Chapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire.—Part I. 第六十八章 穆罕默德二世当朝与东罗马帝国的覆亡——第一节
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Reign And Character Of Mahomet The Second.—Siege, Assault, And Final Conquest, Of Constantinople By The Turks.—Death Of Constantine Palæologus.—Servitude Of The Greeks.— Extinction Of The Roman Empire In The East.—Consternation Of Europe.—Conquests And Death Of Mahomet The Second.
穆罕默德二世的当朝与性情。——土耳其人对君士坦丁堡的围攻、强攻与最终征服。——君士坦丁·帕莱奥洛戈斯之死。——希腊人沦为奴役。——罗马帝国在东方的覆亡。——欧洲的震恐。——穆罕默德二世的征战与死亡。
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The siege of Constantinople by the Turks attracts our first attention to the person and character of the great destroyer. Mahomet the Second 1 was the son of the second Amurath; and though his mother has been decorated with the titles of Christian and princess, she is more probably confounded with the numerous concubines who peopled from every climate the harem of the sultan. His first education and sentiments were those of a devout Mussulman; and as often as he conversed with an infidel, he purified his hands and face by the legal rites of ablution. Age and empire appear to have relaxed this narrow bigotry: his aspiring genius disdained to acknowledge a power above his own; and in his looser hours he presumed (it is said) to brand the prophet of Mecca as a robber and impostor. Yet the sultan persevered in a decent reverence for the doctrine and discipline of the Koran: 2 his private indiscretion must have been sacred from the vulgar ear; and we should suspect the credulity of strangers and sectaries, so prone to believe that a mind which is hardened against truth must be armed with superior contempt for absurdity and error. Under the tuition of the most skilful masters, Mahomet advanced with an early and rapid progress in the paths of knowledge; and besides his native tongue it is affirmed that he spoke or understood five languages, 3 the Arabic, the Persian, the Chaldæan or Hebrew, the Latin, and the Greek. The Persian might indeed contribute to his amusement, and the Arabic to his edification; and such studies are familiar to the Oriental youth. In the intercourse of the Greeks and Turks, a conqueror might wish to converse with the people over which he was ambitious to reign: his own praises in Latin poetry 4 or prose 5 might find a passage to the royal ear; but what use or merit could recommend to the statesman or the scholar the uncouth dialect of his Hebrew slaves? The history and geography of the world were familiar to his memory: the lives of the heroes of the East, perhaps of the West, 6 excited his emulation: his skill in astrology is excused by the folly of the times, and supposes some rudiments of mathematical science; and a profane taste for the arts is betrayed in his liberal invitation and reward of the painters of Italy. 7 But the influence of religion and learning were employed without effect on his savage and licentious nature. I will not transcribe, nor do I firmly believe, the stories of his fourteen pages, whose bellies were ripped open in search of a stolen melon; or of the beauteous slave, whose head he severed from her body, to convince the Janizaries that their master was not the votary of love. 701 His sobriety is attested by the silence of the Turkish annals, which accuse three, and three only, of the Ottoman line of the vice of drunkenness. 8 But it cannot be denied that his passions were at once furious and inexorable; that in the palace, as in the field, a torrent of blood was spilt on the slightest provocation; and that the noblest of the captive youth were often dishonored by his unnatural lust. In the Albanian war he studied the lessons, and soon surpassed the example, of his father; and the conquest of two empires, twelve kingdoms, and two hundred cities, a vain and flattering account, is ascribed to his invincible sword. He was doubtless a soldier, and possibly a general; Constantinople has sealed his glory; but if we compare the means, the obstacles, and the achievements, Mahomet the Second must blush to sustain a parallel with Alexander or Timour. Under his command, the Ottoman forces were always more numerous than their enemies; yet their progress was bounded by the Euphrates and the Adriatic; and his arms were checked by Huniades and Scanderbeg, by the Rhodian knights and by the Persian king.
土耳其人围攻君士坦丁堡,这桩大事首先把我们的目光引向那位大毁灭者本人及其性情。穆罕默德二世 1 是穆拉德二世之子;尽管有人给他母亲冠以基督徒与公主的名号,但她更可能只是苏丹后宫中来自天南地北的众多姬妾之一,被人张冠李戴罢了。他幼年所受的教育与情感,都是虔诚穆斯林的一套;每逢与异教徒交谈,事后必按教法规定的净礼洗净双手与面庞。随着年岁渐长、权势日隆,这种狭隘的偏执似乎有所松弛:他志向高远、天资不凡,不屑承认世上有凌驾于己之上的权威;据说在放浪形骸之际,他竟敢斥麦加的先知为强盗与骗子。然而这位苏丹对《古兰经》的教义与戒律,始终保持着得体的敬重 2;他私下的失检之言,本不该传入俗人之耳;我们对那些外邦人与异端信徒的轻信,理应存疑——他们总爱以为,一个对真理冥顽抗拒的头脑,也必以更高明的姿态去鄙弃荒诞与谬误。在最高明的师傅调教下,穆罕默德在求知之路上起步既早、进境又快;据说除母语之外,他还能说或能懂五种语言 3:阿拉伯语、波斯语、迦勒底语(即希伯来语)、拉丁语与希腊语。波斯语或许供他消遣,阿拉伯语则助他修身,这类功课本是东方少年所熟习的。希腊人与土耳其人往来交涉,一位征服者自然想同他一心要统治的臣民直接交谈;那些用拉丁文诗 4 或散文 5 写成的颂词,也好教他这位君王亲耳听闻;可是,他那些希伯来奴隶所操的粗鄙方言,又有何用处、有何价值,值得一位政治家或学者去学呢?天下的史地掌故,他都烂熟于胸;东方、或许还有西方历代英雄的事迹 6,激起他争胜效法之心;他精于星占,这在那个愚昧的时代尚可谅解,且也须略通数学的皮毛;他慷慨延请意大利画师并厚加赏赐,更透露出一种不合教规的艺术雅好 7。然而,宗教与学问的熏陶,对他那凶暴放纵的天性却全然不起作用。有些传闻,我既不愿照录,也难以深信:说他为查一只被偷的甜瓜,竟剖开十四名侍从的肚腹;又说他为向耶尼切里表明主上并非沉溺情欲之人,亲手将一名绝色女奴身首分离 701。他不嗜杯中物,从土耳其编年史的缄默中亦可得证:那些史书里,被指有酗酒恶习的奥斯曼君主只有三人,且仅此三人 8。但无可否认,他的性情既暴烈又冷酷无情;无论在宫廷还是在战场,只要稍一触怒于他,便血流成河;而被俘的少年中最尊贵者,也常遭他悖逆人伦的淫欲所辱。在阿尔巴尼亚之战中,他一面研习其父的战法,不久便青出于蓝;据说他那把无敌之剑征服了两个帝国、十二个王国、两百座城池——这自然是浮夸谀颂之词。他无疑是一员劲卒,或许还称得上一位统帅;君士坦丁堡一役,奠定了他的荣名;但若把他所凭借的手段、所面对的阻碍与所成就的功业加以比较,穆罕默德二世要与亚历山大或帖木儿相提并论,怕是要面红耳赤的。在他麾下,奥斯曼军队的人数总是多于敌方;可他们的进兵却止步于幼发拉底河与亚得里亚海之间;他的兵锋更屡屡受挫——先有匈雅提与斯坎德培,后有罗得岛骑士与波斯国王,都曾将他拦下。
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In the reign of Amurath, he twice tasted of royalty, and twice descended from the throne: his tender age was incapable of opposing his father’s restoration, but never could he forgive the viziers who had recommended that salutary measure. His nuptials were celebrated with the daughter of a Turkman emir; and, after a festival of two months, he departed from Adrianople with his bride, to reside in the government of Magnesia. Before the end of six weeks, he was recalled by a sudden message from the divan, which announced the decease of Amurath, and the mutinous spirit of the Janizaries. His speed and vigor commanded their obedience: he passed the Hellespont with a chosen guard: and at the distance of a mile from Adrianople, the viziers and emirs, the imams and cadhis, the soldiers and the people, fell prostrate before the new sultan. They affected to weep, they affected to rejoice: he ascended the throne at the age of twenty-one years, and removed the cause of sedition by the death, the inevitable death, of his infant brothers. 9 901 The ambassadors of Europe and Asia soon appeared to congratulate his accession and solicit his friendship; and to all he spoke the language of moderation and peace. The confidence of the Greek emperor was revived by the solemn oaths and fair assurances with which he sealed the ratification of the treaty: and a rich domain on the banks of the Strymon was assigned for the annual payment of three hundred thousand aspers, the pension of an Ottoman prince, who was detained at his request in the Byzantine court. Yet the neighbors of Mahomet might tremble at the severity with which a youthful monarch reformed the pomp of his father’s household: the expenses of luxury were applied to those of ambition, and a useless train of seven thousand falconers was either dismissed from his service, or enlisted in his troops. 902 In the first summer of his reign, he visited with an army the Asiatic provinces; but after humbling the pride, Mahomet accepted the submission, of the Caramanian, that he might not be diverted by the smallest obstacle from the execution of his great design. 10
