赐，那么同样的附加条件便被视作一种恩惠而欣然接受；可若把它加诸私人产业之上，人们理当认为那是一种苛累。

The passages of Zosimus, of Eunapius, of Sozomen, and of Agathias, which relate to the increase of buildings and inhabitants at Constantinople, are collected and connected by Gyllius de Byzant. l. i. c. 3. Sidonius Apollinaris (in Panegyr. Anthem. 56, p. 279, edit. Sirmond) describes the moles that were pushed forwards into the sea, they consisted of the famous Puzzolan sand, which hardens in the water.

佐西莫斯、欧纳皮乌斯、索佐门与阿加提亚斯几人论及君士坦丁堡建筑与居民日增的段落，已由 Gyllius de Byzant. l. i. c. 3 汇集并串连在一起。西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯（in Panegyr. Anthem. 56, p. 279，西尔蒙校本）描述了那些向海中延伸的堤基，说它们是用著名的波佐拉纳火山灰砂筑成的——此砂入水即会凝固变硬。

Sozomen, l. ii. c. 3. Philostorg. l. ii. c. 9. Codin. Antiquitat. Const. p. 8. It appears by Socrates, l. ii. c. 13, that the daily allowance of the city consisted of eight myriads of σίτου, which we may either translate, with Valesius, by the words modii of corn, or consider us expressive of the number of loaves of bread. * Note: At Rome the poorer citizens who received these gratuities were inscribed in a register; they had only a personal right. Constantine attached the right to the houses in his new capital, to engage the lower classes of the people to build their houses with expedition. Codex Therodos. l. xiv.—G.

Sozomen, l. ii. c. 3；Philostorg. l. ii. c. 9；Codin. Antiquitat. Const. p. 8。据苏格拉底（l. ii. c. 13）记载，该城每日的配给为八万单位的 σίτου；这个词我们既可像瓦莱修斯那样译作若干“摩狄乌斯”（modii）谷物，也可理解为面包的块数。* 编者按：在罗马，领取这类救济的贫苦市民都登记在册，他们所享有的仅是一种个人权利。君士坦丁却把这项权利系于新都的房屋之上，以此促使下层民众赶紧盖房。见 Codex Theodos. l. xiv。——G

See Cod. Theodos. l. xiii. and xiv., and Cod. Justinian. Edict. xii. tom. ii. p. 648, edit. Genev. See the beautiful complaint of Rome in the poem of Claudian de Bell. Gildonico, ver. 46-64.——Cum subiit par Roma mihi, divisaque sumsit Æquales aurora togas; Ægyptia rura In partem cessere novam.

见 Cod. Theodos. l. xiii. 与 xiv.，及 Cod. Justinian. Edict. xii. tom. ii. p. 648（日内瓦校本）。罗马那段动人的哀诉，见克劳狄安《吉尔多之战》诗第46–64行：——Cum subiit par Roma mihi, divisaque sumsit Æquales aurora togas; Ægyptia rura In partem cessere novam.（大意：自从一座与我比肩的罗马崛起，东方也分得了同等的执政官袍；埃及的田亩，就此划归了那新的一方。）

5911

This was also at the expense of Rome. The emperor ordered that the fleet of Alexandria should transport to Constantinople the grain of Egypt which it carried before to Rome: this grain supplied Rome during four months of the year. Claudian has described with force the famine occasioned by this measure:—

这同样是以牺牲罗马为代价的。皇帝下令，原先把埃及谷物运往罗马的亚历山大里亚船队，此后改运君士坦丁堡；而这批谷物本可供罗马一年中四个月的口粮。克劳狄安曾有力地描摹了此举所引发的饥荒：——

The regions of Constantinople are mentioned in the code of Justinian, and particularly described in the Notitia of the younger Theodosius; but as the four last of them are not included within the wall of Constantine, it may be doubted whether this division of the city should be referred to the founder.

君士坦丁堡的诸区见于《查士丁尼法典》，并在小狄奥多西的《城区志》（Notitia）中有专门记述；不过，由于其中最后四个区并不在君士坦丁所筑城墙之内，这种城区划分是否当真出自这位奠基者之手，就值得怀疑了。

Senatum constituit secundi ordinis; Claros vocavit. Anonym Valesian. p. 715. The senators of old Rome were styled Clarissimi. See a curious note of Valesius ad Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 9. From the eleventh epistle of Julian, it should seem that the place of senator was considered as a burden, rather than as an honor; but the Abbé de la Bleterie (Vie de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 371) has shown that this epistle could not relate to Constantinople. Might we not read, instead of the celebrated name of the obscure but more probable word Bisanthe or Rhœdestus, now Rhodosto, was a small maritime city of Thrace. See Stephan. Byz. de Urbibus, p. 225, and Cellar. Geograph. tom. i. p. 849.

