Chapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire.—Part III. 第六十八章 穆罕默德二世当朝与东罗马帝国的覆亡——第三节
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The generosity of the Christian princes was cold and tardy; but in the first apprehension of a siege, Constantine had negotiated, in the isles of the Archipelago, the Morea, and Sicily, the most indispensable supplies. As early as the beginning of April, five 42 great ships, equipped for merchandise and war, would have sailed from the harbor of Chios, had not the wind blown obstinately from the north. 43 One of these ships bore the Imperial flag; the remaining four belonged to the Genoese; and they were laden with wheat and barley, with wine, oil, and vegetables, and, above all, with soldiers and mariners for the service of the capital. After a tedious delay, a gentle breeze, and, on the second day, a strong gale from the south, carried them through the Hellespont and the Propontis: but the city was already invested by sea and land; and the Turkish fleet, at the entrance of the Bosphorus, was stretched from shore to shore, in the form of a crescent, to intercept, or at least to repel, these bold auxiliaries. The reader who has present to his mind the geographical picture of Constantinople, will conceive and admire the greatness of the spectacle. The five Christian ships continued to advance with joyful shouts, and a full press both of sails and oars, against a hostile fleet of three hundred vessels; and the rampart, the camp, the coasts of Europe and Asia, were lined with innumerable spectators, who anxiously awaited the event of this momentous succor. At the first view that event could not appear doubtful; the superiority of the Moslems was beyond all measure or account: and, in a calm, their numbers and valor must inevitably have prevailed. But their hasty and imperfect navy had been created, not by the genius of the people, but by the will of the sultan: in the height of their prosperity, the Turks have acknowledged, that if God had given them the earth, he had left the sea to the infidels; 44 and a series of defeats, a rapid progress of decay, has established the truth of their modest confession. Except eighteen galleys of some force, the rest of their fleet consisted of open boats, rudely constructed and awkwardly managed, crowded with troops, and destitute of cannon; and since courage arises in a great measure from the consciousness of strength, the bravest of the Janizaries might tremble on a new element. In the Christian squadron, five stout and lofty ships were guided by skilful pilots, and manned with the veterans of Italy and Greece, long practised in the arts and perils of the sea. Their weight was directed to sink or scatter the weak obstacles that impeded their passage: their artillery swept the waters: their liquid fire was poured on the heads of the adversaries, who, with the design of boarding, presumed to approach them; and the winds and waves are always on the side of the ablest navigators. In this conflict, the Imperial vessel, which had been almost overpowered, was rescued by the Genoese; but the Turks, in a distant and closer attack, were twice repulsed with considerable loss. Mahomet himself sat on horseback on the beach to encourage their valor by his voice and presence, by the promise of reward, and by fear more potent than the fear of the enemy. The passions of his soul, and even the gestures of his body, 45 seemed to imitate the actions of the combatants; and, as if he had been the lord of nature, he spurred his horse with a fearless and impotent effort into the sea. His loud reproaches, and the clamors of the camp, urged the Ottomans to a third attack, more fatal and bloody than the two former; and I must repeat, though I cannot credit, the evidence of Phranza, who affirms, from their own mouth, that they lost above twelve thousand men in the slaughter of the day. They fled in disorder to the shores of Europe and Asia, while the Christian squadron, triumphant and unhurt, steered along the Bosphorus, and securely anchored within the chain of the harbor. In the confidence of victory, they boasted that the whole Turkish power must have yielded to their arms; but the admiral, or captain bashaw, found some consolation for a painful wound in his eye, by representing that accident as the cause of his defeat. Balthi Ogli was a renegade of the race of the Bulgarian princes: his military character was tainted with the unpopular vice of avarice; and under the despotism of the prince or people, misfortune is a sufficient evidence of guilt. 451 His rank and services were annihilated by the displeasure of Mahomet. In the royal presence, the captain bashaw was extended on the ground by four slaves, and received one hundred strokes with a golden rod: 46 his death had been pronounced; and he adored the clemency of the sultan, who was satisfied with the milder punishment of confiscation and exile. The introduction of this supply revived the hopes of the Greeks, and accused the supineness of their Western allies. Amidst the deserts of Anatolia and the rocks of Palestine, the millions of the crusades had buried themselves in a voluntary and inevitable grave; but the situation of the Imperial city was strong against her enemies, and accessible to her friends; and a rational and moderate armament of the marine states might have saved the relics of the Roman name, and maintained a Christian fortress in the heart of the Ottoman empire. Yet this was the sole and feeble attempt for the deliverance of Constantinople: the more distant powers were insensible of its danger; and the ambassador of Hungary, or at least of Huniades, resided in the Turkish camp, to remove the fears, and to direct the operations, of the sultan. 47
