Chapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.—Part II. 第七十章 教会国家的最终奠立——第二节
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Never perhaps has the energy and effect of a single mind been more remarkably felt than in the sudden, though transient, reformation of Rome by the tribune Rienzi. A den of robbers was converted to the discipline of a camp or convent: patient to hear, swift to redress, inexorable to punish, his tribunal was always accessible to the poor and stranger; nor could birth, or dignity, or the immunities of the church, protect the offender or his accomplices. The privileged houses, the private sanctuaries in Rome, on which no officer of justice would presume to trespass, were abolished; and he applied the timber and iron of their barricades in the fortifications of the Capitol. The venerable father of the Colonna was exposed in his own palace to the double shame of being desirous, and of being unable, to protect a criminal. A mule, with a jar of oil, had been stolen near Capranica; and the lord of the Ursini family was condemned to restore the damage, and to discharge a fine of four hundred florins for his negligence in guarding the highways. Nor were the persons of the barons more inviolate than their lands or houses; and, either from accident or design, the same impartial rigor was exercised against the heads of the adverse factions. Peter Agapet Colonna, who had himself been senator of Rome, was arrested in the street for injury or debt; and justice was appeased by the tardy execution of Martin Ursini, who, among his various acts of violence and rapine, had pillaged a shipwrecked vessel at the mouth of the Tyber. 28 His name, the purple of two cardinals, his uncles, a recent marriage, and a mortal disease were disregarded by the inflexible tribune, who had chosen his victim. The public officers dragged him from his palace and nuptial bed: his trial was short and satisfactory: the bell of the Capitol convened the people: stripped of his mantle, on his knees, with his hands bound behind his back, he heard the sentence of death; and after a brief confession, Ursini was led away to the gallows. After such an example, none who were conscious of guilt could hope for impunity, and the flight of the wicked, the licentious, and the idle, soon purified the city and territory of Rome. In this time (says the historian,) the woods began to rejoice that they were no longer infested with robbers; the oxen began to plough; the pilgrims visited the sanctuaries; the roads and inns were replenished with travellers; trade, plenty, and good faith, were restored in the markets; and a purse of gold might be exposed without danger in the midst of the highway. As soon as the life and property of the subject are secure, the labors and rewards of industry spontaneously revive: Rome was still the metropolis of the Christian world; and the fame and fortunes of the tribune were diffused in every country by the strangers who had enjoyed the blessings of his government.
或许从未有哪一次,能让人如此鲜明地感受到一个人的心志所迸发的力量及其成效,一如保民官里恩齐骤然而短暂地整顿罗马。盗匪的巢穴,转眼便有了军营或修道院般的纪律。他听讼耐心,纠冤迅捷,惩恶不贷;无论贫者还是异乡人,都可随时走上他的法庭;出身、爵位、教会的豁免特权,谁也保不住罪犯及其党羽。罗马城中那些享有特权的宅邸、私设的庇护所——从前执法之吏不敢擅入——尽遭废除;他还把那些街垒上的木料与铁件,用去加固卡皮托利山的工事。科隆纳家那位德高望重的老族长,在自家宫邸里蒙受双重羞辱:既想庇护一名罪犯,却又无力庇护。卡普拉尼卡附近有人偷走了一头驮着一罐油的骡子,奥尔西尼家的族长便被判赔偿损失,又因疏于守护道路而缴纳四百弗罗林罚金。贵族的身家性命,并不比他们的田产宅第更不可侵犯;无论出于偶然还是有意,对立两派的首脑,同样领受了这份不偏不倚的严酷。彼得·阿加佩特·科隆纳本人曾任罗马元老,却因伤人或欠债在街头被捕;而马丁·奥尔西尼迟来的伏法,总算平息了公道的怒火——此人劣迹斑斑,横行劫掠,甚至洗劫过一艘在台伯河口失事的船只。28 他名门出身,两位当枢机主教的叔父身披紫袍,新近成婚,又身患不治之症——这一切,在铁面无私、已选定牺牲品的保民官眼中,全不足道。公差把他从宫邸与新婚的床榻上拖走;审判短促而利落;卡皮托利山的大钟召集起民众;他被剥去斗篷,双膝跪地,双手反绑于身后,听候死刑判决;略作忏悔之后,奥尔西尼便被押赴绞架。有此一例在前,凡自知有罪的人再不敢指望逃脱惩处;于是恶徒、放荡之辈与游手好闲者纷纷逃亡,罗马城与近郊一时为之肃清。史家说,那些时日里,树林开始欢欣,因为再无盗匪出没其间;耕牛开始下田;香客得以造访圣所;道路与客栈重又住满旅人;市集上贸易、丰饶与诚信皆已恢复;纵是一囊黄金摊在大道之中,也无遭劫之虞。臣民的生命财产一旦得保,勤勉的劳作与报偿自会不召而复:罗马毕竟仍是基督教世界的都会;曾蒙其善政之惠的异乡人,把这位保民官的声名与际遇传扬到各国。
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The deliverance of his country inspired Rienzi with a vast, and perhaps visionary, idea of uniting Italy in a great federative republic, of which Rome should be the ancient and lawful head, and the free cities and princes the members and associates. His pen was not less eloquent than his tongue; and his numerous epistles were delivered to swift and trusty messengers. On foot, with a white wand in their hand, they traversed the forests and mountains; enjoyed, in the most hostile states, the sacred security of ambassadors; and reported, in the style of flattery or truth, that the highways along their passage were lined with kneeling multitudes, who implored Heaven for the success of their undertaking. Could passion have listened to reason; could private interest have yielded to the public welfare; the supreme tribunal and confederate union of the Italian republic might have healed their intestine discord, and closed the Alps against the Barbarians of the North. But the propitious season had elapsed; and if Venice, Florence, Sienna, Perugia, and many inferior cities offered their lives and fortunes to the good estate, the tyrants of Lombardy and Tuscany must despise, or hate, the plebeian author of a free constitution. From them, however, and from every part of Italy, the tribune received the most friendly and respectful answers: they were followed by the ambassadors of the princes and republics; and in this foreign conflux, on all the occasions of pleasure or business, the low born notary could assume the familiar or majestic courtesy of a sovereign. 29 The most glorious circumstance of his reign was an appeal to his justice from Lewis, king of Hungary, who complained, that his brother and her husband had been perfidiously strangled by Jane, queen of Naples: 30 her guilt or innocence was pleaded in a solemn trial at Rome; but after hearing the advocates, 31 the tribune adjourned this weighty and invidious cause, which was soon determined by the sword of the Hungarian. Beyond the Alps, more especially at Avignon, the revolution was the theme of curiosity, wonder, and applause. 311 Petrarch had been the private friend, perhaps the secret counsellor, of Rienzi: his writings breathe the most ardent spirit of patriotism and joy; and all respect for the pope, all gratitude for the Colonna, was lost in the superior duties of a Roman citizen. The poet-laureate of the Capitol maintains the act, applauds the hero, and mingles with some apprehension and advice, the most lofty hopes of the permanent and rising greatness of the republic. 32