Senatum constituit secundi ordinis; Claros vocavit.（他设立了次一等级的元老院，称其成员为 Claros。）见 Anonym. Valesian. p. 715。古罗马的元老素有 Clarissimi（至显贵者）之称。参见瓦莱修斯为 Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 9 所作的一条耐人寻味的注释。从尤利安的第十一封书信看来，元老之位似乎被视为一种负担，而非荣耀；但布莱特里神父（《约维安传》tom. ii. p. 371）已证明，这封信不可能与君士坦丁堡有关。我们是否不妨把那个赫赫有名的名字，改读作虽不显眼却更为可信的 Bisanthe 或 Rhœdestus——即今日的 Rhodosto，色雷斯一座濒海小城？参见 Stephan. Byz. de Urbibus, p. 225，及 Cellar. Geograph. tom. i. p. 849。

Cod. Theodos. l. xiv. 13. The commentary of Godefroy (tom. v. p. 220) is long, but perplexed; nor indeed is it easy to ascertain in what the Jus Italicum could consist, after the freedom of the city had been communicated to the whole empire. * Note: “This right, (the Jus Italicum,) which by most writers is referred with out foundation to the personal condition of the citizens, properly related to the city as a whole, and contained two parts. First, the Roman or quiritarian property in the soil, (commercium,) and its capability of mancipation, usucaption, and vindication; moreover, as an inseparable consequence of this, exemption from land-tax. Then, secondly, a free constitution in the Italian form, with Duumvirs, Quinquennales. and Ædiles, and especially with Jurisdiction.” Savigny, Geschichte des Rom. Rechts i. p. 51—M.

Cod. Theodos. l. xiv. 13。戈德弗鲁瓦的注释（tom. v. p. 220）冗长而含混；何况在城市公民权已推及全帝国之后，“意大利权”（Jus Italicum）究竟包含哪些内容，本就不易断定。* 编者按：“这项权利（即意大利权），多数论者毫无根据地将它系于公民的个人身份之上，其实它关乎的是整座城市，包含两部分。第一，是对土地的罗马式（或曰奎里蒂法上的）所有权（commercium），可行要式转让、时效取得与所有物返还之诉；并且，作为其不可分割的后果，还享有免征土地税之权。第二，是一套意大利式的自治体制，设有二人市政官（Duumvirs）、五年市政官（Quinquennales）与营造官（Ædiles），尤其握有司法审判之权。”见 Savigny, Geschichte des Rom. Rechts i. p. 51。——M

Julian (Orat. i. p. 8) celebrates Constantinople as not less superior to all other cities than she was inferior to Rome itself. His learned commentator (Spanheim, p. 75, 76) justifies this language by several parallel and contemporary instances. Zosimus, as well as Socrates and Sozomen, flourished after the division of the empire between the two sons of Theodosius, which established a perfect equality between the old and the new capital.

尤利安（Orat. i. p. 8）盛赞君士坦丁堡，说它凌驾于其他一切城市之上的程度，正与它逊于罗马本城的程度相当。他那位博学的注家（斯潘海姆，p. 75, 76）援引了同时代若干类似的例子来佐证这种说法。佐西莫斯，以及苏格拉底与索佐门，都活跃于狄奥多西两子瓜分帝国之后——那次瓜分使新旧两都之间确立了完全对等的地位。

Codinus (Antiquitat. p. 8) affirms, that the foundations of Constantinople were laid in the year of the world 5837, (A. D. 329,) on the 26th of September, and that the city was dedicated the 11th of May, 5838, (A. D. 330.) He connects those dates with several characteristic epochs, but they contradict each other; the authority of Codinus is of little weight, and the space which he assigns must appear insufficient. The term of ten years is given us by Julian, (Orat. i. p. 8;) and Spanheim labors to establish the truth of it, (p. 69-75,) by the help of two passages from Themistius, (Orat. iv. p. 58,) and of Philostorgius, (l. ii. c. 9,) which form a period from the year 324 to the year 334. Modern critics are divided concerning this point of chronology and their different sentiments are very accurately described by Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 619-625.

科迪努斯（Antiquitat. p. 8）断言，君士坦丁堡奠基于创世纪元5837年（公元329年）9月26日，落成于创世纪元5838年（公元330年）5月11日。他把这些日期与若干标志性纪元相勾连，可它们彼此矛盾；科迪努斯本就分量不足，而他所定的工期看来也嫌太短。尤利安（Orat. i. p. 8）给出的是十年之数；斯潘海姆则费力想坐实此说（p. 69–75），借助的是特米斯提乌斯（Orat. iv. p. 58）与菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯（l. ii. c. 9）的两段文字，二者合起来构成从公元324年到334年的一段时期。今之考据家对这一年代问题聚讼纷纭，他们各自的看法，蒂耶蒙（Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 619–625）已有极为精确的描述。

Themistius. Orat. iii. p. 47. Zosim. l. ii. p. 108. Constantine himself, in one of his laws, (Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit. i.,) betrays his impatience.

Themistius. Orat. iii. p. 47；Zosim. l. ii. p. 108。君士坦丁本人在他的一道法令里（Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit. i.）也流露出了这份急不可耐。

Cedrenus and Zonaras, faithful to the mode of superstition which prevailed in their own times, assure us that Constantinople was consecrated to the virgin Mother of God.