穆拉德在位期间,他曾两度尝到帝王之尊,又两度从宝座上退下:当年他年纪尚幼,无力阻止父亲复位,却始终不能原谅那些出此良策的维齐尔。他迎娶了一位土库曼埃米尔之女;婚宴延续两月之后,他携新妇离开阿德里安堡,前往马格尼西亚辖区居住。不到六周,御前会议一道急报便把他召回,报称穆拉德已死,耶尼切里蠢蠢欲乱。他行动神速、雷厉风行,令众人不敢不服:他率一队精选卫士渡过赫勒斯滂;在离阿德里安堡一英里之处,维齐尔与埃米尔、伊玛目与卡迪、将士与百姓,一齐拜倒在新苏丹脚下。他们佯作悲泣,又佯作欢欣;他于二十一岁登基,随即以处死几个尚在襁褓的幼弟来根除祸乱之源——这样的死,是注定难免的 9 901。欧亚各地的使节很快纷至沓来,既贺他即位,又求他修好;他对众人一律说着温和与和平的言辞。他郑重立誓、满口善言,就此批准了条约,希腊皇帝这才重拾信心;斯特里蒙河畔划出一片富饶的领地,每年产出三十万阿斯普,用作一位奥斯曼王子的供养金——此人正是应他之请,被扣留在拜占庭朝廷的。然而,这位年轻君主整肃父亲宫廷排场时手段之严厉,足以令四邻之邦胆寒:他把用于奢靡的开销转作雄图之资,将七千名无所事事的放鹰人或遣散出宫,或编入军中 902。即位后的头一个夏天,他便率军巡行亚细亚诸行省;他先挫了卡拉曼君主的骄气,随即受其归降,为的是不让任何一点小小的阻碍,扰乱他那宏图大计的推行 10。
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The Mahometan, and more especially the Turkish casuists, have pronounced that no promise can bind the faithful against the interest and duty of their religion; and that the sultan may abrogate his own treaties and those of his predecessors. The justice and magnanimity of Amurath had scorned this immoral privilege; but his son, though the proudest of men, could stoop from ambition to the basest arts of dissimulation and deceit. Peace was on his lips, while war was in his heart: he incessantly sighed for the possession of Constantinople; and the Greeks, by their own indiscretion, afforded the first pretence of the fatal rupture. 11 Instead of laboring to be forgotten, their ambassadors pursued his camp, to demand the payment, and even the increase, of their annual stipend: the divan was importuned by their complaints, and the vizier, a secret friend of the Christians, was constrained to deliver the sense of his brethren. “Ye foolish and miserable Romans,” said Calil, “we know your devices, and ye are ignorant of your own danger! The scrupulous Amurath is no more; his throne is occupied by a young conqueror, whom no laws can bind, and no obstacles can resist: and if you escape from his hands, give praise to the divine clemency, which yet delays the chastisement of your sins. Why do ye seek to affright us by vain and indirect menaces? Release the fugitive Orchan, crown him sultan of Romania; call the Hungarians from beyond the Danube; arm against us the nations of the West; and be assured, that you will only provoke and precipitate your ruin.” But if the fears of the ambassadors were alarmed by the stern language of the vizier, they were soothed by the courteous audience and friendly speeches of the Ottoman prince; and Mahomet assured them that on his return to Adrianople he would redress the grievances, and consult the true interests, of the Greeks. No sooner had he repassed the Hellespont, than he issued a mandate to suppress their pension, and to expel their officers from the banks of the Strymon: in this measure he betrayed a hostile mind; and the second order announced, and in some degree commenced, the siege of Constantinople. In the narrow pass of the Bosphorus, an Asiatic fortress had formerly been raised by his grandfather; in the opposite situation, on the European side, he resolved to erect a more formidable castle; and a thousand masons were commanded to assemble in the spring on a spot named Asomaton, about five miles from the Greek metropolis. 12 Persuasion is the resource of the feeble; and the feeble can seldom persuade: the ambassadors of the emperor attempted, without success, to divert Mahomet from the execution of his design. They represented, that his grandfather had solicited the permission of Manuel to build a castle on his own territories; but that this double fortification, which would command the strait, could only tend to violate the alliance of the nations; to intercept the Latins who traded in the Black Sea, and perhaps to annihilate the subsistence of the city. “I form no enterprise,” replied the perfidious sultan, “against the city; but the empire of Constantinople is measured by her walls. Have you forgot the distress to which my father was reduced when you formed a league with the Hungarians; when they invaded our country by land, and the Hellespont was occupied by the French galleys? Amurath was compelled to force the passage of the Bosphorus; and your strength was not equal to your malevolence. I was then a child at Adrianople; the Moslems trembled; and, for a while, the Gabours 13 insulted our disgrace. But when my father had triumphed in the field of Warna, he vowed to erect a fort on the western shore, and that vow it is my duty to accomplish. Have ye the right, have ye the power, to control my actions on my own ground? For that ground is my own: as far as the shores of the Bosphorus, Asia is inhabited by the Turks, and Europe is deserted by the Romans. Return, and inform your king, that the present Ottoman is far different from his predecessors; that his resolutions surpass their wishes; and that he performs more than they could resolve. Return in safety—but the next who delivers a similar message may expect to be flayed alive.” After this declaration, Constantine, the first of the Greeks in spirit as in rank, 14 had determined to unsheathe the sword, and to resist the approach and establishment of the Turks on the Bosphorus. He was disarmed by the advice of his civil and ecclesiastical ministers, who recommended a system less generous, and even less prudent, than his own, to approve their patience and long-suffering, to brand the Ottoman with the name and guilt of an aggressor, and to depend on chance and time for their own safety, and the destruction of a fort which could not long be maintained in the neighborhood of a great and populous city. Amidst hope and fear, the fears of the wise, and the hopes of the credulous, the winter rolled away; the proper business of each man, and each hour, was postponed; and the Greeks shut their eyes against the impending danger, till the arrival of the spring and the sultan decide the assurance of their ruin.