祖国得救,激发里恩齐怀抱一个宏大而或许流于空想的构想:把整个意大利联合成一个庞大的联邦共和国,以罗马为其古老而正统的元首,各自由城邦与君侯则为其成员与盟友。他笔下的雄辩不逊于口舌;一封封书信,交由脚程飞快、忠实可靠的信使递送。信使徒步而行,手持白杖,穿越森林与山岭;纵在最敌对的邦国,也享有使节般神圣不可侵犯的安全;他们或出于奉承、或据实禀报,说沿途大道两旁跪满了民众,向上天祈求他的事业成功。倘若激情肯听从理性,倘若私利肯让位于公益,那么这意大利共和国的最高仲裁法庭与联邦同盟,本可弥合意大利内部的纷争,并向北方蛮族关闭阿尔卑斯山的门户。可惜天赐良机已然错失;威尼斯、佛罗伦萨、锡耶纳、佩鲁贾以及许多较小的城邦,固然愿以身家性命献予这“善治”,伦巴第与托斯卡纳的僭主们却必定鄙夷、乃至憎恨这个出身平民、亲手制定自由宪章的人。然而,无论是这些僭主,还是意大利各地,都给保民官送来了最友好、最恭敬的回覆;随之而来的,是各君侯与共和国的使节。在这四方云集的场合,无论宴饮还是议事,这个出身寒微的公证人,都能摆出君主般或亲切、或威严的礼度。29 他执政期间最为荣耀的一桩,是匈牙利国王路易向他诉请公道,控告自己的胞弟、即那不勒斯女王让娜的丈夫,被让娜阴险地绞杀;30 女王有罪抑或无辜,遂在罗马开庭郑重审理;然而听取双方辩护之后,31 保民官却将这桩既重大又招怨的案子押后不决——此案不久便由匈牙利人的刀剑了断。在阿尔卑斯山以北,尤其在阿维尼翁,这场变革成了人们好奇、惊叹与喝彩的话题。311 彼特拉克曾是里恩齐私下的挚友,或许还是暗中的谋士;他的文字洋溢着最炽热的爱国豪情与欢欣;对教宗的一切敬意、对科隆纳家的一切感恩,都消融在一个罗马公民更高的责任之中。这位卡皮托利山的桂冠诗人,为此举张目,为这位英雄喝彩,又在几分忧虑与劝诫之外,寄予共和国长治久安、蒸蒸日上的最崇高期望。32
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While Petrarch indulged these prophetic visions, the Roman hero was fast declining from the meridian of fame and power; and the people, who had gazed with astonishment on the ascending meteor, began to mark the irregularity of its course, and the vicissitudes of light and obscurity. More eloquent than judicious, more enterprising than resolute, the faculties of Rienzi were not balanced by cool and commanding reason: he magnified in a tenfold proportion the objects of hope and fear; and prudence, which could not have erected, did not presume to fortify, his throne. In the blaze of prosperity, his virtues were insensibly tinctured with the adjacent vices; justice with cruelty, liberality with profusion, and the desire of fame with puerile and ostentatious vanity. 321 He might have learned, that the ancient tribunes, so strong and sacred in the public opinion, were not distinguished in style, habit, or appearance, from an ordinary plebeian; 33 and that as often as they visited the city on foot, a single viator, or beadle, attended the exercise of their office. The Gracchi would have frowned or smiled, could they have read the sonorous titles and epithets of their successor, “Nicholas, severe and merciful; deliverer of Rome; defender of Italy; 34 friend of mankind, and of liberty, peace, and justice; tribune august:” his theatrical pageants had prepared the revolution; but Rienzi abused, in luxury and pride, the political maxim of speaking to the eyes, as well as the understanding, of the multitude. From nature he had received the gift of a handsome person, 35 till it was swelled and disfigured by intemperance: and his propensity to laughter was corrected in the magistrate by the affectation of gravity and sternness. He was clothed, at least on public occasions, in a party-colored robe of velvet or satin, lined with fur, and embroidered with gold: the rod of justice, which he carried in his hand, was a sceptre of polished steel, crowned with a globe and cross of gold, and enclosing a small fragment of the true and holy wood. In his civil and religious processions through the city, he rode on a white steed, the symbol of royalty: the great banner of the republic, a sun with a circle of stars, a dove with an olive branch, was displayed over his head; a shower of gold and silver was scattered among the populace, fifty guards with halberds encompassed his person; a troop of horse preceded his march; and their tymbals and trumpets were of massy silver.
彼特拉克沉醉于这些先知般的憧憬之时,这位罗马英雄却正从声名与权力的正午迅速西斜;民众先前惊愕地仰望这颗冉冉升起的流星,此时渐渐看出它轨迹的乖张,以及明暗交替的无常。里恩齐长于辞令而短于识断,敢于任事而怯于决断,他的种种才具,缺了冷静而果决的理智来加以调御;他把可望可惧之事,一概夸大十倍;而审慎——它本就不曾为他筑起这座宝座——也不敢僭越去替他加固。在鼎盛的光焰中,他的美德不知不觉染上了近旁的恶习:公正染上残忍,慷慨染上挥霍,求名之心染上幼稚而炫耀的虚荣。321 他本该明白:古代那些在公众心目中既有力又神圣的保民官,无论装束、习尚还是外表,都与寻常平民没有分别;33 他们每逢徒步进城履职,身边不过跟着一名传令吏,或曰差役。格拉古兄弟倘能读到他们这位后继者那些铿锵的头衔与称号,不知会蹙眉还是发笑——“尼古拉,严厉而仁慈者;罗马的解放者;意大利的捍卫者;34 人类之友,自由、和平与正义之友;至尊保民官”。他那些戏台般的盛典,本已为这场变革铺路;然而里恩齐骄奢无度,竟把“既要诉诸民众的眼睛、也要诉诸其头脑”这条政治要诀滥用到了极点。他天生一副俊美的仪表,35 后来却因纵欲无度而臃肿走形;身为执法长官,他又刻意装出庄重严峻的神气,来矫正自己爱笑的天性。至少在公开场合,他总身着丝绒或缎子的杂色长袍,内衬皮毛,金线绣饰;手中那根象征公道的权杖,乃是磨光的钢制节杖,顶端缀以金球与金十字架,内嵌一小片真圣十字架的木屑。每逢在城中举行政务或宗教的巡游,他便骑一匹象征王权的白马;头顶张着共和国的大旗——旗上绘着一轮环绕群星的太阳,一只衔着橄榄枝的鸽子;金银如雨,遍撒于民众之间;五十名手执长戟的卫士簇拥其身;一队骑兵为他开道,他们的定音鼓与号角,尽是纯银所制。
