Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part II. 第五十八章 第一次十字军东征——第二节
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Of the chiefs and soldiers who marched to the holy sepulchre, I will dare to affirm, that all were prompted by the spirit of enthusiasm; the belief of merit, the hope of reward, and the assurance of divine aid. But I am equally persuaded, that in many it was not the sole, that in some it was not the leading, principle of action. The use and abuse of religion are feeble to stem, they are strong and irresistible to impel, the stream of national manners. Against the private wars of the Barbarians, their bloody tournaments, licentious love, and judicial duels, the popes and synods might ineffectually thunder. It is a more easy task to provoke the metaphysical disputes of the Greeks, to drive into the cloister the victims of anarchy or despotism, to sanctify the patience of slaves and cowards, or to assume the merit of the humanity and benevolence of modern Christians. War and exercise were the reigning passions of the Franks or Latins; they were enjoined, as a penance, to gratify those passions, to visit distant lands, and to draw their swords against the nation of the East. Their victory, or even their attempt, would immortalize the names of the intrepid heroes of the cross; and the purest piety could not be insensible to the most splendid prospect of military glory. In the petty quarrels of Europe, they shed the blood of their friends and countrymen, for the acquisition perhaps of a castle or a village. They could march with alacrity against the distant and hostile nations who were devoted to their arms; their fancy already grasped the golden sceptres of Asia; and the conquest of Apulia and Sicily by the Normans might exalt to royalty the hopes of the most private adventurer. Christendom, in her rudest state, must have yielded to the climate and cultivation of the Mahometan countries; and their natural and artificial wealth had been magnified by the tales of pilgrims, and the gifts of an imperfect commerce. The vulgar, both the great and small, were taught to believe every wonder, of lands flowing with milk and honey, of mines and treasures, of gold and diamonds, of palaces of marble and jasper, and of odoriferous groves of cinnamon and frankincense. In this earthly paradise, each warrior depended on his sword to carve a plenteous and honorable establishment, which he measured only by the extent of his wishes. 30 Their vassals and soldiers trusted their fortunes to God and their master: the spoils of a Turkish emir might enrich the meanest follower of the camp; and the flavor of the wines, the beauty of the Grecian women, 31 were temptations more adapted to the nature, than to the profession, of the champions of the cross. The love of freedom was a powerful incitement to the multitudes who were oppressed by feudal or ecclesiastical tyranny. Under this holy sign, the peasants and burghers, who were attached to the servitude of the glebe, might escape from a haughty lord, and transplant themselves and their families to a land of liberty. The monk might release himself from the discipline of his convent: the debtor might suspend the accumulation of usury, and the pursuit of his creditors; and outlaws and malefactors of every cast might continue to brave the laws and elude the punishment of their crimes. 32