基督教诸君主的慷慨,既冷淡又迟缓;不过早在惶惶预感围城将至之时,君士坦丁便已在爱琴海群岛、摩里亚与西西里各处,张罗到最不可或缺的补给。早在四月初,五艘 42 为通商与作战两用而装备起来的大船,本已可从希俄斯岛的港口启航,无奈北风一味顽固地吹个不停。 43 这五艘船中,一艘悬着帝国的旗号,其余四艘属于热那亚人;船上满载小麦与大麦、葡萄酒、油与蔬菜,尤其还载着供都城调用的士兵与水手。一番冗长的耽搁之后,先是拂来一阵轻风,第二天又刮起强劲的南风,把它们送过了赫勒斯滂与普罗庞提斯;然而此时都城已从海陆两面被围,土耳其舰队则横陈于博斯普鲁斯海峡口,自此岸延展至彼岸,摆成新月之形,要拦截、或至少要击退这几支大胆的援兵。凡是心中存有君士坦丁堡地理图景的读者,都能想见并叹赏这场景之宏大。五艘基督教船只在欢呼声中帆桨齐力、一往无前,直冲那支三百艘之众的敌舰队;壁垒、营盘、欧亚两岸都挤满了数不清的观者,人人焦灼地等着这场事关重大的救援究竟如何收场。乍一看,结局似乎毫无悬念:穆斯林的优势大得无从计量;若在风平浪静之时,凭其数量与勇力,本必稳操胜券。可他们那支仓促而粗陋的水师,并非源自这个民族的天分,而是出于苏丹一人的意志;土耳其人即便在其鼎盛之际也承认:真主虽把大地赐给了他们,却把海洋留给了异教徒; 44 而一连串的败绩、迅速的衰朽,恰恰印证了这句自谦之言的不虚。除去十八艘尚有些战力的桨帆船,其余尽是些敞篷小艇,造得粗糙、驶得笨拙,挤满了兵卒,又不配火炮;而勇气大半生于对自身实力的自信,于是最骁勇的耶尼切里,一旦置身于这陌生的海上,也难免心惊胆战。基督教一方的五艘船高大结实,由熟练的舵手驾驭,船上是久经海上风波、深谙其术与其险的意大利、希腊老手。他们仗着船身之重,去撞沉或冲散那些拦路的孱弱障碍;船炮扫荡水面;凡有想登船而胆敢逼近者,他们便把希腊火浇到对方头上;何况风与浪,向来站在最高明的航海者这一边。这场厮杀中,帝国那艘船几乎被压垮,幸得热那亚人相救;土耳其人则先远后近两度进攻,皆被击退,损失惨重。穆罕默德二世亲自骑马立于滩头,以声音、以亲临、以重赏的许诺,更以一种比对敌人的畏惧还要强烈的畏惧,来激励部下的勇气。他内心的种种激情,乃至身体的举止 45,都仿佛在摹仿搏战者的动作;他简直像是天地万物的主宰,无所畏惧却又无济于事地策马冲进了海里。他高声的斥责,加上全营的鼓噪,逼着奥斯曼人发起第三次进攻——较前两次更为惨烈血腥;斯弗朗齐斯的说法我虽不敢采信,却不得不转述:他称据土耳其人亲口所言,这一天的厮杀中,他们折损了一万二千余人。他们溃不成军,逃向欧亚两岸的滩头,而那支基督教船队却毫发无伤、凯歌高奏,沿博斯普鲁斯海峡驶去,稳稳地泊进了港口的铁链之内。他们仗着这场胜利,夸口说土耳其的全部兵力都势必要败在他们手下;但那位海军统帅、也就是舰队司令帕夏,却为眼睛上一处痛楚的伤口找到了一点慰藉——把这场败仗一股脑归咎于这桩意外。巴尔塔奥卢是保加利亚王公家族出身的一名叛教者;他的军人品格沾上了贪婪这一为人所不齿的恶习;而在君主或民众的专断之下,遭祸本身便足以坐实其罪。 451 穆罕默德二世一怒之下,抹去了他的官阶与功劳。就在御前,这位舰队司令帕夏被四名奴隶按倒在地,挨了一百下金杖的抽打; 46 他本已被判处死刑,此刻却对苏丹的宽仁感恩戴德——苏丹以没收家产、流放异乡这较轻的惩处便算满意了。这批补给的运入,重新点燃了希腊人的希望,也让人痛责西方盟友的怠惰。昔日十字军的百万之众,甘愿葬身于安纳托利亚的荒漠与巴勒斯坦的岩石之间,那是自投、也是难免的坟茔;而帝都的处境却是易守难攻、拒敌坚固、纳友通达;各海上强国只需一支合乎情理、规模适中的舰队,本可挽救罗马名号的残余,在奥斯曼帝国的腹心保住一座基督教堡垒。然而这却是拯救君士坦丁堡仅有的、也是微弱的一次尝试;更远的列强对它的危难浑然无觉;而匈牙利——或至少是匈雅提——的使节,倒驻在土耳其营中,替苏丹排解疑惧、指点用兵。 47
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It was difficult for the Greeks to penetrate the secret of the divan; yet the Greeks are persuaded, that a resistance so obstinate and surprising, had fatigued the perseverance of Mahomet. He began to meditate a retreat; and the siege would have been speedily raised, if the ambition and jealousy of the second vizier had not opposed the perfidious advice of Calil Bashaw, who still maintained a secret correspondence with the Byzantine court. The reduction of the city appeared to be hopeless, unless a double attack could be made from the harbor as well as from the land; but the harbor was inaccessible: an impenetrable chain was now defended by eight large ships, more than twenty of a smaller size, with several galleys and sloops; and, instead of forcing this barrier, the Turks might apprehend a naval sally, and a second encounter in the open sea. In this perplexity, the genius of Mahomet conceived and executed a plan of a bold and marvellous cast, of transporting by land his lighter vessels and military stores from the Bosphorus into the higher part of the harbor. The distance is about ten 471 miles; the ground is uneven, and was overspread with thickets; and, as the road must be opened behind the suburb of Galata, their free passage or total destruction must depend on the option of the Genoese. But these selfish merchants were ambitious of the favor of being the last devoured; and the deficiency of art was supplied by the strength of obedient myriads. A level way was covered with a broad platform of strong and solid planks; and to render them more slippery and smooth, they were anointed with the fat of sheep and oxen. Fourscore light galleys and brigantines, of fifty and thirty oars, were disembarked on the Bosphorus shore; arranged successively on rollers; and drawn forwards by the power of men and pulleys. Two guides or pilots were stationed at the helm, and the prow, of each vessel: the sails were unfurled to the winds; and the labor was cheered by song and acclamation. In the course of a single night, this Turkish fleet painfully climbed the hill, steered over the plain, and was launched from the declivity into the shallow waters of the harbor, far above the molestation of the deeper vessels of the Greeks. The real importance of this operation was magnified by the consternation and confidence which it inspired: but the notorious, unquestionable fact was displayed before the eyes, and is recorded by the pens, of the two nations. 48 A similar stratagem had been repeatedly practised by the ancients; 49 the Ottoman galleys (I must again repeat) should be considered as large boats; and, if we compare the magnitude and the distance, the obstacles and the means, the boasted miracle 50 has perhaps been equalled by the industry of our own times. 51 As soon as Mahomet had occupied the upper harbor with a fleet and army, he constructed, in the narrowest part, a bridge, or rather mole, of fifty cubits in breadth, and one hundred in length: it was formed of casks and hogsheads; joined with rafters, linked with iron, and covered with a solid floor. On this floating battery he planted one of his largest cannon, while the fourscore galleys, with troops and scaling ladders, approached the most accessible side, which had formerly been stormed by the Latin conquerors. The indolence of the Christians has been accused for not destroying these unfinished works; 511 but their fire, by a superior fire, was controlled and silenced; nor were they wanting in a nocturnal attempt to burn the vessels as well as the bridge of the sultan. His vigilance prevented their approach; their foremost galiots were sunk or taken; forty youths, the bravest of Italy and Greece, were inhumanly massacred at his command; nor could the emperor’s grief be assuaged by the just though cruel retaliation, of exposing from the walls the heads of two hundred and sixty Mussulman captives. After a siege of forty days, the fate of Constantinople could no longer be averted. The diminutive garrison was exhausted by a double attack: the fortifications, which had stood for ages against hostile violence, were dismantled on all sides by the Ottoman cannon: many breaches were opened; and near the gate of St. Romanus, four towers had been levelled with the ground. For the payment of his feeble and mutinous troops, Constantine was compelled to despoil the churches with the promise of a fourfold restitution; and his sacrilege offered a new reproach to the enemies of the union. A spirit of discord impaired the remnant of the Christian strength; the Genoese and Venetian auxiliaries asserted the preeminence of their respective service; and Justiniani and the great duke, whose ambition was not extinguished by the common danger, accused each other of treachery and cowardice.