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The ambition of the honors of chivalry 36 betrayed the meanness of his birth, and degraded the importance of his office; and the equestrian tribune was not less odious to the nobles, whom he adopted, than to the plebeians, whom he deserted. All that yet remained of treasure, or luxury, or art, was exhausted on that solemn day. Rienzi led the procession from the Capitol to the Lateran; the tediousness of the way was relieved with decorations and games; the ecclesiastical, civil, and military orders marched under their various banners; the Roman ladies attended his wife; and the ambassadors of Italy might loudly applaud or secretly deride the novelty of the pomp. In the evening, which they had reached the church and palace of Constantine, he thanked and dismissed the numerous assembly, with an invitation to the festival of the ensuing day. From the hands of a venerable knight he received the order of the Holy Ghost; the purification of the bath was a previous ceremony; but in no step of his life did Rienzi excite such scandal and censure as by the profane use of the porphyry vase, in which Constantine (a foolish legend) had been healed of his leprosy by Pope Sylvester. 37 With equal presumption the tribune watched or reposed within the consecrated precincts of the baptistery; and the failure of his state-bed was interpreted as an omen of his approaching downfall. At the hour of worship, he showed himself to the returning crowds in a majestic attitude, with a robe of purple, his sword, and gilt spurs; but the holy rites were soon interrupted by his levity and insolence. Rising from his throne, and advancing towards the congregation, he proclaimed in a loud voice: “We summon to our tribunal Pope Clement: and command him to reside in his diocese of Rome: we also summon the sacred college of cardinals. 38 We again summon the two pretenders, Charles of Bohemia and Lewis of Bavaria, who style themselves emperors: we likewise summon all the electors of Germany, to inform us on what pretence they have usurped the inalienable right of the Roman people, the ancient and lawful sovereigns of the empire.” 39 Unsheathing his maiden sword, he thrice brandished it to the three parts of the world, and thrice repeated the extravagant declaration, “And this too is mine!” The pope’s vicar, the bishop of Orvieto, attempted to check this career of folly; but his feeble protest was silenced by martial music; and instead of withdrawing from the assembly, he consented to dine with his brother tribune, at a table which had hitherto been reserved for the supreme pontiff. A banquet, such as the Cæsars had given, was prepared for the Romans. The apartments, porticos, and courts of the Lateran were spread with innumerable tables for either sex, and every condition; a stream of wine flowed from the nostrils of Constantine’s brazen horse; no complaint, except of the scarcity of water, could be heard; and the licentiousness of the multitude was curbed by discipline and fear. A subsequent day was appointed for the coronation of Rienzi; 40 seven crowns of different leaves or metals were successively placed on his head by the most eminent of the Roman clergy; they represented the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost; and he still professed to imitate the example of the ancient tribunes. 401 These extraordinary spectacles might deceive or flatter the people; and their own vanity was gratified in the vanity of their leader. But in his private life he soon deviated from the strict rule of frugality and abstinence; and the plebeians, who were awed by the splendor of the nobles, were provoked by the luxury of their equal. His wife, his son, his uncle, (a barber in name and profession,) exposed the contrast of vulgar manners and princely expense; and without acquiring the majesty, Rienzi degenerated into the vices, of a king.
追慕骑士荣衔的野心,36 暴露了他出身的卑微,也贬损了他官职的分量;这位受封骑士的保民官,既见弃于他所背离的平民,也见恶于他所攀附的贵族,两头都不讨好。库中仅存的财货、奢物与艺珍,都在那盛大的一天挥霍殆尽。里恩齐率领队伍,自卡皮托利山行往拉特兰;路途漫长,以装饰与竞技来消遣;教会、政务与军事各阶层,各擎旗帜列队而行;罗马贵妇则簇拥着他的妻子;意大利各邦的使节,或高声喝彩,或暗自讥笑这场前所未见的盛典。傍晚时分,众人抵达君士坦丁的教堂与宫殿,他向这一大群人致谢并遣散,约定次日再赴庆典。他从一位德高望重的骑士手中,领受了圣灵骑士的勋位;受勋前须先行沐浴净身之礼;然而里恩齐一生之中,竟没有哪一步比他亵渎那只斑岩浴瓮更招物议与非难——相传(一则荒唐的传说)君士坦丁正是在这瓮中,经教宗西尔维斯特之手治愈了麻风。37 他更以同样的僭妄,在洗礼堂那片圣洁的禁地之内又是守夜又是安歇;后来他那张御床坍损,便被解作大祸将至的凶兆。礼拜之时,他以威严的姿态出现在归来的人群面前,身披紫袍,佩着长剑,蹬着镀金马刺;可这神圣的仪式,不久便被他的轻佻与傲慢打断。他从宝座上起身,走向会众,高声宣告:“我们传唤教宗克莱门特到我们的法庭前来,命他回驻其罗马教区;我们也传唤枢机主教团。38 我们再度传唤那两位僭称皇帝的角逐者——波希米亚的查理与巴伐利亚的路易;我们同样传唤日耳曼的全体选帝侯,要他们说明:凭什么借口,竟篡夺了罗马人民这项不可让渡的权利——罗马人民才是这帝国古老而正统的君主。”39 说罢,他拔出那柄从未用过的佩剑,向天下三方各挥舞三次,又三次重复那句狂妄的宣言:“这一方也是我的!”教宗的代理主教、即奥尔维耶托主教,试图遏止这场愈演愈烈的荒唐;可他微弱的抗议,被军乐声压了下去;这位主教非但没有退席,反倒答应与这位保民官“同僚”同席共宴,坐上那向来专为教宗保留的席位。一场堪比诸恺撒当年所设的盛宴,已为罗马人备好。拉特兰的殿堂、柱廊与庭院里,摆开无数筵席,不分男女,不论贵贱;君士坦丁那尊青铜马的鼻孔里,汩汩淌出美酒;人们除了抱怨水少,别无怨言;民众纵有放肆,也被纪律与畏惧所约束。又择定后一日为里恩齐加冕之期;40 罗马教士中最显赫者,把七顶以不同枝叶或金属制成的冠冕,依次戴上他的头,以象征圣灵的七种恩赐;而他仍自称是在效法古代保民官的先例。401 这些非凡的场面,或可蒙骗、或可取悦民众;民众自己的虚荣,也在首领的虚荣中得到了满足。然而在私生活里,他很快便背离了俭朴克制的严规;平民对贵族的煊赫本就心怀敬畏,如今见与自己平起平坐者竟这般奢靡,更是气愤难平。他的妻子、儿子和叔父(此人名副其实,本是个理发匠),把粗鄙的举止与王侯般的排场并陈于人前;里恩齐既未得着君王的威仪,却染上了君王的种种恶习。
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A simple citizen describes with pity, or perhaps with pleasure, the humiliation of the barons of Rome. “Bareheaded, their hands crossed on their breast, they stood with downcast looks in the presence of the tribune; and they trembled, good God, how they trembled!” 41 As long as the yoke of Rienzi was that of justice and their country, their conscience forced them to esteem the man, whom pride and interest provoked them to hate: his extravagant conduct soon fortified their hatred by contempt; and they conceived the hope of subverting a power which was no longer so deeply rooted in the public confidence. The old animosity of the Colonna and Ursini was suspended for a moment by their common disgrace: they associated their wishes, and perhaps their designs; an assassin was seized and tortured; he accused the nobles; and as soon as Rienzi deserved the fate, he adopted the suspicions and maxims, of a tyrant. On the same day, under various pretences, he invited to the Capitol his principal enemies, among whom were five members of the Ursini and three of the Colonna name. But instead of a council or a banquet, they found themselves prisoners under the sword of despotism or justice; and the consciousness of innocence or guilt might inspire them with equal