凡是向圣墓进军的首领与士卒,我敢断言,无不受一股狂热之情的驱策:他们相信此举有功德,盼望得酬报,又深信有神明相助。但我同样确信,对许多人而言,这并非唯一的行事动机;对有些人来说,它甚至算不上主要的动机。宗教无论善用还是滥用,若要遏止一个民族的风俗潮流,其力微弱;若要推波助澜,其势则强劲而不可阻挡。蛮族之间私斗不休,比武场上血流成河,情爱放纵无度,又以决斗断案;对这些恶习,教宗与宗教会议纵然厉声谴责,也是徒劳。相形之下,另有几桩事倒容易得多:挑起希腊人那些玄虚的神学争辩,把无政府之乱或专制之祸的受害者驱入修道院,为奴隶与懦夫的隐忍披上神圣的外衣,或是把近代基督徒的仁善之德据为信仰的功绩。法兰克人(即拉丁人)最热衷的,莫过于征战与习武;如今教会以苦修赎罪为名,正好准许他们纵情于此——远赴异域,拔剑直指东方诸族。无论最终得胜,还是仅仅一试,十字军中那些无畏的英雄都将因此名垂不朽;便是最纯洁的虔信之士,面对如此辉煌的军功前景,也难免为之心动。在欧洲那些鸡毛蒜皮的争斗中,他们为夺取区区一座城堡、一个村庄,便不惜让亲友与同胞血染刀下。而如今,讨伐远方那些敌对的、注定要葬送在他们刀下的异族,他们更是欣然踊跃;在遐想之中,亚洲的黄金权杖已然握于掌心;诺曼人征服阿普利亚与西西里的先例,更足以让最微末的冒险者也萌生黄袍加身的指望。基督教世界纵在其最粗陋的阶段,论气候之宜、耕作之精,也不得不逊于穆斯林诸国;后者天造与人为的种种财富,又经朝圣者口耳相传,加上那尚不发达的商贸零星带回的珍奇物产,被渲染得愈发夸张。无论贵贱,凡俗之辈都被教得对一切奇谈深信不疑:那里是流淌着奶与蜜的乐土,遍布矿藏珍宝,黄金与钻石俯拾即是,宫殿以大理石与碧玉砌成,还有肉桂与乳香的芬芳林木。在这人间乐园里,每个武士都指望凭手中的剑,为自己开辟一份丰饶而体面的基业,其大小全凭一己欲望而定,别无止境。30 至于附庸与士卒,则把身家命运托付给上帝和自家主公:某个土耳其埃米尔的战利品,足以让营中最卑微的随从骤然发财;而美酒的醇香、希腊女子的美貌,31 这类诱惑,与其说合乎十字军斗士的名分,不如说更投合他们的本性。对自由的向往,也强烈地鼓动着芸芸众生——那些饱受封建暴政或教会苛虐压迫的人。有了这神圣的十字标记,那些束缚于份地、形同农奴的农民与市民,便可借机逃离骄横的领主,携家带口迁往一片自由的土地。修士可借此摆脱修道院的清规;负债者可暂免利息的滚积,也可躲开债主的追讨;而形形色色的亡命之徒与作奸犯科者,则得以继续蔑视律法,逃脱其罪应受的惩罚。32
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These motives were potent and numerous: when we have singly computed their weight on the mind of each individual, we must add the infinite series, the multiplying powers, of example and fashion. The first proselytes became the warmest and most effectual missionaries of the cross: among their friends and countrymen they preached the duty, the merit, and the recompense, of their holy vow; and the most reluctant hearers were insensibly drawn within the whirlpool of persuasion and authority. The martial youths were fired by the reproach or suspicion of cowardice; the opportunity of visiting with an army the sepulchre of Christ was embraced by the old and infirm, by women and children, who consulted rather their zeal than their strength; and those who in the evening had derided the folly of their companions, were the most eager, the ensuing day, to tread in their footsteps. The ignorance, which magnified the hopes, diminished the perils, of the enterprise. Since the Turkish conquest, the paths of pilgrimage were obliterated; the chiefs themselves had an imperfect notion of the length of the way and the state of their enemies; and such was the stupidity of the people, that, at the sight of the first city or castle beyond the limits of their knowledge, they were ready to ask whether that was not the Jerusalem, the term and object of their labors. Yet the more prudent of the crusaders, who were not sure that they should be fed from heaven with a shower of quails or manna, provided themselves with those precious metals, which, in every country, are the representatives of every commodity. To defray, according to their rank, the expenses of the road, princes alienated their provinces, nobles their lands and castles, peasants their cattle and the instruments of husbandry. The value of property was depreciated by the eager competition of multitudes; while the price of arms and horses was raised to an exorbitant height by the wants and impatience of the buyers. 33 Those who remained at home, with sense and money, were enriched by the epidemical disease: the sovereigns acquired at a cheap rate the domains of their vassals; and the ecclesiastical purchasers completed the payment by the assurance of their prayers. The cross, which was commonly sewed on the garment, in cloth or silk, was inscribed by some zealots on their skin: a hot iron, or indelible liquor, was applied to perpetuate the mark; and a crafty monk, who showed the miraculous impression on his breast was repaid with the popular veneration and the richest benefices of Palestine. 34