伊斯兰教、尤其是土耳其的教法决疑学者们裁定:凡有碍于信仰之利益与义务的誓约,都约束不了信徒;苏丹既可废除自己缔结的条约,也可废除先王缔结的条约。穆拉德为人公正宽宏,不屑动用这项有悖道义的特权;他的儿子虽是天下最高傲之人,却能为了野心而屈身去玩弄最卑劣的伪饰与欺诈伎俩。他口中说着和平,心里盘算的却是战争;他无时无刻不渴望据有君士坦丁堡;而希腊人自己的鲁莽,恰好给了他挑起这场致命决裂的头一个借口 11。他们的使节非但不设法销声匿迹,反倒紧追着他的营帐,索要每年的津贴,甚至要求增加数额;他们喋喋不休的怨言搅扰着御前会议,那位暗中亲善基督徒的维齐尔,无奈之下只得道出同僚们的心声。“你们这些愚蠢又可怜的罗马人,”哈利勒说道,“我们对你们的伎俩了如指掌,你们却对自身的危险浑然不觉!那位谨守信义的穆拉德已经不在了;如今坐在他宝座上的,是一位年轻的征服者,没有律法能束缚他,没有障碍能挡住他。你们若能从他手里逃脱,那就该感谢神的宽仁——是它暂缓了对你们罪愆的惩罚。你们何苦要用这些空洞而拐弯抹角的恫吓来吓唬我们?尽管去把逃亡的奥尔汗放出来,立他做罗马尼亚的苏丹;尽管把匈牙利人从多瑙河彼岸召来;尽管唆使西方列国与我们为敌——你们只管放心,这一切不过是自惹祸端、加速你们自己的覆灭罢了。”维齐尔这番严词固然叫使节们惊惧,可奥斯曼君主接见时的殷勤有礼与一番友善言辞,又叫他们安下心来;穆罕默德向他们保证,等他回到阿德里安堡,定会为希腊人排解怨屈、周全其真正的利益。可他一渡回赫勒斯滂,便下令取消给希腊人的供养金,并将他们的官吏逐出斯特里蒙河畔;此举已暴露出他的敌意;而第二道命令,则等于宣告——并在某种程度上已然拉开了——围攻君士坦丁堡的序幕。早年在博斯普鲁斯海峡的狭窄水道上,他祖父曾于亚洲一侧筑起一座要塞;如今他决意在正对面的欧洲一侧,另建一座更为森严的城堡;他下令一千名石匠于春天齐集一处名叫阿索马通的地方,距希腊都城约五英里 12。劝说本是弱者的凭仗,而弱者又往往劝说不动人;皇帝的使节几番想劝阻穆罕默德罢手,终归徒劳。他们陈说:当年他祖父在自家领地上筑城,尚且曾请求曼努埃尔的许可;可如今这两岸对峙、扼控海峡的双重工事,除了破坏两国盟好、拦截在黑海通商的拉丁人,或许还要断绝全城的粮食命脉,别无他用。“我并没有要对这座城池图谋什么,”那背信弃义的苏丹答道,“——只不过君士坦丁堡的疆土,如今也就到她那道城墙为止了。你们莫非忘了我父亲当年何等窘迫?那时你们与匈牙利人结盟,他们从陆路来犯我国,赫勒斯滂又被法兰西的桨帆船封锁。穆拉德被逼得只能强渡博斯普鲁斯海峡;而你们的实力,却远配不上你们的恶意。那时我还是个孩子,留在阿德里安堡;穆斯林人人战栗,那帮 Gabours(异教徒)13 也一度对我们的耻辱百般嘲弄。可等我父亲在瓦尔纳战场大获全胜,他便立誓要在西岸筑一座堡垒;如今了却这桩誓愿,正是我分内之责。在我自己的地面上,你们有什么权利、又有什么本事来管束我的行动?那片土地本就是我的:一直到博斯普鲁斯海峡两岸,亚洲一侧住着土耳其人,欧洲一侧的罗马人却早已弃地而去。回去禀报你们的国王:如今这位奥斯曼君主,与他的历代先王大不相同;他的决断,胜过他们的奢望;他的作为,更超出他们所敢定夺的一切。这一趟你们可平安回去——但下一个再来传这种话的人,就等着被活活剥皮吧。”听罢这番宣言,君士坦丁——无论论气节还是论地位,都堪称希腊人之首 14——本已决意拔剑而起,抵挡土耳其人逼近博斯普鲁斯、在此立足。却被文武大臣与教会重臣的谏言劝住了手;他们主张的策略,比他本人的打算既欠气魄,甚而更欠审慎——无非是标榜自己一味隐忍退让,把侵略者的恶名与罪责统统扣到奥斯曼人头上,而将自身的安危托付给运气与时日,指望那座紧邻宏大繁华都城的堡垒,终究支撑不了多久,自会毁去。就在这样的患得患失中——智者所忧、轻信者所盼——冬天悄然流逝;人人本该料理的正事、时时本该抓紧的时机,都一拖再拖;希腊人对迫在眉睫的危险闭目塞听,直到春天与苏丹一同降临,才彻底坐实了他们必亡的结局。
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Of a master who never forgives, the orders are seldom disobeyed. On the twenty-sixth of March, the appointed spot of Asomaton was covered with an active swarm of Turkish artificers; and the materials by sea and land were diligently transported from Europe and Asia. 15 The lime had been burnt in Cataphrygia; the timber was cut down in the woods of Heraclea and Nicomedia; and the stones were dug from the Anatolian quarries. Each of the thousand masons was assisted by two workmen; and a measure of two cubits was marked for their daily task. The fortress 16 was built in a triangular form; each angle was flanked by a strong and massy tower; one on the declivity of the hill, two along the sea-shore: a thickness of twenty-two feet was assigned for the walls, thirty for the towers; and the whole building was covered with a solid platform of lead. Mahomet himself pressed and directed the work with indefatigable ardor: his three viziers claimed the honor of finishing their respective towers; the zeal of the cadhis emulated that of the Janizaries; the meanest labor was ennobled by the service of God and the sultan; and the diligence of the multitude was quickened by the eye of a despot, whose smile was the hope of fortune, and whose frown was the messenger of death. The Greek emperor beheld with terror the irresistible progress of the work; and vainly strove, by flattery and gifts, to assuage an implacable foe, who sought, and secretly fomented, the slightest occasion of a quarrel. Such occasions must soon and inevitably be found. The ruins of stately churches, and even the marble columns which had been consecrated to Saint Michael the archangel, were employed without scruple by the profane and rapacious Moslems; and some Christians, who presumed to oppose the removal, received from their hands the crown of martyrdom. Constantine had solicited a Turkish guard to protect the fields and harvests of his subjects: the guard was fixed; but their first order was to allow free pasture to the mules and horses of the camp, and to defend their brethren if they should be molested by the natives. The retinue of an Ottoman chief had left their horses to pass the night among the ripe corn; the damage was felt; the insult was resented; and several of both nations were slain