apprehensions of danger. At the sound of the great bell the people assembled; they were arraigned for a conspiracy against the tribune’s life; and though some might sympathize in their distress, not a hand, nor a voice, was raised to rescue the first of the nobility from their impending doom. Their apparent boldness was prompted by despair; they passed in separate chambers a sleepless and painful night; and the venerable hero, Stephen Colonna, striking against the door of his prison, repeatedly urged his guards to deliver him by a speedy death from such ignominious servitude. In the morning they understood their sentence from the visit of a confessor and the tolling of the bell. The great hall of the Capitol had been decorated for the bloody scene with red and white hangings: the countenance of the tribune was dark and severe; the swords of the executioners were unsheathed; and the barons were interrupted in their dying speeches by the sound of trumpets. But in this decisive moment, Rienzi was not less anxious or apprehensive than his captives: he dreaded the splendor of their names, their surviving kinsmen, the inconstancy of the people, the reproaches of the world, and, after rashly offering a mortal injury, he vainly presumed that, if he could forgive, he might himself be forgiven. His elaborate oration was that of a Christian and a suppliant; and, as the humble minister of the commons, he entreated his masters to pardon these noble criminals, for whose repentance and future service he pledged his faith and authority. “If you are spared,” said the tribune, “by the mercy of the Romans, will you not promise to support the good estate with your lives and fortunes?” Astonished by this marvellous clemency, the barons bowed their heads; and while they devoutly repeated the oath of allegiance, might whisper a secret, and more sincere, assurance of revenge. A priest, in the name of the people, pronounced their absolution: they received the communion with the tribune, assisted at the banquet, followed the procession; and, after every spiritual and temporal sign of reconciliation, were dismissed in safety to their respective homes, with the new honors and titles of generals, consuls, and patricians. 42
一位寻常市民,带着怜悯——或许竟是快意——描述了罗马众贵族所受的屈辱:“他们光着头,双手交叉按在胸前,垂目低眉,立在保民官面前;他们发抖,天哪,抖得何等厉害!”41 当里恩齐所加的轭还是公道与祖国之轭时,良心逼着他们敬重这个人,尽管出于骄傲与私利,他们对他恨之入骨;及至他行事乖张无度,他们的恨意便掺进了蔑视而愈发牢固;于是他们生出指望:要颠覆这个已不再深植于民心的政权。科隆纳家与奥尔西尼家宿怨深重,此刻却因共蒙羞辱而暂时搁置;他们联结起共同的心愿,或许还有共同的图谋;一名刺客被擒获拷问,供出了这些贵族;而里恩齐一旦落到该受此报的地步,便也采纳了僭主的猜忌与信条。同一天,他借着种种名目,把主要的仇敌请上卡皮托利山,其中有奥尔西尼家五人、科隆纳家三人。然而等着他们的,既非议事也非宴饮,而是沦为阶下囚,任凭这或曰专制、或曰公道之剑处置;无论自知清白还是有罪,都同样忧惧临头之祸。大钟一响,民众聚集;这些人被控密谋加害保民官的性命;纵有人暗自同情他们的处境,却无一手、无一声,肯出面搭救这批头等贵族于将临的厄运。他们表面上的胆气,实由绝望所激;这一夜,他们分别囚于各室,辗转难眠,备受煎熬;那位德高望重的英雄斯蒂芬·科隆纳,捶打着牢门,一再催促守卫赶紧赐他一死,好让他脱出这般屈辱的奴役。次晨,忏悔神父的到来与钟声的鸣响,使他们明白了自己的判决。卡皮托利山的大厅已为这血腥的一幕挂上红白帷幔;保民官面色阴沉而严峻;刽子手的刀已出鞘;贵族们临终的遗言,被号角声打断。可就在这决定性的一刻,里恩齐并不比他的囚徒少几分焦虑与惶恐:他忌惮他们显赫的姓氏,忌惮他们尚存的亲族,忌惮民心的反复无常,忌惮天下人的责难;既已鲁莽地下了这致命的毒手,他又枉自以为:只要自己肯宽恕,或许也能得人宽恕。他那篇精心措辞的演说,俨然出自一位基督徒与恳求者之口;他以平民卑微的公仆自居,恳请他的主人——民众——赦免这几名高贵的罪人,并以自己的信誉与权柄,为他们的悔改与日后效力作保。“倘若罗马人开恩饶你们不死,”保民官说,“你们可愿以身家性命扶助这‘善治’?”众贵族惊诧于这般奇异的宽仁,俯首听命;他们一面虔诚地复诵效忠的誓言,一面或许正低声许下另一句更真心的话:定要复仇。一名教士代表民众宣告赦免了他们;他们与保民官同领圣餐,列席宴会,随行游行;在种种属灵与属世的和解表征之后,他们平安地各回己宅,还得了将军、执政官与贵族之类的新荣衔。42
¶
During some weeks they were checked by the memory of their danger, rather than of their deliverance, till the most powerful of the Ursini, escaping with the Colonna from the city, erected at Marino the standard of rebellion. The fortifications of the castle were instantly restored; the vassals attended their lord; the outlaws armed against the magistrate; the flocks and herds, the harvests and vineyards, from Marino to the gates of Rome, were swept away or destroyed; and the people arraigned Rienzi as the author of the calamities which his government had taught them to forget. In the camp, Rienzi appeared to less advantage than in the rostrum; and he neglected the progress of the rebel barons till their numbers were strong, and their castles impregnable. From the pages of Livy he had not imbibed the art, or even the courage, of a general: an army of twenty thousand Romans returned without honor or effect from the attack of Marino; and his vengeance was amused by painting his enemies, their heads downwards, and drowning two dogs (at least they should have been bears) as the representatives of the Ursini. The belief of his incapacity encouraged their operations: they were invited by their secret adherents; and the barons attempted, with four thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse, to enter Rome by force or surprise. The city was prepared for their reception; the alarm-bell rung all night; the gates were strictly guarded, or insolently open; and after some hesitation they sounded a retreat. The two first divisions had passed along the walls, but the prospect of a free entrance tempted the headstrong valor of the nobles in the rear; and after a successful skirmish, they were overthrown and massacred without quarter by the crowds of the Roman people. Stephen Colonna the younger, the noble spirit to whom Petrarch ascribed the restoration of Italy, was preceded or accompanied in death by his son John, a gallant youth, by his brother Peter, who might regret the ease and honors of the church, by a nephew of legitimate birth, and by two bastards of the Colonna race; and the number of seven, the seven crowns, as Rienzi styled them, of the Holy Ghost, was completed by the agony of the deplorable parent, and the veteran chief, who had survived the hope and fortune of his house. The vision and prophecies of St. Martin and Pope Boniface had been used by the tribune to animate his troops: 43 he displayed, at least in the pursuit, the spirit of a hero; but he forgot the maxims of the ancient Romans, who abhorred the triumphs of civil war. The conqueror ascended the Capitol; deposited his crown and sceptre on the altar; and boasted, with some truth, that he had cut off an ear, which neither pope nor emperor had been able to amputate. 