希腊人很难窥破御前会议的机密;不过他们深信,如此顽强、如此出人意料的抵抗,已把穆罕默德二世的耐性磨得精疲力竭。他开始盘算撤军;这场围攻本会很快解除,若不是第二维齐尔出于野心与妒忌,出面反对了哈利勒帕夏那条阴险的建言——哈利勒始终与拜占庭宫廷暗通款曲。眼看这座城无望攻下,除非能从港口与陆地两面同时发起攻击;可港口进不去:一道无从突破的铁链,如今由八艘大船、二十余艘小些的船,外加若干桨帆船与单桅小艇守护着;土耳其人非但难以强闯这道屏障,反倒得提防对方从海上出击,在开阔水面上再较量一场。正当一筹莫展之际,穆罕默德二世以其奇才,构想并施行了一个大胆而惊人的方略:把他较轻的船只与军需,从博斯普鲁斯海峡经陆路运入港湾的上段。这段距离约十英里 471;地势起伏不平,遍布灌木丛;而由于这条路必须从加拉塔市郊的后方开辟,土耳其人能否顺利通行、抑或全军覆没,全凭热那亚人一念之间。可这些自私的商人,一心图的却只是“最后一个被吞掉”的殊荣;技艺上的不足,便靠着千万顺从民夫的膂力来弥补。先在一段平地上,用坚实厚重的木板铺起一条宽阔的栈道;为使板面更加滑溜光洁,又涂上牛羊的油脂。八十艘轻型桨帆船与双桅桨船,分别装着五十支桨和三十支桨,先在博斯普鲁斯岸边卸下,依次架上滚木,再借人力与滑轮之力向前拖曳。每艘船的舵位与船首各派一名向导或舵手把守;船帆迎风张开,苦役之中还伴着歌声与欢呼助兴。仅仅一夜之间,这支土耳其舰队便艰难地爬上山坡,越过平地,又从斜坡上滑入港内浅水——其位置远在港湾上游,希腊人吃水较深的大船根本无从袭扰。这一行动的实际分量,因它所激起的惊恐与自信而被放大;但这桩尽人皆知、无可置疑的事实,既亲见于两国人的眼中,也载录于两国人的笔下。 48 类似的计谋,古人早已屡试不爽; 49 奥斯曼的这些桨船(我必须再说一遍)只该当作大一些的舢板看待;倘把船只的大小与运送的距离、面临的阻碍与凭借的手段一一比照,这桩被人津津乐道的“奇迹” 50,或许我们当代人的辛劳也已足以与之比肩。 51 穆罕默德二世一旦以舟师与陆军占据了内港上游,便在最狭窄处筑起一座桥——或者说一道堤——宽五十腕尺,长一百腕尺;它以大小木桶为身,以椽木相接,以铁件连缀,上覆一层结实的桥面板。在这座浮动炮台上,他架起了一门最大号的巨炮;与此同时,那八十艘桨船满载士兵与攻城云梯,逼近城墙最易攻取的一段——当年拉丁征服者正是从此处攻入的。有人指责基督徒疏懒,没有趁这些工事尚未完工时将其摧毁; 511 但他们的炮火被对方更猛烈的炮火压制,直至哑然;他们倒也并非没有趁夜行动,想把苏丹的船只连同那座桥一并烧掉。苏丹警觉,阻住了他们靠近;打头的几艘加利奥特桨船不是被击沉便是被俘获;四十名意大利与希腊最勇敢的青年,奉他之命惨遭屠戮;皇帝纵以牙还牙,把二百六十名穆斯林俘虏的首级悬于城头示众——此举虽属公道却也残忍,仍平复不了他的悲愤。围城四十天后,君士坦丁堡的命运已再难挽回。那支小小的守军,在两面夹攻之下疲惫不堪;那些屹立千百年、抵御过无数外敌的工事,被奥斯曼火炮从四面轰塌;城上裂开多处缺口,圣罗曼努斯门附近,四座塔楼已被夷为平地。为了给那支孱弱而哗变的军队发饷,君士坦丁被迫搜刮教堂,许诺日后照四倍偿还;他这一亵渎之举,又给反对合并的人递上了新的口实。内讧的风气侵蚀着基督徒仅存的一点力量;热那亚与威尼斯的援军各夸本方功劳最大;朱斯蒂尼亚尼与大督军的野心并未因大难当头而稍减,反倒彼此指责对方奸诈怯懦。
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During the siege of Constantinople, the words of peace and capitulation had been sometimes pronounced; and several embassies had passed between the camp and the city. 52 The Greek emperor was humbled by adversity; and would have yielded to any terms compatible with religion and royalty. The Turkish sultan was desirous of sparing the blood of his soldiers; still more desirous of securing for his own use the Byzantine treasures: and he accomplished a sacred duty in presenting to the Gabours the choice of circumcision, of tribute, or of death. The avarice of Mahomet might have been satisfied with an annual sum of one hundred thousand ducats; but his ambition grasped the capital of the East: to the prince he offered a rich equivalent, to the people a free toleration, or a safe departure: but after some fruitless treaty, he declared his resolution of finding either a throne, or a grave, under the walls of Constantinople. A sense of honor, and the fear of universal reproach, forbade Palæologus to resign the city into the hands of the Ottomans; and he determined to abide the last extremities of war. Several days were employed by the sultan in the preparations of the assault; and a respite was granted by his favorite science of astrology, which had fixed on the twenty-ninth of May, as the fortunate and fatal hour. On the evening of the twenty-seventh, he issued his final orders; assembled in his presence the military chiefs, and dispersed his heralds through the camp to proclaim the duty, and the motives, of the perilous enterprise. Fear is the first principle of a despotic government; and his menaces were expressed in the Oriental style, that the fugitives and deserters, had they the wings of a bird, 53 should not escape from his inexorable justice. The greatest part of his bashaws and Janizaries were the offspring of Christian parents: but the glories of the Turkish name were perpetuated by successive adoption; and in the gradual change of individuals, the spirit of a legion, a regiment, or an oda, is kept alive by imitation and discipline. In this holy warfare, the Moslems were exhorted to purify their minds with prayer, their bodies with seven ablutions; and to abstain from food till the close of the ensuing day. A crowd of dervises visited the tents, to instil the desire of martyrdom, and the assurance of spending an immortal youth amidst the rivers and gardens of paradise, and in the embraces of the black-eyed virgins. Yet Mahomet principally trusted to the efficacy of temporal and visible rewards. A double pay was promised to the victorious troops: “The city and the buildings,” said Mahomet, “are mine; but I resign to your valor the captives and the spoil, the treasures of gold and beauty; be rich and be happy. Many are the provinces of my empire: the intrepid soldier who first ascends the walls of Constantinople shall be rewarded with the government of the fairest and most wealthy; and my gratitude shall accumulate his honors and fortunes above the measure of his own hopes.” Such various and potent motives diffused among the Turks a general ardor, regardless of life and impatient for action: the camp reechoed with the Moslem shouts of “God is God: there is but one God, and Mahomet is the apostle of God;” 54 and the sea and land, from Galata to the seven towers, were illuminated by the blaze of their nocturnal fires. 541
君士坦丁堡被围期间,和谈与投降之类的话头有时也曾出口;营中与城内之间,来往过几拨使节。 52 希腊皇帝为逆境所折辱,只要条件不违背信仰与王位尊严,什么样的条款他都肯接受。土耳其苏丹一心想少流士兵的血,更一心想把拜占庭的财宝收归己用;他向那些异教徒(Gabours)开出割礼、纳贡或死亡三条路任选,自认尽了一桩神圣的义务。穆罕默德二世的贪欲,本来每年十万杜卡特便可餍足;但他的野心觊觎的却是整个东方的都城:他答应给君主一份丰厚的补偿,给百姓以信仰自由,或听其平安离去;然而几番谈判无果,他便宣布心意已决——不在君士坦丁堡城下觅得一座王座,便在此觅得一方坟墓。出于荣誉感,也出于对千夫所指的畏惧,帕莱奥洛戈斯不肯把都城拱手交到奥斯曼人手里;他决意撑到战争最惨烈的尽头。苏丹花了好几天筹备总攻;他所偏爱的占星术又给了守军一线喘息,因为它把五月二十九日定为吉利而致命的时辰。二十七日傍晚,他下达最后的命令,把众将召集到跟前,又遣传令官走遍全营,宣示这场凶险行动的职责与动因。恐惧乃专制之治的第一要义;他的恫吓也是一派东方口吻:逃兵与叛卒,纵使生出鸟儿的翅膀 53,也逃不出他铁面无情的严惩。他麾下的帕夏与耶尼切里,大半是基督徒父母所生;但土耳其名号的荣光,靠着一代代收纳新血而绵延不绝;纵然人员逐渐更替,一个军团、一个团队、或一个营队(oda)的精气神,仍靠效法与纪律代代维系。在这场圣战中,穆斯林受到劝勉:以祈祷洁净其心,以七次沐浴洁净其身,并斋戒不食,直到次日日暮。成群的托钵僧穿行于各营帐之间,向众人灌输殉道的渴望,并许以确凿的应许:在天堂的江河与园囿之间、在黑眸仙女的怀抱之中,永享不老的青春。然而穆罕默德二世最倚重的,还是现世而看得见的赏赐之效。他许诺给得胜的军队加发双饷。“城池与屋宇,”穆罕默德二世说,“归我所有;但俘虏与战利品、那些黄金与美色之财,我一概让给你们的勇武——去发财,去快活吧。我帝国的行省多得很:谁头一个奋勇登上君士坦丁堡的城墙,我便赏他去治理最富庶、最美好的一省;我的酬报,还要把他的荣誉与家业堆得高过他自己的指望。”如此种种强有力的诱因,在土耳其人中激起了普遍的狂热,人人视死如归,急不可耐地只等厮杀;全营回荡着穆斯林的呼喊:“真主是真主,除真主外别无神明,穆罕默德是真主的使者”; 54 海上与陆上,从加拉塔一直到七塔堡,都被他们通宵的火光映得通明。 541