in a tumultuous conflict. Mahomet listened with joy to the complaint; and a detachment was commanded to exterminate the guilty village: the guilty had fled; but forty innocent and unsuspecting reapers were massacred by the soldiers. Till this provocation, Constantinople had been opened to the visits of commerce and curiosity: on the first alarm, the gates were shut; but the emperor, still anxious for peace, released on the third day his Turkish captives; 17 and expressed, in a last message, the firm resignation of a Christian and a soldier. “Since neither oaths, nor treaty, nor submission, can secure peace, pursue,” said he to Mahomet, “your impious warfare. My trust is in God alone; if it should please him to mollify your heart, I shall rejoice in the happy change; if he delivers the city into your hands, I submit without a murmur to his holy will. But until the Judge of the earth shall pronounce between us, it is my duty to live and die in the defence of my people.” The sultan’s answer was hostile and decisive: his fortifications were completed; and before his departure for Adrianople, he stationed a vigilant Aga and four hundred Janizaries, to levy a tribute on the ships of every nation that should pass within the reach of their cannon. A Venetian vessel, refusing obedience to the new lords of the Bosphorus, was sunk with a single bullet. 171 The master and thirty sailors escaped in the boat; but they were dragged in chains to the Porte: the chief was impaled; his companions were beheaded; and the historian Ducas 18 beheld, at Demotica, their bodies exposed to the wild beasts. The siege of Constantinople was deferred till the ensuing spring; but an Ottoman army marched into the Morea to divert the force of the brothers of Constantine. At this æra of calamity, one of these princes, the despot Thomas, was blessed or afflicted with the birth of a son; “the last heir,” says the plaintive Phranza, “of the last spark of the Roman empire.” 19
主上若从不宽恕人,他的命令便鲜有人敢违抗。三月二十六日,指定的阿索马通一带,已聚满了一群群忙碌的土耳其匠人;各种建材由水陆两路,源源不断地从欧亚两洲运来 15。石灰烧自卡塔弗里吉亚,木料伐自赫拉克利亚与尼科米底亚的林间,石料则采自安纳托利亚的矿场。一千名石匠,每人各配两名帮工;每日的定额,划定为两肘之量。这座要塞 16 建成三角形;每个角上都拱卫着一座坚实厚重的塔楼——一座立在山坡上,两座沿着海岸线;城墙厚二十二英尺,塔楼厚三十英尺;整座建筑顶上,还铺了一层结实的铅制平台。穆罕默德亲自督工指挥,热忱不减、不知疲倦;他手下三位维齐尔各领一塔,都争着要抢下完工的荣耀;卡迪们的卖力,直追耶尼切里;再低贱的活计,一旦是为真主与苏丹效力,也成了光荣之事;众人干活愈发卖力,只因一位专制之君的目光就在近旁——他一展笑颜,便是飞黄腾达的指望,他一皱眉头,便是死亡的先兆。希腊皇帝眼看工程势不可挡地推进,惊惧不已;徒劳地想用奉承与馈赠去安抚这个不肯罢休的仇敌——对方却一心寻衅,暗地里但凡有一丝口角的由头,便加以煽动。这样的由头,很快便不可避免地出现了。那些堂皇教堂的断壁残垣,甚至连供奉天使长圣米迦勒的大理石柱,都被亵渎神明、贪得无厌的穆斯林肆意取用,毫无顾忌;几名基督徒胆敢出面阻拦搬运,便死在他们手里,得了殉道的冠冕。君士坦丁曾请求派一支土耳其卫队,来护卫臣民的田地与庄稼;卫队果然驻下了,可他们接到的头一道命令,却是任凭营中骡马随意啃食庄稼,一旦自家弟兄遭当地人纠缠,便要为其撑腰。一名奥斯曼头目的随从,夜里把马匹放进熟透的麦田过夜;庄稼被糟蹋,村民忍不下这口气,一场混战下来,双方各有数人丧命。穆罕默德听到这桩控告,心中窃喜;当即下令派出一支分队,将那肇事村落斩尽杀绝;有过错的人早已逃散,四十名无辜而毫不知情的收割农夫,却惨遭士兵屠戮。在这番挑衅之前,君士坦丁堡本一直向往来的商旅与游客敞开着;一有警讯,城门便即关闭;但皇帝仍一心求和,到第三天就放还了所俘的土耳其人 17;并在最后一道口信中,道出一个基督徒兼军人那份坚定的听天由命之志。“既然誓言、条约、退让都换不来和平,”他对穆罕默德说,“那你尽管把这场亵渎神明的战争打下去吧。我唯独信靠上帝;他若肯软化你的心肠,我自当为这可喜的转变而欢欣;他若把这座城交到你手中,我也毫无怨言,甘服他神圣的旨意。但在这位大地的审判者对你我作出裁断之前,为保卫我的子民而生、而死,就是我的本分。”苏丹的回答既怀敌意,又不容转圜:工事已然竣工;他动身返回阿德里安堡之前,留下一名警觉的阿加与四百名耶尼切里驻守,凡驶入其炮火射程之内的各国船只,一律课以过路之税。一艘威尼斯船不肯服从博斯普鲁斯海峡这些新主子,一发炮弹便将它击沉 171。船长与三十名水手乘小艇逃生,终究还是被戴上镣铐,拖往奥斯曼朝廷;船长被处以刺刑,同伴们尽遭斩首;史家杜卡斯 18 曾在德莫蒂卡亲眼看见,他们的尸首被抛弃在那里,任野兽啃食。围攻君士坦丁堡一事,推迟到了来年春天;不过,一支奥斯曼军队已开进摩里亚,以牵制君士坦丁那几个兄弟的兵力。正当这多难之秋,这几位君主中的一位——专制君主托马斯——添了个儿子,也不知该算福还是祸;用斯弗朗齐斯哀婉的话说,这是“罗马帝国最后一星余火的最后一位继承人”19。
¶
The Greeks and the Turks passed an anxious and sleepless winter: the former were kept awake by their fears, the latter by their hopes; both by the preparations of defence and attack; and the two emperors, who had the most to lose or to gain, were the most deeply affected by the national sentiment. In Mahomet, that sentiment was inflamed by the ardor of his youth and temper: he amused his leisure with building at Adrianople 20 the lofty palace of Jehan Numa, (the watchtower of the world;) but his serious thoughts were irrevocably bent on the conquest of the city of Cæsar. At the dead of night, about the second watch, he started from his bed, and commanded the instant attendance