44 His base and implacable revenge denied the honors of burial; and the bodies of the Colonna, which he threatened to expose with those of the vilest malefactors, were secretly interred by the holy virgins of their name and family. 45 The people sympathized in their grief, repented of their own fury, and detested the indecent joy of Rienzi, who visited the spot where these illustrious victims had fallen. It was on that fatal spot that he conferred on his son the honor of knighthood: and the ceremony was accomplished by a slight blow from each of the horsemen of the guard, and by a ridiculous and inhuman ablution from a pool of water, which was yet polluted with patrician blood. 46
此后几个星期,约束他们的与其说是获救之恩,不如说是遇险之惧;直到奥尔西尼家最有势力的人物,与科隆纳家一同逃出城去,在马里诺竖起了叛旗。城堡的工事顷刻修复;附庸们纷纷投奔其主;这些亡命之徒起兵对抗执政的保民官;从马里诺直到罗马城门,牲畜羊群、庄稼葡萄,尽被劫掠或毁去;民众便归咎里恩齐,说他正是这场灾祸的祸首——而这样的灾祸,原是他的治理已教他们淡忘了的。在营帐之中,里恩齐远不如在讲坛之上那般得心应手;他放任叛乱贵族坐大,直到对方兵众势盛、堡垒固若金汤。他虽读过李维的著作,却既没学到为将的韬略,连为将的胆气也未曾习得;一支两万人的罗马大军,攻打马里诺无功而返,颜面尽失;而他泄愤的方式,竟是把仇敌画成头朝下的模样,又淹死两条狗(至少也该用熊才是),权当奥尔西尼家的替身。人们相信他无能,越发助长了叛军的行动;暗中的党羽向他们发出邀约;于是众贵族率四千步兵、一千六百骑兵,企图强攻或偷袭,打进罗马。城中早有防备;警钟彻夜长鸣;各处城门或严加把守,或索性大敞以示轻蔑;贵族们迟疑再三,终于鸣号撤退。前两队已沿城墙通过,可殿后的贵族见有长驱直入之机,一时血气上涌,骄勇难抑;一场小胜之后,他们却被罗马民众成群冲垮,惨遭屠戮,无一幸免。小斯蒂芬·科隆纳——彼特拉克曾把复兴意大利的希望寄托于这位高贵的英才——在死者中或走在前,或与人同赴黄泉:随他而去的,有他的儿子约翰,一位英武的少年;有他的兄弟彼得,此人本可安享教会的清闲与尊荣;还有一个嫡出的侄儿,以及科隆纳血脉的两名私生子;而里恩齐所谓圣灵的“七顶冠冕”之数,则由那位可悲的老父、那位阅尽沧桑的老族长的悲恸来凑足——他活了下来,却眼看着家族的希望与气运尽被断送。保民官曾搬出圣马丁与教宗卜尼法斯的异象与预言,来鼓舞士气;43 至少在追击之际,他确也显出了几分英雄气概;可他忘了古罗马人的信条——他们向来厌弃内战的凯旋。这位胜利者登上卡皮托利山,把冠冕与权杖供奉于祭坛之上;并且不无几分道理地夸口说:教宗与皇帝都割不掉的那只耳朵,已被他割了下来。44 他这卑劣而不可平息的复仇,竟不许死者入土为安;科隆纳家的尸首,他扬言要与最卑贱的恶徒一同曝尸示众,幸得同族同姓的修女们暗中收殓。45 民众同悲,悔恨自己先前的暴怒,更憎恶里恩齐那副有失体面的得意——他还亲临这几位显赫牺牲者倒下的地点。也正是在这不祥之地,他为儿子行了受封骑士的礼:仪式由卫队每名骑手轻击一下便告完成,又用一洼池水为他行了一场荒唐而残忍的净礼——那水里还沾着贵族的血污。46
¶
A short delay would have saved the Colonna, the delay of a single month, which elapsed between the triumph and the exile of Rienzi. In the pride of victory, he forfeited what yet remained of his civil virtues, without acquiring the fame of military prowess. A free and vigorous opposition was formed in the city; and when the tribune proposed in the public council 47 to impose a new tax, and to regulate the government of Perugia, thirty-nine members voted against his measures; repelled the injurious charge of treachery and corruption; and urged him to prove, by their forcible exclusion, that if the populace adhered to his cause, it was already disclaimed by the most respectable citizens. The pope and the sacred college had never been dazzled by his specious professions; they were justly offended by the insolence of his conduct; a cardinal legate was sent to Italy, and after some fruitless treaty, and two personal interviews, he fulminated a bull of excommunication, in which the tribune is degraded from his office, and branded with the guilt of rebellion, sacrilege, and heresy. 48 The surviving barons of Rome were now humbled to a sense of allegiance; their interest and revenge engaged them in the service of the church; but as the fate of the Colonna was before their eyes, they abandoned to a private adventurer the peril and glory of the revolution. John Pepin, count of Minorbino, 49 in the kingdom of Naples, had been condemned for his crimes, or his riches, to perpetual imprisonment; and Petrarch, by soliciting his release, indirectly contributed to the ruin of his friend. At the head of one hundred and fifty soldiers, the count of Minorbino introduced himself into Rome; barricaded the quarter of the Colonna: and found the enterprise as easy as it had seemed impossible. From the first alarm, the bell of the Capitol incessantly tolled; but, instead of repairing to the well-known sound, the people were silent and inactive; and the pusillanimous Rienzi, deploring their ingratitude with sighs and tears, abdicated the government and palace of the republic.
只消稍缓片刻,科隆纳家本可保全——只消一个月的耽搁,而这一个月,恰是里恩齐由凯旋到流亡之间的光景。他在胜利的骄矜中,把仅存的一点公民德操也断送了,却并未换来军功的声名。城中兴起一股自由而强劲的反对势力;当保民官在公众议事会上47提议开征新税、并整顿佩鲁贾的政务时,三十九名成员投票反对他的举措;他们驳回了背叛与贪腐这类中伤的指控,并激他不妨试试强行把他们逐出议会——以此证明:纵然平民百姓仍拥戴他的主张,最有声望的公民却早已同他划清了界限。教宗与枢机主教团,从不曾被他冠冕堂皇的表白所炫惑;他们对他嚣张的行径,自有正当的愤慨;于是一位枢机主教特使奉派前往意大利,几番徒劳的交涉、两度当面会晤之后,颁下一道绝罚谕令,将这保民官褫夺职权,冠以叛乱、亵渎与异端之罪。48 罗马幸存的贵族,如今俯首认清了自己臣属的本分;利害与复仇之心,驱使他们投效教会;然而科隆纳家的下场历历在目,他们便把这场变革中的凶险与荣耀,一并让给了一个私人冒险家。那不勒斯王国的米诺尔比诺伯爵约翰·佩平,49或因罪行、或因财富,被判终身监禁;彼特拉克出面替他求情开释,竟间接把自己的朋友推向了毁灭。米诺尔比诺伯爵率一百五十名士兵潜入罗马,在科隆纳家聚居的街区筑起街垒;而这桩原本看似绝无可能的事,做起来竟如此轻易。警讯一起,卡皮托利山的钟声便不住地敲响;民众却不再循着这熟悉的钟声赶来,只是缄默不动;胆怯的里恩齐,一边叹息落泪,悲叹民众忘恩负义,一边弃了共和国的政权与宫邸,拂袖而去。
Notes 注释
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Fortifiocca, l. ii. c. 11. From the account of this shipwreck, we learn some circumstances of the trade and navigation of the age. 1. The ship was built and freighted at Naples for the ports of Marseilles and Avignon. 2. The sailors were of Naples and the Isle of naria less skilful than those of Sicily and Genoa. 3. The navigation from Marseilles was a coasting voyage to the mouth of the Tyber, where they took shelter in a storm; but, instead of finding the current, unfortunately ran on a shoal: the vessel was stranded, the mariners escaped. 4. The cargo, which was pillaged, consisted of the revenue of Provence for the royal treasury, many bags of pepper and cinnamon, and bales of French cloth, to the value of 20,000 florins; a rich prize.