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Far different was the state of the Christians; who, with loud and impotent complaints, deplored the guilt, or the punishment, of their sins. The celestial image of the Virgin had been exposed in solemn procession; but their divine patroness was deaf to their entreaties: they accused the obstinacy of the emperor for refusing a timely surrender; anticipated the horrors of their fate; and sighed for the repose and security of Turkish servitude. The noblest of the Greeks, and the bravest of the allies, were summoned to the palace, to prepare them, on the evening of the twenty-eighth, for the duties and dangers of the general assault. The last speech of Palæologus was the funeral oration of the Roman empire: 55 he promised, he conjured, and he vainly attempted to infuse the hope which was extinguished in his own mind. In this world all was comfortless and gloomy; and neither the gospel nor the church have proposed any conspicuous recompense to the heroes who fall in the service of their country. But the example of their prince, and the confinement of a siege, had armed these warriors with the courage of despair, and the pathetic scene is described by the feelings of the historian Phranza, who was himself present at this mournful assembly. They wept, they embraced; regardless of their families and fortunes, they devoted their lives; and each commander, departing to his station, maintained all night a vigilant and anxious watch on the rampart. The emperor, and some faithful companions, entered the dome of St. Sophia, which in a few hours was to be converted into a mosque; and devoutly received, with tears and prayers, the sacrament of the holy communion. He reposed some moments in the palace, which resounded with cries and lamentations; solicited the pardon of all whom he might have injured; 56 and mounted on horseback to visit the guards, and explore the motions of the enemy. The distress and fall of the last Constantine are more glorious than the long prosperity of the Byzantine Cæsars. 561
基督徒的境况则大不相同;他们高声哀叹,却无济于事,只顾痛悔自己罪孽的深重,或悲叹罪有此报。圣母的圣像曾在庄严的行列中被抬出巡游,但这位天上的庇护者对他们的祈求充耳不闻;他们责怪皇帝执拗,不肯及早投降,预想着命运的种种恐怖,甚至对土耳其治下为奴的那份安宁稳妥心生向往、暗自叹息。二十八日傍晚,希腊的显贵与盟军中最勇武者被召入宫,好让他们为总攻的职责与危难做好准备。帕莱奥洛戈斯的最后一篇讲辞,无异于罗马帝国的悼词: 55 他许诺,他恳求,徒劳地想把希望注入众人心中——而那希望在他自己心里早已熄灭。尘世间一切都黯淡而无可慰藉;无论福音书还是教会,都不曾为那些为国捐躯的英雄许下什么显赫的酬报。但君主的表率,加上被围困守的绝境,已使这些战士鼓起了绝望之勇;这凄怆的一幕,由亲历这场哀集的史家斯弗朗齐斯以切身之感记述了下来。他们相拥而泣,把身家性命置之度外,甘愿以身殉城;每位将领各归其位,彻夜在城垣上警觉而焦灼地守望。皇帝偕几名忠心的随从,走进圣索菲亚大教堂的穹顶之下——再过几个钟头,这里就要被改作清真寺——含泪祈祷,虔敬地领受了圣餐。他在宫中稍歇片刻,宫里回荡着哭喊与哀号;他向一切可能被他伤害过的人一一求恕, 56 随即翻身上马,去巡视卫队,察看敌军的动静。末代君士坦丁的苦难与陨落,比拜占庭历代恺撒长久的荣华更为光耀。 561
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In the confusion of darkness, an assailant may sometimes succeed; but in this great and general attack, the military judgment and astrological knowledge of Mahomet advised him to expect the morning, the memorable twenty-ninth of May, in the fourteen hundred and fifty-third year of the Christian æra. The preceding night had been strenuously employed: the troops, the cannons, and the fascines, were advanced to the edge of the ditch, which in many parts presented a smooth and level passage to the breach; and his fourscore galleys almost touched, with the prows and their scaling-ladders, the less defensible walls of the harbor. Under pain of death, silence was enjoined: but the physical laws of motion and sound are not obedient to discipline or fear; each individual might suppress his voice and measure his footsteps; but the march and labor of thousands must inevitably produce a strange confusion of dissonant clamors, which reached the ears of the watchmen of the towers. At daybreak, without the customary signal of the morning gun, the Turks assaulted the city by sea and land; and the similitude of a twined or twisted thread has been applied to the closeness and continuity of their line of attack. 57 The foremost ranks consisted of the refuse of the host, a voluntary crowd who fought without order or command; of the feebleness of age or childhood, of peasants and vagrants, and of all who had joined the camp in the blind hope of plunder and martyrdom. The common impulse drove them onwards to the wall; the most audacious to climb were instantly precipitated; and not a dart, not a bullet, of the Christians, was idly wasted on the accumulated throng. But their strength and ammunition were exhausted in this laborious defence: the ditch was filled with the bodies of the slain; they supported the footsteps of their companions; and of this devoted vanguard the death was more serviceable than the life. Under their respective bashaws and sanjaks, the troops of Anatolia and Romania were successively led to the charge: their progress was various and doubtful; but, after a conflict of two hours, the Greeks still maintained, and improved their advantage; and the voice of the emperor was heard, encouraging his soldiers to achieve, by a last effort, the deliverance of their country. In that fatal moment, the Janizaries arose, fresh, vigorous, and invincible. The sultan himself on horseback, with an iron mace in his hand, was the spectator and judge of their valor: he was surrounded by ten thousand of his domestic troops, whom he reserved for the decisive occasion; and the tide of battle was directed and impelled by his voice and eye. His numerous ministers of justice were posted behind the line, to urge, to restrain, and to punish; and if danger was in the front, shame and inevitable death were in the rear, of the fugitives. The cries of fear and of pain were drowned in the martial music of drums, trumpets, and attaballs; and experience has proved, that the mechanical operation of sounds, by quickening the circulation of the blood and spirits, will act on the human machine more forcibly than the eloquence of reason and honor. From the lines, the galleys, and the bridge, the Ottoman artillery thundered on all sides; and the camp and city, the Greeks and the Turks, were involved in a cloud of smoke which could only be dispelled by the final deliverance or destruction of the Roman empire. The single combats of the heroes of history or fable amuse our fancy and engage our affections: the skilful evolutions of war may inform the mind, and improve a necessary, though pernicious, science. But in the uniform and odious pictures of a general assault, all is blood, and horror, and confusion; nor shall I strive, at the distance of three centuries, and a thousand miles, to delineate a scene of which there could be no spectators, and of which the actors themselves were incapable of forming any just or adequate idea.