of his prime vizier. The message, the hour, the prince, and his own situation, alarmed the guilty conscience of Calil Basha; who had possessed the confidence, and advised the restoration, of Amurath. On the accession of the son, the vizier was confirmed in his office and the appearances of favor; but the veteran statesman was not insensible that he trod on a thin and slippery ice, which might break under his footsteps, and plunge him in the abyss. His friendship for the Christians, which might be innocent under the late reign, had stigmatized him with the name of Gabour Ortachi, or foster-brother of the infidels; 21 and his avarice entertained a venal and treasonable correspondence, which was detected and punished after the conclusion of the war. On receiving the royal mandate, he embraced, perhaps for the last time, his wife and children; filled a cup with pieces of gold, hastened to the palace, adored the sultan, and offered, according to the Oriental custom, the slight tribute of his duty and gratitude. 22 “It is not my wish,” said Mahomet, “to resume my gifts, but rather to heap and multiply them on thy head. In my turn, I ask a present far more valuable and important;—Constantinople.” As soon as the vizier had recovered from his surprise, “The same God,” said he, “who has already given thee so large a portion of the Roman empire, will not deny the remnant, and the capital. His providence, and thy power, assure thy success; and myself, with the rest of thy faithful slaves, will sacrifice our lives and fortunes.”—“Lala,” 23 (or preceptor,) continued the sultan, “do you see this pillow? All the night, in my agitation, I have pulled it on one side and the other; I have risen from my bed, again have I lain down; yet sleep has not visited these weary eyes. Beware of the gold and silver of the Romans: in arms we are superior; and with the aid of God, and the prayers of the prophet, we shall speedily become masters of Constantinople.” To sound the disposition of his soldiers, he often wandered through the streets alone, and in disguise; and it was fatal to discover the sultan, when he wished to escape from the vulgar eye. His hours were spent in delineating the plan of the hostile city; in debating with his generals and engineers, on what spot he should erect his batteries; on which side he should assault the walls; where he should spring his mines; to what place he should apply his scaling-ladders: and the exercises of the day repeated and proved the lucubrations of the night.
希腊人与土耳其人,都熬过了一个焦虑难眠的冬天:前者因恐惧而无眠,后者因希望而不寐;两边又都为备守与备攻而彻夜忙碌;而两位皇帝,各自或将失去最多、或将赢得最多,也就最深切地为这举国上下的情绪所牵动。在穆罕默德身上,这种情绪更因他年少气盛的性子而燃得炽烈:闲暇时,他以在阿德里安堡营造那座巍峨的杰汉·努玛宫(意为“瞭望天下之塔”)自娱 20;但他一门心思、矢志不移的,仍是攻取那座恺撒之城。一天深夜,约莫二更时分,他从床上猛地惊起,传令首席维齐尔即刻进见。这道传召、这个时辰、这位君主,加上自己眼下的处境,无不叫哈利勒帕夏那颗有愧的心惴惴不安;当年正是他深得穆拉德信任,并进言劝其复位。儿子即位后,这位维齐尔留任原职,表面上仍蒙恩宠;可这位老练的政治家心里明白,自己踩的是一层又薄又滑的冰,随时可能在脚下碎裂,把他拖入万丈深渊。他与基督徒的交情,在先王朝中原本无可厚非,如今却给他招来了 Gabour Ortachi 的恶名,意即“异教徒的奶兄弟”21;加之他生性贪财,暗中与人书信往来,既受贿又通敌,这桩事在战事结束后终被查获治罪。接到君王的召令,他抱了抱妻儿,心想这一别或许就是永诀;又盛了一杯金币,匆匆赶往宫中,向苏丹叩拜行礼,并依东方的习俗,献上这份聊表忠忱与谢意的薄礼 22。“我并不想收回赏你的东西,”穆罕默德说,“恰恰相反,我还要把它们成倍地堆到你头上。而这一回,轮到我向你讨一件贵重得多、也要紧得多的礼物——君士坦丁堡。”维齐尔定了定神,答道:“真主既已把罗马帝国这么大一片疆土赐予陛下,就断不会吝惜那残余的部分连同它的都城。有真主的庇佑,又有陛下的威势,此事必成;我与陛下其余忠顺的奴仆,都愿为此献出性命与家财。”“拉拉 23,”苏丹接着说(拉拉即师傅之意),“你看见这只枕头了吗?整整一夜,我心烦意乱,把它翻来覆去、扯到这边又扯到那边;起了又躺下,躺下又起来,睡意却始终不肯光顾我这双倦眼。提防着罗马人的金银吧:论兵力,我们占着上风;有真主相助,又有先知的祈祷,我们不日便可成为君士坦丁堡的主人。”为摸清麾下士卒的心思,他常常独自一人、乔装改扮,在街巷间游走;而每当他存心避开众人耳目时,谁若认破了苏丹的身份,那便是杀身之祸。他把时光都耗在勾画那座敌城的图样上;又与麾下将领和工程师反复推敲:炮台该架在何处、城墙该从哪一面强攻、地道该在哪里掘进、云梯又该搭往何方;白日里的操演,一遍遍印证着他彻夜苦思的谋划。
Notes 注释
1
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For the character of Mahomet II. it is dangerous to trust either the Turks or the Christians. The most moderate picture appears to be drawn by Phranza, (l. i. c. 33,) whose resentment had cooled in age and solitude; see likewise Spondanus, (A.D. 1451, No. 11,) and the continuator of Fleury, (tom. xxii. p. 552,) the Elogia of Paulus Jovius, (l. iii. p. 164—166,) and the Dictionnaire de Bayle, (tom. iii. p. 273—279.)