福尔蒂菲奥卡,第二卷,第 11 章。从这桩海难的记述中,我们可略窥当时贸易与航海的若干情形。其一,此船在那不勒斯建造并装货,预定驶往马赛与阿维尼翁诸港。其二,水手来自那不勒斯与纳里亚岛(Isle of naria),其技艺逊于西西里与热那亚的船工。其三,自马赛出发,一路沿岸航行至台伯河口,途中遇风暴而入港避险;不料未能找准水流,反倒搁上了浅滩:船只触底搁浅,船员则逃生上岸。其四,遭劫的货物,包括普罗旺斯上缴王库的税款、许多袋胡椒与肉桂,以及成捆的法国呢布,价值两万弗罗林——委实是一注厚利。
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It was thus that Oliver Cromwell’s old acquaintance, who remembered his vulgar and ungracious entrance into the House of Commons, were astonished at the ease and majesty of the protector on his throne, (See Harris’s Life of Cromwell, p. 27—34, from Clarendon Warwick, Whitelocke, Waller, &c.) The consciousness of merit and power will sometimes elevate the manners to the station.
奥利弗·克伦威尔的故交,还记得他当年步入下议院时那副粗鄙无礼的模样,如今见他高踞护国公之位,从容而威严,无不惊讶莫名——情形正与此相类。(参见哈里斯《克伦威尔传》,第 27—34 页,取材于 Clarendon、Warwick、Whitelocke、Waller 等人。)人一旦自觉才具与权势在身,举止有时便会随地位而抬升。
30
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See the causes, circumstances, and effects of the death of Andrew in Giannone, (tom. iii. l. xxiii. p. 220—229,) and the Life of Petrarch (Mémoires, tom. ii. p. 143—148, 245—250, 375—379, notes, p. 21—37.) The abbé de Sade wishes to extenuate her guilt.
关于安德烈之死的起因、经过与影响,参见詹诺内(第三卷,第二十三章,第 220—229 页),以及《彼特拉克传》(《回忆录》,第二卷,第 143—148、245—250、375—379 页,注释见第 21—37 页)。萨德神父一心想为她的罪过开脱。
31
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The advocate who pleaded against Jane could add nothing to the logical force and brevity of his master’s epistle. Johanna! inordinata vita præcedens, retentio potestatis in regno, neglecta vindicta, vir alter susceptus, et excusatio subsequens, necis viri tui te probant fuisse participem et consortem. Jane of Naples, and Mary of Scotland, have a singular conformity.
那位出庭控告让娜的辩护人,再也无从为他主人那封书信增添半分逻辑的力量与简练。Johanna! inordinata vita præcedens, retentio potestatis in regno, neglecta vindicta, vir alter susceptus, et excusatio subsequens, necis viri tui te probant fuisse participem et consortem.(大意:让娜啊!你先前生活放荡,继而把持王权、漠视复仇、另纳新夫、事后又百般狡辩——凡此种种,都证明你亲夫被害,你实为同谋共犯。)那不勒斯的让娜与苏格兰的玛丽,二人竟有惊人的相似。
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In his letter to the archbishop of Prague, Rienzi thus describes the effect of his elevation on Italy and on the world: “Did I not restore real peace among the cities which were distracted by factions? did I not cause all the citizens, exiled by party violence, with their wretched wives and children, to be readmitted? had I not begun to extinguish the factious names (scismatica nomina) of Guelf and Ghibelline, for which countless thousands had perished body and soul, under the eyes of their pastors, by the reduction of the city of Rome and all Italy into one amicable, peaceful, holy, and united confederacy? the consecrated standards and banners having been by me collected and blended together, and, in witness to our holy association and perfect union, offered up in the presence of the ambassadors of all the cities of Italy, on the day of the assumption of our Blessed Lady.” p. xlvii. ——In the Libellus ad Cæsarem: “I received the homage and submission of all the sovereigns of Apulia, the barons and counts, and almost all the people of Italy. I was honored by solemn embassies and letters by the emperor of Constantinople and the king of England. The queen of Naples submitted herself and her kingdom to the protection of the tribune. The king of Hungary, by two solemn embassies, brought his cause against his queen and his nobles before my tribunal; and I venture to say further, that the fame of the tribune alarmed the soldan of Babylon. When the Christian pilgrims to the sepulchre of our Lord related to the Christian and Jewish inhabitants of Jerusalem all the yet unheard-of and wonderful circumstances of the reformation in Rome, both Jews and Christians celebrated the event with unusual festivities. When the soldan inquired the cause of these rejoicings, and received this intelligence about Rome, he ordered all the havens and cities on the coast to be fortified, and put in a state of defence,” p. xxxv.—M. 1845.
里恩齐在致布拉格大主教的信中,如此描述自己的擢升给意大利乃至全世界带来的影响:“我难道没有在那些为党争所撕裂的城邦之间重建真正的和平吗?我难道没有让所有因党派暴力而流亡的公民,携其可怜的妻儿一同回城吗?我难道没有着手扑灭归尔甫与吉伯林这些制造分裂的名号(scismatica nomina)吗?——为这些名号,曾有千千万万人在其牧者眼皮底下身心俱灭;而我则把罗马城连同整个意大利,归并为一个友爱、和平、神圣而团结的联盟。各城邦那些经祝圣的旌旗与幡帜,已由我收集并交融于一处;在意大利各城使节面前,于我们圣母升天之日,作为我们神圣结盟与圆满合一的见证,一并奉献于神前。”(第 xlvii 页)此外,他在《致恺撒书》(Libellus ad Cæsarem)中又写道:“阿普利亚全境的君主、男爵与伯爵,连同意大利几乎全体民众,都向我称臣归顺。君士坦丁堡皇帝与英格兰国王遣来隆重的使节与书信,使我倍受尊崇。那不勒斯女王将自身与王国一并托庇于保民官的保护之下。匈牙利国王两度郑重遣使,将他控告本国女王与贵族的案子呈到我的法庭之前;我甚至敢说,保民官的威名已惊动了巴比伦的苏丹。当朝圣我主圣墓的基督徒,向耶路撒冷的基督徒与犹太居民,细说罗马这场闻所未闻、令人称奇的整顿时,犹太人与基督徒都以罕见的欢庆来庆贺此事。苏丹探问这般欢庆的缘由,得知罗马的原委之后,便下令加固沿海一切港口与城市,使之进入戒备状态。”(第 xxxv 页)—M,1845 年。
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See the Epistola Hortatoria de Capessenda Republica, from Petrarch to Nicholas Rienzi, (Opp. p. 535—540,) and the vth eclogue or pastoral, a perpetual and obscure allegory.
参见彼特拉克致尼古拉·里恩齐的 Epistola Hortatoria de Capessenda Republica(《劝其执掌共和政权书》,《全集》,第 535—540 页),以及第五首牧歌——一则冗长而晦涩的寓言。
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An illustrious female writer has drawn, with a single stroke, the character of Rienzi, Crescentius, and Arnold of Brescia, the fond restorers of Roman liberty: ‘Qui ont pris les souvenirs pour les espérances.’ Corinne, tom. i. p. 159. “Could Tacitus have excelled this?” Hallam, vol i p. 418.—M.