趁着夜色的混乱,进攻者有时也能得手;但这一场大举总攻,穆罕默德二世凭其军事判断与占星之学,主张静候天明——那便是值得铭记的五月二十九日,基督纪元 1453 年。头一夜他们忙碌不停:军队、火炮与填壕的柴捆都推进到壕沟边缘,那壕沟有许多段已被填得平坦,通往缺口如履平地;他那八十艘桨船,也几乎用船首与云梯抵到了港口一侧较难防守的城墙。全军奉令噤声,违者处死;然而运动与声响的物理法则,并不听命于军纪或恐惧:单个人尽可压低嗓音、放轻脚步,但千万人的行进与劳作,终究免不了搅起一片杂沓刺耳的喧嚷,直传到塔楼守望者的耳中。拂晓时分,土耳其人没有照例鸣放晨炮,便水陆并进扑向全城;有人拿一股绞拧的丝线来比喻他们攻击阵线之绵密连贯。 57 打头的几排,尽是军中的乌合之众——一群自愿参战、既无队列也无号令的杂兵:有老弱与孩童,有农夫与流浪汉,还有一切怀着劫掠与殉道的盲目指望而投军的人。一股共同的冲动把他们推向城墙;最胆大、抢先攀爬的,转瞬便被掀翻坠下;基督徒射出的每一支箭、每一颗弹丸,落进那密匝匝的人堆里,没有一发落空。可他们的气力与弹药,也在这场苦苦支撑的防守中耗尽了;壕沟被尸体填满,正好垫起后来者的脚步;这支充作牺牲的前锋,其死比其生更为管用。安纳托利亚与罗马尼亚的部队,在各自的帕夏与桑贾克贝伊率领下,一队接一队地冲杀上前;他们时进时退,胜负难料;但激战两小时之后,希腊人依旧守住阵脚,且把优势稍稍扩大;还能听见皇帝的声音,激励将士再作最后一搏,救国家于危亡。就在这生死攸关的一刻,耶尼切里挺身而起——生力充沛、锐不可当。苏丹亲自骑在马上,手持一柄铁锤,充当他们勇武的观阵者与裁判;一万名亲军簇拥在他左右,那是他为决胜时刻留下的本钱;战局的走向,全凭他一声令、一个眼色来引导和推动。众多执行军法的人被布置在阵后,专司催逼、约束与惩处;对逃兵而言,前方固然是险,后方却是羞辱与在劫难逃的死。恐惧与痛楚的呼号,都被鼓声、号角与铜鼓的军乐淹没;经验早已证明,声响这种机械的作用,通过加速血液与精神的流动,对人这架机器的驱策,比讲理与荣誉的雄辩还要有力。从阵地、桨船与那座浮桥,奥斯曼的炮火向四面八方轰鸣;营垒与城池、希腊人与土耳其人,全都笼罩在一片硝烟之中——这烟云,唯有等到罗马帝国最终获救或彻底覆灭,方能散去。史册或传说里英雄的单打独斗,能撩动我们的想象,牵动我们的情感;战场上巧妙的调度变阵,可以启人心智,磨砺一门虽然有害却也不可或缺的学问。但一场总攻的画面,千篇一律而令人厌憎,满目只是鲜血、恐怖与混乱;我也不打算隔着三个世纪、一千英里,去描摹这样一幕——它本无从旁观,就连身在其中的当事人,也说不出个确切而完整的所以然来。
¶
The immediate loss of Constantinople may be ascribed to the bullet, or arrow, which pierced the gauntlet of John Justiniani. The sight of his blood, and the exquisite pain, appalled the courage of the chief, whose arms and counsels were the firmest rampart of the city. As he withdrew from his station in quest of a surgeon, his flight was perceived and stopped by the indefatigable emperor. “Your wound,” exclaimed Palæologus, “is slight; the danger is pressing: your presence is necessary; and whither will you retire?”—“I will retire,” said the trembling Genoese, “by the same road which God has opened to the Turks;” and at these words he hastily passed through one of the breaches of the inner wall. By this pusillanimous act he stained the honors of a military life; and the few days which he survived in Galata, or the Isle of Chios, were embittered by his own and the public reproach. 58 His example was imitated by the greatest part of the Latin auxiliaries, and the defence began to slacken when the attack was pressed with redoubled vigor. The number of the Ottomans was fifty, perhaps a hundred, times superior to that of the Christians; the double walls were reduced by the cannon to a heap of ruins: in a circuit of several miles, some places must be found more easy of access, or more feebly guarded; and if the besiegers could penetrate in a single point, the whole city was irrecoverably lost. The first who deserved the sultan’s reward was Hassan the Janizary, of gigantic stature and strength. With his cimeter in one hand and his buckler in the other, he ascended the outward fortification: of the thirty Janizaries, who were emulous of his valor, eighteen perished in the bold adventure. Hassan and his twelve companions had reached the summit: the giant was precipitated from the rampart: he rose on one knee, and was again oppressed by a shower of darts and stones. But his success had proved that the achievement was possible: the walls and towers were instantly covered with a swarm of Turks; and the Greeks, now driven from the vantage ground, were overwhelmed by increasing multitudes. Amidst these multitudes, the emperor, 59 who accomplished all the duties of a general and a soldier, was long seen and finally lost. The nobles, who fought round his person, sustained, till their last breath, the honorable names of Palæologus and Cantacuzene: his mournful exclamation was heard, “Cannot there be found a Christian to cut off my head?” 60 and his last fear was that of falling alive into the hands of the infidels. 61 The prudent despair of Constantine cast away the purple: amidst the tumult he fell by an unknown hand, and his body was buried under a mountain of the slain. After his death, resistance and order were no more: the Greeks fled towards the city; and many were pressed and stifled in the narrow pass of the gate of St. Romanus. The victorious Turks rushed through the breaches of the inner wall; and as they advanced into the streets, they were soon joined by their brethren, who had forced the gate Phenar on the side of the harbor. 62 In the first heat of the pursuit, about two thousand Christians were put to the sword; but avarice soon prevailed over cruelty; and the victors acknowledged, that they should immediately have given quarter if the valor of the emperor and his chosen bands had not prepared them for a similar opposition in every part of the capital. It was thus, after a siege of fifty-three days, that Constantinople, which had defied the power of Chosroes, the Chagan, and the caliphs, was irretrievably subdued by the arms of Mahomet the Second. Her empire only had been subverted by the Latins: her religion was trampled in the dust by the Moslem conquerors. 63
君士坦丁堡之立时陷落,可归因于那一颗子弹、或那一支箭——它射穿了约翰·朱斯蒂尼亚尼的铁手套。一见自己的血、又痛入骨髓,这位统帅的勇气顿时崩溃——而他的武力与谋略,本是全城最坚固的壁垒。他离开岗位去寻医时,那位不知疲倦的皇帝察觉了他的溜走,把他拦下。“你的伤,”帕莱奥洛戈斯高声道,“不过是轻伤;危局迫在眉睫,正需你在场;你要往哪儿退?”——“我要退,”那浑身发抖的热那亚人答道,“就从上帝给土耳其人打开的那条路退。”说罢,他慌忙从内墙的一处缺口穿了出去。这一怯懦之举,玷污了他戎马一生的荣誉;此后他在加拉塔、又或希俄斯岛苟活的那几日,也在自责与众人的责难中备受煎熬。 58 拉丁援军大半都学他的样,于是就在攻势加倍猛烈之际,守御却开始松懈下来。奥斯曼人的数目,是基督徒的五十倍,也许一百倍;双重城墙被炮火轰成了一堆瓦砾;在绵延数英里的城防线上,总能找出几处较易攻入、或防守较弱的地方;而攻方只要在一点上突破,整座城便无可挽回地失陷了。头一个挣得苏丹赏赐的,是身材魁伟、力大无穷的耶尼切里哈桑。他一手执弯刀、一手持圆盾,攀上了外墙工事;三十名耶尼切里争相效其勇武,其中十八人在这场大胆的冒险里送了命。哈桑与十二名同伴已登上墙顶;这巨汉旋即被从城垣上掀落,他单膝撑起身来,又被劈头盖脸的箭矢与石块压了下去。但他这一时的得手,已证明此事并非不可为:顷刻之间,城墙与塔楼上便爬满了成群的土耳其人;希腊人被逐出制高点,终被越聚越多的人潮淹没。在这滚滚人潮之中,皇帝 59 尽了一位主帅、也尽了一名士卒的全部职责,人们久久望得见他的身影,终于再也寻他不见。环卫在他身旁厮杀的贵族,直到咽下最后一口气,仍无愧于帕莱奥洛戈斯与坎塔库泽努斯这两个荣耀的姓氏;人们听见他悲怆地喊道:“难道找不出一个基督徒来砍下我的头吗?” 60 他临了最怕的,是活着落入异教徒之手。 61 君士坦丁在绝望中仍存一分明智,抛下了紫袍;混战之中,他死于一只不知名的手,尸身被埋在如山的死者之下。他一死,抵抗与秩序便荡然无存;希腊人纷纷向城里奔逃,许多人在圣罗曼努斯门那道狭窄的门洞里被挤得窒息而亡。得胜的土耳其人从内墙缺口涌入;他们向街巷推进时,很快便与从港湾一侧攻破芬纳尔门的同伙会合。 62 追杀方酣之际,约有两千名基督徒死于刀下;但贪婪很快压过了残忍,胜利者也承认:若不是皇帝与他那支精兵的勇武,让他们以为都城处处都会遇到同样的顽抗,他们本会立刻放下屠刀、饶人性命。就这样,历经五十三天的围攻,那座曾令库思老、可汗与历代哈里发的兵威都望而却步的君士坦丁堡,终于被穆罕默德二世的刀兵彻底征服。拉丁人当年不过颠覆了她的帝国;而穆斯林征服者,却把她的宗教践踏进了尘埃。 63
¶