论及穆罕默德二世的品性,无论轻信土耳其人还是基督徒,都是危险的。笔调最为持平的一幅画像,似出自斯弗朗齐斯之手(l. i. c. 33)——他的愤懑之情,已在暮年与孤寂中冷却;另可参看斯蓬达努斯(A.D. 1451, No. 11)、弗勒里著作的续编者(tom. xxii. p. 552)、保卢斯·约维乌斯的 Elogia(《名人赞辞》,l. iii. p. 164—166),以及《培尔词典》(Dictionnaire de Bayle, tom. iii. p. 273—279)。
2
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Cantemir, (p. 115.) and the mosques which he founded, attest his public regard for religion. Mahomet freely disputed with the Gennadius on the two religions, (Spond. A.D. 1453, No. 22.)
坎特米尔(p. 115)以及他所兴建的那些清真寺,都证明他对宗教怀有公开的敬重。穆罕默德曾与根纳狄乌斯就两种宗教畅所欲言地辩论(Spond. A.D. 1453, No. 22)。
3
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Quinque linguas præter suam noverat, Græcam, Latinam, Chaldaicam, Persicam. The Latin translator of Phranza has dropped the Arabic, which the Koran must recommend to every Mussulman. * Note: It appears in the original Greek text, p. 95, edit. Bonn.—M.
Quinque linguas præter suam noverat, Græcam, Latinam, Chaldaicam, Persicam.(他除母语外通晓五种语言:希腊语、拉丁语、迦勒底语、波斯语。)斯弗朗齐斯的拉丁文译者漏掉了阿拉伯语——而《古兰经》理当让每个穆斯林都识得此语。* 编者按:阿拉伯语见于希腊文原本,第95页,波恩版。—M
4
↩
Philelphus, by a Latin ode, requested and obtained the liberty of his wife’s mother and sisters from the conqueror of Constantinople. It was delivered into the sultan’s hands by the envoys of the duke of Milan. Philelphus himself was suspected of a design of retiring to Constantinople; yet the orator often sounded the trumpet of holy war, (see his Life by M. Lancelot, in the Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 718, 724, &c.)
菲莱尔福写了一首拉丁文颂诗,向君士坦丁堡的征服者恳请释放他岳母与几位姨妹,并如愿以偿。这首颂诗是由米兰公爵的使节转呈到苏丹手中的。菲莱尔福本人一度被疑有意迁居君士坦丁堡,然而这位辩士却又屡屡吹响圣战的号角(见朗斯洛先生为他所作的传记,载《铭文学院纪要》,tom. x. p. 718, 724, &c.)。
5
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Robert Valturio published at Verona, in 1483, his xii. books de Re Militari, in which he first mentions the use of bombs. By his patron Sigismund Malatesta, prince of Rimini, it had been addressed with a Latin epistle to Mahomet II.
罗伯特·瓦尔图里奥于1483年在维罗纳刊行了他那十二卷本的 de Re Militari(《论兵事》),书中首次提到炸弹的使用。此书曾由他的赞助人、里米尼君主西吉斯蒙多·马拉泰斯塔附上一封拉丁文书信,献给穆罕默德二世。
6
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According to Phranza, he assiduously studied the lives and actions of Alexander, Augustus, Constantine, and Theodosius. I have read somewhere, that Plutarch’s Lives were translated by his orders into the Turkish language. If the sultan himself understood Greek, it must have been for the benefit of his subjects. Yet these lives are a school of freedom as well as of valor. * Note: Von Hammer disdainfully rejects this fable of Mahomet’s knowledge of languages. Knolles adds, that he delighted in reading the history of Alexander the Great, and of Julius Cæsar. The former, no doubt, was the Persian legend, which, it is remarkable, came back to Europe, and was popular throughout the middle ages as the “Romaunt of Alexander.” The founder of the Imperial dynasty of Rome, according to M. Von Hammer, is altogether unknown in the East. Mahomet was a great patron of Turkish literature: the romantic poems of Persia were translated, or imitated, under his patronage. Von Hammer vol ii. p. 268.—M.
据斯弗朗齐斯所记,他曾孜孜研读亚历山大、奥古斯都、君士坦丁与狄奥多西的生平事迹。我在某处读到,普鲁塔克的《名人传》曾奉他之命译成土耳其语。假如苏丹本人通晓希腊语,那么此举想必是为了造福臣民。不过,这些传记既是一所讲授勇武的学堂,也是一所讲授自由的学堂。* 编者按:冯·哈默不屑地否定了穆罕默德通晓多种语言这一无稽之谈。诺尔斯又补充说,他酷爱阅读亚历山大大帝与尤利乌斯·恺撒的历史。前者无疑就是那部波斯传奇——值得一提的是,它后来又传回欧洲,并以《亚历山大传奇》之名流行于整个中世纪。至于罗马帝制的开创者,据冯·哈默说,在东方则全然无人知晓。穆罕默德是土耳其文学的一大赞助者:波斯的传奇诗篇,正是在他的庇护下被译介或仿作的。冯·哈默,第二卷,第268页。—M
7
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The famous Gentile Bellino, whom he had invited from Venice, was dismissed with a chain and collar of gold, and a purse of 3000 ducats. With Voltaire I laugh at the foolish story of a slave purposely beheaded to instruct the painter in the action of the muscles.
那位著名的真蒂莱·贝利尼是他从威尼斯延请来的,辞归时获赠一条金链、一副金项圈,外加一袋三千杜卡特。至于说有人特意斩杀一名奴隶,好让画家借此揣摩肌肉的动态——这等蠢话,我与伏尔泰一同付之一笑。
701
↩
This story, the subject of Johnson’s Irene, is rejected by M. Von Hammer, vol. ii. p. 208. The German historian’s general estimate of Mahomet’s character agrees in its more marked features with Gibbon’s.—M.