一位卓越的女作家,曾以寥寥一笔,勾勒出里恩齐、克雷申提乌斯与布雷西亚的阿诺德这几位痴心复兴罗马自由者的性情:‘Qui ont pris les souvenirs pour les espérances.’(他们把追忆错当成了希望。)见《柯丽娜》,第一卷,第 159 页。“塔西佗能写得比这更好吗?”哈勒姆,第一卷,第 418 页。—M
33
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In his Roman Questions, Plutarch (Opuscul. tom. i. p. 505, 506, edit. Græc. Hen. Steph.) states, on the most constitutional principles, the simple greatness of the tribunes, who were not properly magistrates, but a check on magistracy. It was their duty and interest omoiousqai schmati, kai stolh kai diaithtoiV epitugcanousi tvn politvn.... katapateisqai dei (a saying of C. Curio) kai mh semnon einai th oyei mhde dusprosodon... osw de mallon ektapeinoutai tv swmati, tosoutw mallon auxetai th dunamei, &c. Rienzi, and Petrarch himself, were incapable perhaps of reading a Greek philosopher; but they might have imbibed the same modest doctrines from their favorite Latins, Livy and Valerius Maximus.
普鲁塔克在其《罗马问答》(《小品集》,第一卷,第 505、506 页,亨·斯特凡希腊文版)中,依据最合乎宪制的原则,阐明了保民官那种质朴的伟大:他们本非正式的官长,而是对官长权力的一种制衡。按其职分与旨趣,他们理应 omoiousqai schmati, kai stolh kai diaithtoiV epitugcanousi tvn politvn.... katapateisqai dei(此为盖乌斯·库里奥之语)kai mh semnon einai th oyei mhde dusprosodon... osw de mallon ektapeinoutai tv swmati, tosoutw mallon auxetai th dunamei, &c.(大意:保民官在仪容、衣着与起居上都须与所遇的平民无异……务求平易近人,不可显得威重难近……其身姿愈是谦卑,其权势反而愈见增长)。里恩齐,乃至彼特拉克本人,或许都读不了希腊哲人的著作;但他们大可从各自钟爱的拉丁作家——李维与瓦莱里乌斯·马克西穆斯——那里,汲取同样谦抑的教诲。
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I could not express in English the forcible, though barbarous, title of Zelator Italiæ, which Rienzi assumed.
里恩齐自封的那个头衔 Zelator Italiæ(意为“意大利的热忱卫士”),雄劲有力却又粗野不文,我实在无从用英文译出。
35
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Era bell’ homo, (l. ii. c. l. p. 399.) It is remarkable, that the riso sarcastico of the Bracciano edition is wanting in the Roman MS., from which Muratori has given the text. In his second reign, when he is painted almost as a monster, Rienzi travea una ventresca tonna trionfale, a modo de uno Abbate Asiano, or Asinino, (l. iii. c. 18, p. 523.)
Era bell’ homo(他是个美男子,第二卷,第 l 章,第 399 页)。值得注意的是,布拉恰诺版中那句 riso sarcastico(讥讽的笑),在穆拉托里据以校订正文的罗马抄本里却付之阙如。到他第二度当政时,笔下的他几乎成了个怪物:Rienzi travea una ventresca tonna trionfale, a modo de uno Abbate Asiano, or Asinino(里恩齐挺着一个又圆又气派的大肚子,活像个亚细亚——或者说蠢驴般的——修道院长,第三卷,第 18 章,第 523 页)。
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Strange as it may seem, this festival was not without a precedent. In the year 1327, two barons, a Colonna and an Ursini, the usual balance, were created knights by the Roman people: their bath was of rose-water, their beds were decked with royal magnificence, and they were served at St. Maria of Araceli in the Capitol, by the twenty-eight buoni huomini. They afterwards received from Robert, king of Naples, the sword of chivalry, (Hist. Rom. l. i. c. 2, p. 259.)
说来或许离奇,这场典礼也并非全无先例。1327 年,罗马人民曾册封两名贵族为骑士——一名科隆纳、一名奥尔西尼,一如惯常的两派平衡:他们以玫瑰水沐浴,床榻饰以帝王般的华贵,又在卡皮托利山的阿拉切利圣母堂,由二十八位 buoni huomini(善人)侍奉。此后,他们又从那不勒斯国王罗伯特手中,领受了骑士之剑。(《罗马史》,第一卷,第 2 章,第 259 页。)
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All parties believed in the leprosy and bath of Constantine (Petrarch. Epist. Famil. vi. 2,) and Rienzi justified his own conduct by observing to the court of Avignon, that a vase which had been used by a Pagan could not be profaned by a pious Christian. Yet this crime is specified in the bull of excommunication, (Hocsemius, apud du Cerçeau, p. 189, 190.)
当时各方都相信君士坦丁患麻风并沐浴受洗的传说(彼特拉克《家书集》,第六卷第 2 篇);里恩齐则向阿维尼翁教廷申辩,说一只曾为异教徒所用的浴瓮,断不会因一位虔诚基督徒的使用而遭亵渎。然而在那道绝罚谕令中,这却被明列为一桩罪状。(霍克塞米乌斯,转引自 du Cerçeau,第 189—190 页。)
38
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This verbal summons of Pope Clement VI., which rests on the authority of the Roman historian and a Vatican MS., is disputed by the biographer of Petrarch, (tom. ii. not. p. 70—76), with arguments rather of decency than of weight. The court of Avignon might not choose to agitate this delicate question.
这道对教宗克莱门特六世的口头传唤,所据者乃罗马那位史家与一份梵蒂冈抄本;彼特拉克的传记作者对此有所质疑(第二卷,注,第 70—76 页),然其所持之据,与其说有分量,不如说是顾及体面。阿维尼翁教廷,或许并不情愿去搅动这桩棘手的问题。
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The summons of the two rival emperors, a monument of freedom and folly, is extant in Hocsemius, (Cerçeau, p. 163—166.)
对那两位敌对皇帝的传唤——一座自由与荒唐并存的丰碑——今存于霍克塞米乌斯书中。(du Cerçeau,第 163—166 页。)
40
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It is singular, that the Roman historian should have overlooked this sevenfold coronation, which is sufficiently proved by internal evidence, and the testimony of Hocsemius, and even of Rienzi, (Cercean p. 167—170, 229.)
奇怪的是,罗马那位史家竟漏记了这场七重加冕;而此事,凭内证以及霍克塞米乌斯乃至里恩齐本人的证词,已足以坐实。(du Cerçeau,第 167—170、229 页。)
401
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It was on this occasion that he made the profane comparison between himself and our Lord; and the striking circumstance took place which he relates in his letter to the archbishop of Prague. In the midst of all the wild and joyous exultation of the people, one of his most zealous supporters, a monk, who was in high repute for his sanctity, stood apart in a corner of the church and wept bitterly! A domestic chaplain of Rienzi’s inquired the cause of his grief. “Now,” replied the man of God, “is thy master cast down from heaven—never saw I man so proud. By the aid of the Holy Ghost he has driven the tyrants from the city without drawing a sword; the cities and the sovereigns of Italy have submitted to his power. Why is he so arrogant and ungrateful towards the Most High? Why does he seek earthly and transitory rewards for his labors, and in his wanton speech liken himself to the Creator? Tell thy master that he can only atone for this offence by tears of penitence.” In the evening the chaplain communicated this solemn rebuke to the tribune: it appalled him for the time, but was soon forgotten in the tumult and hurry of business.—M. 1845.