The tidings of misfortune fly with a rapid wing; yet such was the extent of Constantinople, that the more distant quarters might prolong, some moments, the happy ignorance of their ruin. 64 But in the general consternation, in the feelings of selfish or social anxiety, in the tumult and thunder of the assault, a sleepless night and morning 641 must have elapsed; nor can I believe that many Grecian ladies were awakened by the Janizaries from a sound and tranquil slumber. On the assurance of the public calamity, the houses and convents were instantly deserted; and the trembling inhabitants flocked together in the streets, like a herd of timid animals, as if accumulated weakness could be productive of strength, or in the vain hope, that amid the crowd each individual might be safe and invisible. From every part of the capital, they flowed into the church of St. Sophia: in the space of an hour, the sanctuary, the choir, the nave, the upper and lower galleries, were filled with the multitudes of fathers and husbands, of women and children, of priests, monks, and religious virgins: the doors were barred on the inside, and they sought protection from the sacred dome, which they had so lately abhorred as a profane and polluted edifice. Their confidence was founded on the prophecy of an enthusiast or impostor; that one day the Turks would enter Constantinople, and pursue the Romans as far as the column of Constantine in the square before St. Sophia: but that this would be the term of their calamities: that an angel would descend from heaven, with a sword in his hand, and would deliver the empire, with that celestial weapon, to a poor man seated at the foot of the column. “Take this sword,” would he say, “and avenge the people of the Lord.” At these animating words, the Turks would instantly fly, and the victorious Romans would drive them from the West, and from all Anatolia as far as the frontiers of Persia. It is on this occasion that Ducas, with some fancy and much truth, upbraids the discord and obstinacy of the Greeks. “Had that angel appeared,” exclaims the historian, “had he offered to exterminate your foes if you would consent to the union of the church, even event then, in that fatal moment, you would have rejected your safety, or have deceived your God.” 65
噩耗总是插翅飞传;然而君士坦丁堡幅员如此之广,偏远的街区反倒能多留住片刻那份对覆灭懵然不知的幸福。 64 可是在一片惊惶之中,在或为己身、或为亲邻的焦虑之中,在总攻的喧嚣与轰鸣之中,必定已熬过了一个无眠的夜与晨; 641 我也不信会有多少希腊贵妇,是被耶尼切里从酣然安睡中惊醒的。大祸临头的消息一经证实,房舍与修道院顷刻间人去楼空;瑟瑟发抖的居民像一群胆怯的野兽,成群挤到街上,仿佛把孱弱堆在一处便能生出力量,又或抱着一线痴望:置身人堆之中,个人便可保全、便可藏身不为人见。他们从都城四面八方涌向圣索菲亚教堂;不过一个钟头,圣坛、唱诗席、中殿、上下两层回廊,都挤满了人——为父的、为夫的,妇人与孩童,还有神父、修士与守贞的修女;大门从里面闩死,他们向那神圣的穹顶祈求庇护——就在不久前,他们还把这座建筑斥为亵渎不洁而深恶痛绝。他们的信心,系于某个狂热者或骗子的一则预言:有朝一日土耳其人会攻入君士坦丁堡,把罗马人一直追杀到圣索菲亚教堂前广场上的君士坦丁纪功柱下;但灾祸也将到此为止;那时一位天使会手执长剑自天而降,把帝国连同那件天上的兵器一并交给一个坐在柱脚下的穷人。“拿起这把剑,”他会说,“去为主的子民复仇。”一闻这激奋人心的话语,土耳其人便会立时溃逃,得胜的罗马人则会把他们逐出西方,逐出整个安纳托利亚,一直赶到波斯的边境。也正是借此,杜卡斯以几分想象、却含几分实情,痛责了希腊人的内讧与顽固。“即便那位天使当真显现,”这位史家慨叹道,“即便他答应:只要你们肯同意教会合并,他便替你们剿灭仇敌——纵在那生死一线的关头,你们也照样会拒绝自己的活路,或是欺哄你们的上帝。” 65
Notes 注释
42
↩
It is singular that the Greeks should not agree in the number of these illustrious vessels; the five of Ducas, the fourof Phranza and Leonardus, and the two of Chalcondyles, must be extended to the smaller, or confined to the larger, size. Voltaire, in giving one of these ships to Frederic III., confounds the emperors of the East and West.
希腊人对这几艘赫赫有名的船只数目居然莫衷一是,实在稀奇:杜卡斯说五艘,斯弗朗齐斯与莱奥纳尔杜斯说四艘,哈尔科孔迪利斯说两艘——这几种说法,要么须把较小的船一并算入,要么须只限于较大的船。伏尔泰把其中一艘船算作腓特烈三世的,混淆了东、西两帝国的皇帝。
43
↩
In bold defiance, or rather in gross ignorance, of language and geography, the president Cousin detains them in Chios with a south, and wafts them to Constantinople with a north, wind.
库赞庭长悍然违逆——不如说是全然无知于——语言与地理,竟让这几艘船凭南风滞留在希俄斯岛,又凭北风把它们送往君士坦丁堡。
44
↩
The perpetual decay and weakness of the Turkish navy may be observed in Ricaut, (State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 372—378,) Thevenot, (Voyages, P. i. p. 229—242, and Tott), (Mémoires, tom. iii;) the last of whom is always solicitous to amuse and amaze his reader.
土耳其海军持久的衰败与孱弱,可见于里科(《奥斯曼帝国现状》,第 372—378 页)、泰夫诺(《游记》,第一部,第 229—242 页)与托特(《回忆录》,第三卷)诸书;其中末一位,总是一心想把读者逗乐、把读者惊呆。
45
↩
I must confess that I have before my eyes the living picture which Thucydides (l. vii. c. 71) has drawn of the passions and gestures of the Athenians in a naval engagement in the great harbor of Syracuse.
我必须承认,此刻浮现在我眼前的,是修昔底德(第七卷第 71 章)所描绘的那幅活生生的画面——雅典人在叙拉古大港的一场海战中的种种激情与姿态。
451
↩
According to Ducas, one of the Afabi beat out his eye with a stone Compare Von Hammer.—M.
据杜卡斯记载,一名阿扎布水兵用石头打瞎了他的一只眼睛。参看冯·哈默。—M
46
↩
According to the exaggeration or corrupt text of Ducas, (c. 38,) this golden bar was of the enormous or incredible weight of 500 libræ, or pounds. Bouillaud’s reading of 500 drachms, or five pounds, is sufficient to exercise the arm of Mahomet, and bruise the back of his admiral.
据杜卡斯(第 38 章)那夸张或讹误的文本,这根金杖重达骇人而难以置信的五百利伯拉(即磅)。布利奥所读的五百德拉克马、即五磅,便已足够让穆罕默德二世抡得动,也足以把他那位海军司令的脊背抽得青肿。
47
↩
Ducas, who confesses himself ill informed of the affairs of Hungary assigns a motive of superstition, a fatal belief that Constantinople would be the term of the Turkish conquests. See Phranza (l. iii. c. 20) and Spondanus.
杜卡斯自承对匈牙利的情形所知不确,他给出的动机带着迷信色彩——一种要命的信念:君士坦丁堡将是土耳其征服的终点。参看斯弗朗齐斯(第三卷第 20 章)与斯蓬达努斯。
471
↩
Six miles. Von Hammer.—M.]?
六英里。冯·哈默。—M
48
↩
The unanimous testimony of the four Greeks is confirmed by Cantemir (p. 96) from the Turkish annals; but I could wish to contract the distance of ten * miles, and to prolong the term of one night. Note: Six miles. Von Hammer.—M.
四位希腊史家异口同声的证词,又得到坎特米尔(第 96 页)依据土耳其编年史的印证;不过我倒希望把“十”英里的距离缩短一些,把“一”夜的时限拉长一些。〔按:六英里。冯·哈默。—M〕
49
↩
Phranza relates two examples of a similar transportation over the six miles of the Isthmus of Corinth; the one fabulous, of Augustus after the battle of Actium; the other true, of Nicetas, a Greek general in the xth century. To these he might have added a bold enterprise of Hannibal, to introduce his vessels into the harbor of Tarentum, (Polybius, l. viii. p. 749, edit. Gronov. * Note: Von Hammer gives a longer list of such transportations, p. 533. Dion Cassius distinctly relates the occurrence treated as fabulous by Gibbon.—M.