这则故事,正是约翰逊《伊蕾妮》一剧的题材,冯·哈默先生对其加以否定(vol. ii. p. 208)。这位德国史家对穆罕默德性格的总体评断,就其较为突出的几点而言,与吉本的看法相合。—M
8
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These Imperial drunkards were Soliman I., Selim II., and Amurath IV., (Cantemir, p. 61.) The sophis of Persia can produce a more regular succession; and in the last age, our European travellers were the witnesses and companions of their revels.
这几位嗜酒的帝王是苏莱曼一世、塞利姆二世与穆拉德四世(坎特米尔,p. 61)。波斯的萨非诸王倒能拿出一份更为齐整的酒徒谱系;而就在上一个时代,我们欧洲的旅行者还曾亲历并陪同过他们的酣饮。
9
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Calapin, one of these royal infants, was saved from his cruel brother, and baptized at Rome under the name of Callistus Othomannus. The emperor Frederic III. presented him with an estate in Austria, where he ended his life; and Cuspinian, who in his youth conversed with the aged prince at Vienna, applauds his piety and wisdom, (de Cæsaribus, p. 672, 673.)
卡拉平是这几个王室婴孩之一,被人从残忍的兄长手中救下,在罗马受洗,取名卡利斯图斯·奥托曼努斯。皇帝腓特烈三世赐给他一处奥地利的田产,他便在那里终老;库斯皮尼亚努斯年轻时曾在维也纳与这位年迈的王子交谈,盛赞他的虔诚与睿智(de Cæsaribus, p. 672, 673)。
901
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Ahmed, the son of a Greek princess, was the object of his especial jealousy. Von Hammer, p. 501.—M.
艾哈迈德是一位希腊公主所生之子,尤其为他所忌惮。冯·哈默,第501页。—M
902
↩
The Janizaries obtained, for the first time, a gift on the accession of a new sovereign, p. 504.—M.
耶尼切里破天荒头一回在新君即位之际得了赏赐。第504页。—M
10
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See the accession of Mahomet II. in Ducas, (c. 33,) Phranza, (l. i. c. 33, l. iii. c. 2,) Chalcondyles, (l. vii. p. 199,) and Cantemir, (p. 96.)
关于穆罕默德二世的即位,见杜卡斯(c. 33)、斯弗朗齐斯(l. i. c. 33, l. iii. c. 2)、哈尔科孔迪利斯(l. vii. p. 199)与坎特米尔(p. 96)。
11
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Before I enter on the siege of Constantinople, I shall observe, that except the short hints of Cantemir and Leunclavius, I have not been able to obtain any Turkish account of this conquest; such an account as we possess of the siege of Rhodes by Soliman II., (Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxvi. p. 723—769.) I must therefore depend on the Greeks, whose prejudices, in some degree, are subdued by their distress. Our standard texts ar those of Ducas, (c. 34—42,) Phranza, (l. iii. c. 7—20,) Chalcondyles, (l. viii. p. 201—214,) and Leonardus Chiensis, (Historia C. P. a Turco expugnatæ. Norimberghæ, 1544, in 4to., 20 leaves.) The last of these narratives is the earliest in date, since it was composed in the Isle of Chios, the 16th of August, 1453, only seventy-nine days after the loss of the city, and in the first confusion of ideas and passions. Some hints may be added from an epistle of Cardinal Isidore (in Farragine Rerum Turcicarum, ad calcem Chalcondyl. Clauseri, Basil, 1556) to Pope Nicholas V., and a tract of Theodosius Zygomala, which he addressed in the year 1581 to Martin Crucius, (Turco-Græcia, l. i. p. 74—98, Basil, 1584.) The various facts and materials are briefly, though critically, reviewed by Spondanus, (A.D. 1453, No. 1—27.) The hearsay relations of Monstrelet and the distant Latins I shall take leave to disregard. * Note: M. Von Hammer has added little new information on the siege of Constantinople, and, by his general agreement, has borne an honorable testimony to the truth, and by his close imitation to the graphic spirit and boldness, of Gibbon.—M.
在着手叙述君士坦丁堡之围以前,我要先说明:除坎特米尔与莱恩克拉维乌斯寥寥数语的提示外,我未能找到任何土耳其方面关于此番征服的记载——不像苏莱曼二世围攻罗得岛一役,我们尚有那样一份记述可凭(《铭文学院纪要》,tom. xxvi. p. 723—769)。因此我只能仰仗希腊人的记载,他们的偏见,多少已被自身的苦难所压服。我们所依据的标准文本,出自杜卡斯(c. 34—42)、斯弗朗齐斯(l. iii. c. 7—20)、哈尔科孔迪利斯(l. viii. p. 201—214)以及希俄斯的莱奥纳尔杜斯(Historia C. P. a Turco expugnatæ,纽伦堡,1544年,四开本,20叶)。这几种叙述中,以最后一种成书最早,因为它写于希俄斯岛,时在1453年8月16日,距失城仅七十九天,正当思绪与激情最为纷乱之际。另有一些线索,可取自枢机主教伊西多尔致教宗尼古拉五世的一封书信(载 Farragine Rerum Turcicarum,附于克劳泽尔编哈尔科孔迪利斯书末,巴塞尔,1556年),以及狄奥多西·齐戈马拉斯于1581年致马丁·克鲁修斯的一篇短论(Turco-Græcia, l. i. p. 74—98,巴塞尔,1584年)。各项史实与材料,斯蓬达努斯已作过简要而不失审辨的评述(A.D. 1453, No. 1—27)。至于蒙斯特雷莱与那些相隔遥远的拉丁作者道听途说之言,恕我不予理会。* 编者按:冯·哈默先生对君士坦丁堡之围并未添补多少新材料,然而他大体上的认同,为吉本记述的真实作了可敬的印证;他亦步亦趋的仿效,则印证了吉本笔法的生动与大胆。—M
12
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The situation of the fortress, and the topography of the Bosphorus, are best learned from Peter Gyllius, (de Bosphoro Thracio, l. ii. c. 13,) Leunclavius, (Pandect. p. 445,) and Tournefort, (Voyage dans le Levant, tom. ii. lettre xv. p. 443, 444;) but I must regret the map or plan which Tournefort sent to the French minister of the marine. The reader may turn back to chap. xvii. of this History.