塞德雷努斯与佐纳拉斯，秉持各自时代盛行的那种迷信，向我们保证说，君士坦丁堡是奉献给上帝之母、童贞圣母的。

The earliest and most complete account of this extraordinary ceremony may be found in the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 285. Tillemont, and the other friends of Constantine, who are offended with the air of Paganism which seems unworthy of a Christian prince, had a right to consider it as doubtful, but they were not authorized to omit the mention of it.

关于这场奇特仪式，最早也最完整的记载见于《亚历山大里亚编年史》（p. 285）。蒂耶蒙以及其他袒护君士坦丁的人，因这仪式透出的异教气息有失一位基督教君主的身份而心生不快，他们固然有权怀疑其真伪，却无权对它避而不谈。

Sozomen, l. ii. c. 2. Ducange C. P. l. i. c. 6. Velut ipsius Romæ filiam, is the expression of Augustin. de Civitat. Dei, l. v. c. 25.

Sozomen, l. ii. c. 2；Ducange C. P. l. i. c. 6。“Velut ipsius Romæ filiam”（俨然是罗马本城的女儿）——这是奥古斯丁《上帝之城》（de Civitat. Dei, l. v. c. 25）中的措辞。

Eutropius, l. x. c. 8. Julian. Orat. i. p. 8. Ducange C. P. l. i. c. 5. The name of Constantinople is extant on the medals of Constantine.

Eutropius, l. x. c. 8；Julian. Orat. i. p. 8；Ducange C. P. l. i. c. 5。“君士坦丁堡”这个名字，在君士坦丁的钱币上至今可见。

The lively Fontenelle (Dialogues des Morts, xii.) affects to deride the vanity of human ambition, and seems to triumph in the disappointment of Constantine, whose immortal name is now lost in the vulgar appellation of Istambol, a Turkish corruption of είς τήν πόλιω. Yet the original name is still preserved, 1. By the nations of Europe. 2. By the modern Greeks. 3. By the Arabs, whose writings are diffused over the wide extent of their conquests in Asia and Africa. See D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 275. 4. By the more learned Turks, and by the emperor himself in his public mandates Cantemir’s History of the Othman Empire, p. 51.

诙谐的丰特奈尔（《死者对话录》第十二篇）故作姿态地嘲弄人类野心的虚妄，仿佛对君士坦丁的落空颇感称快——如今这位皇帝不朽的名字，已淹没在“伊斯坦布尔”这一俗称之中，而该词不过是希腊语 είς τήν πόλιω（意为“进城去”）经土耳其人讹传而成。然而，原来的名字仍旧保留着：其一，在欧洲各民族中间；其二，在今日的希腊人中间；其三，在阿拉伯人中间——他们的著作随其在亚洲、非洲的广袤征服而流布四方，见 D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 275；其四，在较有学问的土耳其人中间，乃至皇帝本人的公文诏令里，见坎特米尔《奥斯曼帝国史》p. 51。

The Theodosian code was promulgated A. D. 438. See the Prolegomena of Godefroy, c. i. p. 185.

《狄奥多西法典》颁行于公元438年。见戈德弗鲁瓦《绪论》第一章第185页（Prolegomena of Godefroy, c. i. p. 185）。

7111

The Notitia Dignitatum Imperii is a description of all the offices in the court and the state, of the legions, &c. It resembles our court almanacs, (Red Books,) with this single difference, that our almanacs name the persons in office, the Notitia only the offices. It is of the time of the emperor Theodosius II., that is to say, of the fifth century, when the empire was divided into the Eastern and Western. It is probable that it was not made for the first time, and that descriptions of the same kind existed before.—G.

《百官志》（Notitia Dignitatum Imperii）是一部记述宫廷与国家一切官职、以及各军团等等的文书。它很像我们的宫廷年鉴（即“红皮书”），唯一的区别在于：我们的年鉴列出任职者的姓名，而《百官志》只列官职本身。它成书于狄奥多西二世之世，也就是五世纪、帝国已分为东西两部之时。它多半并非首创，此前大概已有同类的文书存在。——G

Pancirolus, in his elaborate Commentary, assigns to the Notitia a date almost similar to that of the Theodosian Code; but his proofs, or rather conjectures, are extremely feeble. I should be rather inclined to place this useful work between the final division of the empire (A. D. 395) and the successful invasion of Gaul by the barbarians, (A. D. 407.) See Histoire des Anciens Peuples de l’Europe, tom. vii. p. 40.

潘奇罗卢斯在其详尽的注释中，把《百官志》的成书年代定得几乎与《狄奥多西法典》相同；但他的论据——或者不如说是臆测——极其薄弱。我倒宁愿把这部有用的著作，定在帝国最终分裂（公元395年）与蛮族成功入侵高卢（公元407年）之间。见 Histoire des Anciens Peuples de l’Europe, tom. vii. p. 40。

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part II. 第十七章 君士坦丁堡的兴建——第二节