斯弗朗齐斯举了两个例子,都是横越科林斯地峡那六英里的类似运船之举:一个属荒诞传说,即亚克兴战役后的奥古斯都;一个确有其事,即十世纪的希腊将领尼基塔斯。他本还可再添一桩汉尼拔的大胆之举——把船引入塔兰图姆港(波利比乌斯,第八卷第 749 页,格罗诺维乌斯校订本)。〔按:冯·哈默列出了一份更长的此类运船清单,第 533 页。狄奥·卡西乌斯明确记述了被吉本视为荒诞的那桩事。—M〕
50
↩
A Greek of Candia, who had served the Venetians in a similar undertaking, (Spond. A.D. 1438, No. 37,) might possibly be the adviser and agent of Mahomet.
一名坎迪亚的希腊人,曾在类似行动中为威尼斯人效力(斯蓬达努斯,公元 1438 年,第 37 条),或许正是穆罕默德二世的谋士与执行者。
51
↩
I particularly allude to our own embarkations on the lakes of Canada in the years 1776 and 1777, so great in the labor, so fruitless in the event.
我特别想到我们自己在 1776 与 1777 年间在加拿大湖区的那些船运行动,费力甚巨,收效甚微。
511
↩
They were betrayed, according to some accounts, by the Genoese of Galata. Von Hammer, p. 536.—M.
据某些记载,出卖他们的是加拉塔的热那亚人。冯·哈默,第 536 页。—M
52
↩
Chalcondyles and Ducas differ in the time and circumstances of the negotiation; and as it was neither glorious nor salutary, the faithful Phranza spares his prince even the thought of a surrender.
哈尔科孔迪利斯与杜卡斯在这场谈判的时间与情形上说法不一;由于此事既不光彩也无益处,忠心的斯弗朗齐斯连让君主动过投降之念的记载都替他隐去了。
53
↩
These wings (Chalcondyles, l. viii. p. 208) are no more than an Oriental figure: but in the tragedy of Irene, Mahomet’s passion soars above sense and reason:—
Should the fierce North, upon his frozen wings.
Bear him aloft above the wondering clouds,
And seat him in the Pleiads’ golden chariot—
Then should my fury drag him down to tortures.
Besides the extravagance of the rant, I must observe, 1. That the operation of the winds must be confined to the lower region of the air. 2. That the name, etymology, and fable of the Pleiads are purely Greek, (Scholiast ad Homer, S. 686. Eudocia in Ioniâ, p. 399. Apollodor. l. iii. c. 10. Heyne, p. 229, Not. 682,) and had no affinity with the astronomy of the East, (Hyde ad Ulugbeg, Tabul. in Syntagma Dissert. tom. i. p. 40, 42. Goguet, Origine des Arts, &c., tom. vi. p. 73—78. Gebelin, Hist. du Calendrier, p. 73,) which Mahomet had studied. 3. The golden chariot does not exist either in science or fiction; but I much fear Dr. Johnson has confounded the Pleiads with the great bear or wagon, the zodiac with a northern constellation:—
''Ark-on q' hn kai amaxan epiklhsin kaleouein. Il. S. 487.
Should the fierce North, upon his frozen wings.
Bear him aloft above the wondering clouds,
And seat him in the Pleiads’ golden chariot—
Then should my fury drag him down to tortures.
Besides the extravagance of the rant, I must observe, 1. That the operation of the winds must be confined to the lower region of the air. 2. That the name, etymology, and fable of the Pleiads are purely Greek, (Scholiast ad Homer, S. 686. Eudocia in Ioniâ, p. 399. Apollodor. l. iii. c. 10. Heyne, p. 229, Not. 682,) and had no affinity with the astronomy of the East, (Hyde ad Ulugbeg, Tabul. in Syntagma Dissert. tom. i. p. 40, 42. Goguet, Origine des Arts, &c., tom. vi. p. 73—78. Gebelin, Hist. du Calendrier, p. 73,) which Mahomet had studied. 3. The golden chariot does not exist either in science or fiction; but I much fear Dr. Johnson has confounded the Pleiads with the great bear or wagon, the zodiac with a northern constellation:—
''Ark-on q' hn kai amaxan epiklhsin kaleouein. Il. S. 487.
这“翅膀”(哈尔科孔迪利斯,第八卷第 208 页)不过是东方式的修辞;然而在悲剧《伊琳娜》里,穆罕默德二世的激情却飞越了理智与常识:—
纵使凛冽的北风振动冰翼,将他高高托起,越过愕然的层云,安坐于普勒阿得斯的黄金战车之上——我的怒火也定要把他拽下,交付酷刑。除了这段狂言的荒诞,我还须指出几点:一、风的作用只能限于大气的下层。二、普勒阿得斯之名、其词源与神话皆纯属希腊(Scholiast ad Homer, S. 686. Eudocia in Ioniâ, p. 399. Apollodor. l. iii. c. 10. Heyne, p. 229, Not. 682),与穆罕默德二世所研习的东方天文学并无渊源(Hyde ad Ulugbeg, Tabul. in Syntagma Dissert. tom. i. p. 40, 42. Goguet, Origine des Arts, &c., tom. vi. p. 73—78. Gebelin, Hist. du Calendrier, p. 73)。三、那黄金战车,无论在科学还是虚构之中都不存在;不过我很担心,约翰逊博士是把普勒阿得斯与大熊座(或曰大车)弄混了,把黄道十二宫错当成了一个北天的星座:—
''Ark-on q' hn kai amaxan epiklhsin kaleouein. Il. S. 487.(荷马《伊利亚特》第十八卷第 487 行:“……那被称作‘大熊’者,人们也称之为‘大车’。”)
纵使凛冽的北风振动冰翼,将他高高托起,越过愕然的层云,安坐于普勒阿得斯的黄金战车之上——我的怒火也定要把他拽下,交付酷刑。除了这段狂言的荒诞,我还须指出几点:一、风的作用只能限于大气的下层。二、普勒阿得斯之名、其词源与神话皆纯属希腊(Scholiast ad Homer, S. 686. Eudocia in Ioniâ, p. 399. Apollodor. l. iii. c. 10. Heyne, p. 229, Not. 682),与穆罕默德二世所研习的东方天文学并无渊源(Hyde ad Ulugbeg, Tabul. in Syntagma Dissert. tom. i. p. 40, 42. Goguet, Origine des Arts, &c., tom. vi. p. 73—78. Gebelin, Hist. du Calendrier, p. 73)。三、那黄金战车,无论在科学还是虚构之中都不存在;不过我很担心,约翰逊博士是把普勒阿得斯与大熊座(或曰大车)弄混了,把黄道十二宫错当成了一个北天的星座:—
''Ark-on q' hn kai amaxan epiklhsin kaleouein. Il. S. 487.(荷马《伊利亚特》第十八卷第 487 行:“……那被称作‘大熊’者,人们也称之为‘大车’。”)
54
↩
Phranza quarrels with these Moslem acclamations, not for the name of God, but for that of the prophet: the pious zeal of Voltaire is excessive, and even ridiculous.
斯弗朗齐斯对这些穆斯林的欢呼颇有微词,并非因其中“真主”之名,而是因其中“先知”之名;伏尔泰那份虔诚的热忱则过了头,甚至到了可笑的地步。
541
↩
The picture is heightened by the addition of the wailing cries of Kyris, which were heard from the dark interior of the city. Von Hammer p. 539.—M.
冯·哈默还添上一笔:城中幽暗深处传出的“求主垂怜”(Kyris)哀号,使这幅景象更添凄惨。冯·哈默,第 539 页。—M
55
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I am afraid that this discourse was composed by Phranza himself; and it smells so grossly of the sermon and the convent, that I almost doubt whether it was pronounced by Constantine. Leonardus assigns him another speech, in which he addresses himself more respectfully to the Latin auxiliaries.