正是在这个场合,他把自己与我主相提并论,大放亵渎之言;而他在致布拉格大主教的信中所述的那桩动人插曲,也发生于此时。当民众正沉浸在狂野而欢腾的欣喜之中时,他最热忱的支持者之一——一位以圣德著称的修士,却独自站在教堂一隅,痛哭不已!里恩齐的一位家庭神父问他因何悲伤。“如今,”这位圣徒答道,“你主人已从天上跌落——我从未见过如此骄傲的人。他借着圣灵之力,不曾拔剑便把僭主逐出城去;意大利各城与各邦君主,都已臣服于他的权势。他何以对至高者这般傲慢而忘恩?他何以为自己的功业追逐尘世短暂的酬报,竟在狂妄的言语中把自己比作造物主?去告诉你的主人:他唯有以痛悔的眼泪,才能赎此罪愆。”当晚,神父把这番庄严的斥责转告了保民官:他一时为之惊惧,却在事务的纷扰忙乱中很快抛诸脑后。—M,1845 年。
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Puoi se faceva stare denante a se, mentre sedeva, li baroni tutti in piedi ritti co le vraccia piecate, e co li capucci tratti. Deh como stavano paurosi! (Hist. Rom. l. ii. c. 20, p. 439.) He saw them, and we see them.
Puoi se faceva stare denante a se, mentre sedeva, li baroni tutti in piedi ritti co le vraccia piecate, e co li capucci tratti. Deh como stavano paurosi!(大意:他自己安坐着,却叫众男爵一律直立在他面前,双臂交叠,兜帽摘下。啊,他们那副惊惧的样子!《罗马史》,第二卷,第 20 章,第 439 页。)他当年亲眼见过他们,我们如今也如见其人。
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The original letter, in which Rienzi justifies his treatment of the Colonna, (Hocsemius, apud du Cerçeau, p. 222—229,) displays, in genuine colors, the mixture of the knave and the madman.
里恩齐为自己处置科隆纳家一事辩解的那封原信(霍克塞米乌斯,转引自 du Cerçeau,第 222—229 页),把一个无赖兼疯子的本相,活脱脱地显露了出来。
43
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Rienzi, in the above-mentioned letter, ascribes to St. Martin the tribune, Boniface VIII. the enemy of Colonna, himself, and the Roman people, the glory of the day, which Villani likewise (l. 12, c. 104) describes as a regular battle. The disorderly skirmish, the flight of the Romans, and the cowardice of Rienzi, are painted in the simple and minute narrative of Fortifiocca, or the anonymous citizen, (l. i. c. 34—37.)
里恩齐在上文提到的那封信中,把这一天的荣耀,归于圣马丁、归于科隆纳家的仇敌卜尼法斯八世、归于身为保民官的他本人,以及归于罗马人民;维拉尼(第 12 卷,第 104 章)同样把此役描述为一场堂堂正正的会战。至于那场杂乱无章的小规模冲突、罗马人的溃逃,以及里恩齐的怯懦,则见于福尔蒂菲奥卡——即那位匿名市民——质朴而细致的记述(第一卷,第 34—37 章)。
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In describing the fall of the Colonna, I speak only of the family of Stephen the elder, who is often confounded by the P. du Cerçeau with his son. That family was extinguished, but the house has been perpetuated in the collateral branches, of which I have not a very accurate knowledge. Circumspice (says Petrarch) familiæ tuæ statum, Columniensium domos: solito pauciores habeat columnas. Quid ad rem modo fundamentum stabile, solidumque permaneat.
在叙述科隆纳家的覆灭时,我所说的只限于老斯蒂芬一支——此人常被 du Cerçeau 神父同其子相混。那一支虽已绝嗣,家族却借旁系得以延续,只是其详情我知之不确。彼特拉克有言:Circumspice familiæ tuæ statum, Columniensium domos: solito pauciores habeat columnas. Quid ad rem modo fundamentum stabile, solidumque permaneat.(试看你家族的境况,看科隆纳家的门第[domos,此处双关“柱”]:其柱已比往常为少。然只要根基稳固扎实,又何妨呢?)
45
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The convent of St. Silvester was founded, endowed, and protected by the Colonna cardinals, for the daughters of the family who embraced a monastic life, and who, in the year 1318, were twelve in number. The others were allowed to marry with their kinsmen in the fourth degree, and the dispensation was justified by the small number and close alliances of the noble families of Rome, (Mémoires sur Pétrarque, tom. i. p. 110, tom. ii. p. 401.)
圣西尔维斯特女修院,由科隆纳家的几位枢机主教创立、捐建并庇护,专为家族中愿过修道生活的女儿而设;1318 年时,这些修女共十二人。其余女儿则获准与四等亲以内的族亲通婚;之所以给予这种特许,理由是罗马各名门人丁稀少、彼此又世代联姻。(《彼特拉克回忆录》,第一卷,第 110 页,第二卷,第 401 页。)
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Petrarch wrote a stiff and pedantic letter of consolation, (Fam. l. vii. epist. 13, p. 682, 683.) The friend was lost in the patriot. Nulla toto orbe principum familia carior; carior tamen respublica, carior Roma, carior Italia. ——Je rends graces aux Dieux de n’être pas Romain.
彼特拉克写了一封生硬而迂腐的慰问信(《家书集》,第七卷,第 13 篇,第 682、683 页)。挚友之情,尽淹没在爱国者的立场之中。Nulla toto orbe principum familia carior; carior tamen respublica, carior Roma, carior Italia.(大意:普天之下,没有哪个君侯之家更为可亲;然而共和国更可亲,罗马更可亲,意大利更可亲。)——Je rends graces aux Dieux de n’être pas Romain.(我感谢诸神,让我不是个罗马人。)
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This council and opposition is obscurely mentioned by Pollistore, a contemporary writer, who has preserved some curious and original facts, (Rer. Italicarum, tom. xxv. c. 31, p. 798—804.)
关于这次议事会与反对之事,同时代作家波利斯托雷有过语焉不详的提及;他保存了若干新奇而原始的史实。(《意大利史料》,第二十五卷,第 31 章,第 798—804 页。)
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The briefs and bulls of Clement VI. against Rienzi are translated by the P. du Cerçeau, (p. 196, 232,) from the Ecclesiastical Annals of Odericus Raynaldus, (A.D. 1347, No. 15, 17, 21, &c.,) who found them in the archives of the Vatican.
克莱门特六世针对里恩齐的诏书与谕令,由 du Cerçeau 神父译出(第 196、232 页),所据者为 Odericus Raynaldus 的《教会编年史》(公元 1347 年,第 15、17、21 条等);而 Raynaldus 则是在梵蒂冈档案中发现这些文件的。
49
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Matteo Villani describes the origin, character, and death of this count of Minorbino, a man da natura inconstante e senza fede, whose grandfather, a crafty notary, was enriched and ennobled by the spoils of the Saracens of Nocera, (l. vii. c. 102, 103.) See his imprisonment, and the efforts of Petrarch, (tom. ii. p. 149—151.)
马泰奥·维拉尼记述了这位米诺尔比诺伯爵的出身、性情与死状,称他是个 da natura inconstante e senza fede(生性反复无常、毫无信义)之人;其祖父原是个狡黠的公证人,靠着劫掠诺切拉的萨拉森人而致富封爵(第七卷,第 102、103 章)。至于他的被囚,以及彼特拉克为营救他所作的努力,参见第二卷,第 149—151 页。