关于这座要塞的位置以及博斯普鲁斯海峡的地形,最好参看彼得·吉利乌斯(de Bosphoro Thracio, l. ii. c. 13)、莱恩克拉维乌斯(Pandect. p. 445)与图尔内福尔(Voyage dans le Levant, tom. ii. lettre xv. p. 443, 444);只可惜图尔内福尔呈送给法国海军大臣的那幅地图或图纸,如今已不可得。读者可回头参看本书第十七章。
13
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The opprobrious name which the Turks bestow on the infidels, is expressed Kabour by Ducas, and Giaour by Leunclavius and the moderns. The former term is derived by Ducange (Gloss. Græc tom. i. p. 530) from Kabouron, in vulgar Greek, a tortoise, as denoting a retrograde motion from the faith. But alas! Gabour is no more than Gheber, which was transferred from the Persian to the Turkish language, from the worshippers of fire to those of the crucifix, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 375.)
土耳其人加诸异教徒的这个辱称,杜卡斯拼作 Kabour,莱恩克拉维乌斯及近人则拼作 Giaour。前一形式,杜康热(Gloss. Græc, tom. i. p. 530)认为源自俗希腊语中意为“乌龟”的 Kabouron,取其背离信仰、逆向而行之意。可叹的是!Gabour 其实无非就是 Gheber 一词,它由波斯语转入土耳其语,本指拜火之人,后来移用于礼拜十字架之人(埃尔布洛,Bibliot. Orient. p. 375)。
14
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Phranza does justice to his master’s sense and courage. Calliditatem hominis non ignorans Imperator prior arma movere constituit, and stigmatizes the folly of the cum sacri tum profani proceres, which he had heard, amentes spe vanâ pasci. Ducas was not a privy-counsellor.
斯弗朗齐斯对其主上的见识与勇气给予了公允的评价。Calliditatem hominis non ignorans Imperator prior arma movere constituit(皇帝深知此人狡诈,遂决意先发制人、率先动武),并痛斥“cum sacri tum profani proceres”(那些教俗两界的显贵)之愚——据他所闻,这些人正“amentes spe vanâ pasci”(痴愚地以虚妄的指望聊以自慰)。杜卡斯可算不上什么枢密顾问。
15
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Instead of this clear and consistent account, the Turkish Annals (Cantemir, p. 97) revived the foolish tale of the ox’s hide, and Dido’s stratagem in the foundation of Carthage. These annals (unless we are swayed by an anti-Christian prejudice) are far less valuable than the Greek historians.
土耳其编年史(坎特米尔,p. 97)非但没有这样一份清晰而前后一致的记载,反倒翻炒起那个关于牛皮的蠢故事,以及狄多当年建立迦太基时所耍的花招。这些编年史(除非我们被一种反基督教的偏见所左右)远不及希腊史家的著作有价值。
16
↩
In the dimensions of this fortress, the old castle of Europe, Phranza does not exactly agree with Chalcondyles, whose description has been verified on the spot by his editor Leunclavius.
关于这座要塞——即欧洲一侧的旧堡——的尺寸,斯弗朗齐斯与哈尔科孔迪利斯所记并不完全吻合;后者的描述,已由其编订者莱恩克拉维乌斯亲赴实地加以核验。
17
↩
Among these were some pages of Mahomet, so conscious of his inexorable rigor, that they begged to lose their heads in the city unless they could return before sunset.
这些人当中,有几名是穆罕默德的侍从,他们深知主上冷酷无情,竟恳求道:若不能在日落之前赶回,宁愿把脑袋留在城里。
171
↩
This was from a model cannon cast by Urban the Hungarian. See p. 291. Von Hammer. p. 510.—M.
这一炮出自匈牙利人乌尔班所铸的一门样炮。参看第291页。冯·哈默,第510页。—M
18
↩
Ducas, c. 35. Phranza, (l. iii. c. 3,) who had sailed in his vessel, commemorates the Venetian pilot as a martyr.
杜卡斯,c. 35。斯弗朗齐斯(l. iii. c. 3)曾搭乘那艘船,他把这位威尼斯领航员追念为一名殉道者。
19
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Auctum est Palæologorum genus, et Imperii successor, parvæque Romanorum scintillæ hæres natus, Andreas, &c., (Phranza, l. iii. c. 7.) The strong expression was inspired by his feelings.
Auctum est Palæologorum genus, et Imperii successor, parvæque Romanorum scintillæ hæres natus, Andreas, &c.(帕莱奥洛戈斯家族添了一员,帝国的继承人、罗马那一星微火的嗣子降生了,取名安德烈亚斯,云云。)(斯弗朗齐斯,l. iii. c. 7。)这般强烈的措辞,正是他内心情感的流露。
20
↩
Cantemir, p. 97, 98. The sultan was either doubtful of his conquest, or ignorant of the superior merits of Constantinople. A city or a kingdom may sometimes be ruined by the Imperial fortune of their sovereign.
坎特米尔,p. 97, 98。这位苏丹要么是对自己能否征服成功尚存疑虑,要么是不知君士坦丁堡远为优越。一座城池、一个王国,有时反会因其君主登上帝位、时来运转而遭殃。
21
↩
SuntrojoV, by the president Cousin, is translated père nourricier, most correctly indeed from the Latin version; but in his haste he has overlooked the note by which Ishmael Boillaud (ad Ducam, c. 35) acknowledges and rectifies his own error.
SuntrofoV(意为奶兄弟)一词,库赞院长译作 père nourricier(养父)——单就拉丁文本而言,这译法诚然最为准确;只是他一时匆忙,忽略了伊斯梅尔·布约(ad Ducam, c. 35)在一条注释中对自己此误的承认与订正。
22
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The Oriental custom of never appearing without gifts before a sovereign or a superior is of high antiquity, and seems analogous with the idea of sacrifice, still more ancient and universal. See the examples of such Persian gifts, Ælian, Hist. Var. l. i. c. 31, 32, 33.
东方有一种由来已久的习俗:谒见君主或尊长,从不空手而至,必携礼物。这似乎与献祭的观念相仿,而后者更为古老,也更为普遍。此类波斯馈赠的例子,见埃利安《Hist. Var.》,l. i. c. 31, 32, 33。
23
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The Lala of the Turks (Cantemir, p. 34) and the Tata of the Greeks (Ducas, c. 35) are derived from the natural language of children; and it may be observed, that all such primitive words which denote their parents, are the simple repetition of one syllable, composed of a labial or a dental consonant and an open vowel, (Des Brosses, Méchanisme des Langues, tom. i. p. 231—247.)
土耳其人的 Lala(坎特米尔,p. 34)与希腊人的 Tata(杜卡斯,c. 35),都源自孩童天然的呀呀之语;不妨留意,凡这类指称父母的原始词汇,无一不是把单个音节简单重叠而成,而该音节又总由一个唇音或齿音辅音加一个开口元音构成(德布罗斯,Méchanisme des Langues, tom. i. p. 231—247)。