我恐怕这篇讲辞是斯弗朗齐斯本人的手笔;其中布道与修道院的气味过于浓重,我几乎怀疑它究竟是否真出自君士坦丁之口。莱奥纳尔杜斯则给他安排了另一篇演说,其中他对拉丁援军的措辞要恭敬得多。
56
↩
This abasement, which devotion has sometimes extorted from dying princes, is an improvement of the gospel doctrine of the forgiveness of injuries: it is more easy to forgive 490 times, than once to ask pardon of an inferior.
这种自贬,虔信有时也会从临终的君王口中逼出,算是对福音书“宽恕伤害”教义的一种“改良”:宽恕四百九十次,也总比向一个地位低于自己的人求一次饶要容易。
561
↩
Compare the very curious Armenian elegy on the fall of Constantinople, translated by M. Boré, in the Journal Asiatique for March, 1835; and by M. Brosset, in the new edition of Le Beau, (tom. xxi. p. 308.) The author thus ends his poem: “I, Abraham, loaded with sins, have composed this elegy with the most lively sorrow; for I have seen Constantinople in the days of its glory.”—M.
可参看那首极为奇特的、哀悼君士坦丁堡陷落的亚美尼亚挽歌:博雷先生的译文载于 1835 年 3 月号的《亚洲学报》,布罗塞先生的译文则收入新版勒博(第二十一卷第 308 页)。作者这样结束他的诗篇:“我,亚伯拉罕,罪孽深重,怀着最切肤的悲痛写下这首挽歌;因为我曾亲见君士坦丁堡荣光之日。”—M
57
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Besides the 10,000 guards, and the sailors and the marines, Ducas numbers in this general assault 250,000 Turks, both horse and foot.
除一万名卫队以及水手和水兵之外,杜卡斯在这场总攻中计有土耳其兵二十五万,骑步兼有。
58
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In the severe censure of the flight of Justiniani, Phranza expresses his own feelings and those of the public. For some private reasons, he is treated with more lenity and respect by Ducas; but the words of Leonardus Chiensis express his strong and recent indignation, gloriæ salutis suique oblitus. In the whole series of their Eastern policy, his countrymen, the Genoese, were always suspected, and often guilty. * Note: M. Brosset has given some extracts from the Georgian account of the siege of Constantinople, in which Justiniani’s wound in the left foot is represented as more serious. With charitable ambiguity the chronicler adds that his soldiers carried him away with them in their vessel.—M.
在严厉谴责朱斯蒂尼亚尼临阵脱逃这一点上,斯弗朗齐斯道出了自己、也道出了公众的感受。出于某些私人缘由,杜卡斯待他要宽容、尊重得多;但希俄斯的莱奥纳尔杜斯(Leonardus Chiensis)的措辞,却流露出他强烈而当下的愤慨——gloriæ salutis suique oblitus(把荣誉、安危与自身都抛诸脑后)。纵观他们东方政策的整个脉络,他的同胞热那亚人始终受人猜忌,且常常确有其罪。〔按:布罗塞先生摘引了格鲁吉亚方面关于君士坦丁堡围城的一些记载,其中朱斯蒂尼亚尼左脚所受之伤被说得更重。这位编年史家又以宽厚而含糊的口吻补充道,他的士兵把他抬上船一同带走了。—M〕
59
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Ducas kills him with two blows of Turkish soldiers; Chalcondyles wounds him in the shoulder, and then tramples him in the gate. The grief of Phranza, carrying him among the enemy, escapes from the precise image of his death; but we may, without flattery, apply these noble lines of Dryden:—
As to Sebastian, let them search the field;
And where they find a mountain of the slain,
Send one to climb, and looking down beneath,
There they will find him at his manly length,
With his face up to heaven, in that red monument
Which his good sword had digged.
As to Sebastian, let them search the field;
And where they find a mountain of the slain,
Send one to climb, and looking down beneath,
There they will find him at his manly length,
With his face up to heaven, in that red monument
Which his good sword had digged.
杜卡斯让他死于两名土耳其兵之手;哈尔科孔迪利斯说他肩部受伤,随后在城门口被踏死。斯弗朗齐斯悲痛之余,把他写进敌军之中,回避了他死状的确切描摹;不过我们不妨(并非谀词)借用德莱顿这几行高贵的诗句:—
至于塞巴斯蒂安,让他们去搜遍战场;哪里尸积如山,便遣一人攀上去,俯身下望——定能见他直挺挺地躺在那里,堂堂男儿之躯,面朝苍天,卧于那一片血红的墓茔之中;而那墓茔,正是他手中利剑亲手掘就。
至于塞巴斯蒂安,让他们去搜遍战场;哪里尸积如山,便遣一人攀上去,俯身下望——定能见他直挺挺地躺在那里,堂堂男儿之躯,面朝苍天,卧于那一片血红的墓茔之中;而那墓茔,正是他手中利剑亲手掘就。
60
↩
Spondanus, (A.D. 1453, No. 10,) who has hopes of his salvation, wishes to absolve this demand from the guilt of suicide.
斯蓬达努斯(公元 1453 年,第 10 条)对他的灵魂得救仍抱希望,想为这一请求开脱,使之不致背上自杀之罪。
61
↩
Leonardus Chiensis very properly observes, that the Turks, had they known the emperor, would have labored to save and secure a captive so acceptable to the sultan.
希俄斯的莱奥纳尔杜斯(Leonardus Chiensis)说得很对:土耳其人倘若认得皇帝,本会竭力活捉并看管这样一名令苏丹称心的俘虏。
62
↩
Cantemir, p. 96. The Christian ships in the mouth of the harbor had flanked and retarded this naval attack.
坎特米尔,第 96 页。港口口门处的基督徒船只,从侧翼牵制、迟滞了这次海上进攻。
63
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Chalcondyles most absurdly supposes, that Constantinople was sacked by the Asiatics in revenge for the ancient calamities of Troy; and the grammarians of the xvth century are happy to melt down the uncouth appellation of Turks into the more classical name of Teucri.
哈尔科孔迪利斯极其荒谬地设想,君士坦丁堡遭亚细亚人劫掠,是为报特洛伊昔日之仇;十五世纪的文法家们更乐得把“土耳其人”这个粗鄙的名号,熔铸成较为古典的“Teucri”(即特洛伊人)之名。
64
↩
When Cyrus suppressed Babylon during the celebration of a festival, so vast was the city, and so careless were the inhabitants, that much time elapsed before the distant quarters knew that they were captives. Herodotus, (l. i. c. 191,) and Usher, (Annal. p. 78,) who has quoted from the prophet Jeremiah a passage of similar import.
当年居鲁士趁节庆之机攻陷巴比伦,那城如此广大,居民又如此疏忽,以致过了许久,偏远街区的人才知道自己已成俘虏。见希罗多德(第一卷第 191 章),以及厄谢尔(《编年史》,第 78 页)——后者从先知耶利米书中引过一段意思相近的话。
641
↩
This refers to an expression in Ducas, who, to heighten the effect of his description, speaks of the “sweet morning sleep resting on the eyes of youths and maidens,” p. 288. Edit. Bekker.—M.
这指的是杜卡斯书中的一句话;他为加强描写的效果,说“香甜的晨眠正歇在少男少女的眼睑上”(第 288 页,贝克尔校订本)。—M
65
↩
This lively description is extracted from Ducas, (c. 39,) who two years afterwards was sent ambassador from the prince of Lesbos to the sultan, (c. 44.) Till Lesbos was subdued in 1463, (Phranza, l. iii. c. 27,) that island must have been full of the fugitives of Constantinople, who delighted to repeat, perhaps to adorn, the tale of their misery.
这段生动的描写摘自杜卡斯(第 39 章);两年后,他作为莱斯博斯君主的使节被派往苏丹处(第 44 章)。直到 1463 年莱斯博斯被征服(斯弗朗齐斯,第三卷第 27 章),那座岛屿想必挤满了君士坦丁堡的逃亡者,他们乐于反复讲述——或许还加以润饰——自己苦难的经历。