这些动机既强烈又繁多;而当我们逐一衡量它们各自对个人心灵的分量之后,还须加上另一重力量——榜样与风气那无穷无尽、彼此叠加、层层放大的效应。最先皈依的人,转而成了十字军最热忱、最有力的鼓吹者:他们在亲友与同乡中间宣讲这神圣誓愿的义务、功德与回报;就连起初最不情愿的听众,也在不知不觉间被卷入了劝诱与权威交织的漩涡。尚武的青年,惟恐被人讥为懦夫、或疑其怯懦,于是热血沸腾;而随大军前往基督圣墓的机会,连老弱、妇孺也争相把握,他们凭的是一腔热忱,而非自身的体力;至于那些头天晚上还在嘲笑同伴愚蠢的人,第二天反倒成了最急切要追随其后的一群。众人的无知,既夸大了此番事业的指望,也缩小了它的凶险。自土耳其人征服此地以来,昔日的朝圣路径已湮没无存;便是首领们,对路途的远近、敌情的虚实,也所知有限;至于寻常百姓,其愚昧竟到了这般地步:一看见超出自己见识范围的头一座城池或堡垒,便要发问:这莫非就是耶路撒冷,就是他们千辛万苦要抵达的终点?不过,十字军中较为审慎的人,并不敢指望上天会降下鹌鹑或吗哪来喂饱他们,于是便备下了金银——这些贵金属在任何国度,都可用来换取一切货物。为按各自的身份筹措路途上的开销,君侯变卖封地,贵族典出田产与城堡,农夫则出让牲畜与农具。众人争相脱手,地产之值一落千丈;而兵器与马匹却因买家急需、迫不及待,价格被抬到了离谱的高位。33 那些既有见识又有钱财、留守家中的人,反倒借这场如瘟疫般蔓延的狂热大发其财:君主们廉价收进附庸的领地;而教会一方的买主,更是用祈祷的许诺充作尾款。十字标记通常用布料或丝绸缝在衣服上,可有些狂热之徒竟把它刺进自己皮肉:或用烙铁灼印,或涂以不褪色的药液,务使痕迹永存;曾有一个狡诈的修士,向众人展示胸前那道宛如神迹自现的印记,便换来了世人的顶礼膜拜和巴勒斯坦最丰厚的圣俸。34
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The fifteenth of August had been fixed in the council of Clermont for the departure of the pilgrims; but the day was anticipated by the thoughtless and needy crowd of plebeians, and I shall briefly despatch the calamities which they inflicted and suffered, before I enter on the more serious and successful enterprise of the chiefs. Early in the spring, from the confines of France and Lorraine, above sixty thousand of the populace of both sexes flocked round the first missionary of the crusade, and pressed him with clamorous importunity to lead them to the holy sepulchre. The hermit, assuming the character, without the talents or authority, of a general, impelled or obeyed the forward impulse of his votaries along the banks of the Rhine and Danube. Their wants and numbers soon compelled them to separate, and his lieutenant, Walter the Penniless, a valiant though needy soldier, conducted a van guard of pilgrims, whose condition may be determined from the proportion of eight horsemen to fifteen thousand foot. The example and footsteps of Peter were closely pursued by another fanatic, the monk Godescal, whose sermons had swept away fifteen or twenty thousand peasants from the villages of Germany. Their rear was again pressed by a herd of two hundred thousand, the most stupid and savage refuse of the people, who mingled with their devotion a brutal license of rapine, prostitution, and drunkenness. Some counts and gentlemen, at the head of three thousand horse, attended the motions of the multitude to partake in the spoil; but their genuine leaders (may we credit such folly?) were a goose and a goat, who were carried in the front, and to whom these worthy Christians ascribed an infusion of the divine spirit. 35 Of these, and of other bands of enthusiasts, the first and most easy warfare was against the Jews, the murderers of the Son of God. In the trading cities of the Moselle and the Rhine, their colonies were numerous and rich; and they enjoyed, under the protection of the emperor and the bishops, the free exercise of their religion. 36 At Verdun, Treves, Mentz, Spires, Worms, many thousands of that unhappy people were pillaged and massacred: 37 nor had they felt a more bloody stroke since the persecution of Hadrian. A remnant was saved by the firmness of their bishops, who accepted a feigned and transient conversion; but the more obstinate Jews opposed their fanaticism to the fanaticism of the Christians, barricadoed their houses, and precipitating themselves, their families, and their wealth, into the rivers or the flames, disappointed the malice, or at least the avarice, of their implacable foes.
克莱蒙会议原将朝圣者启程之日定于八月十五;然而那群轻率而贫困的平民却等不及此期,提前上路。在叙述诸首领那更为庄重、也更为成功的壮举之前,我且先把这些人所造成、又所遭受的种种灾祸,简略交代一番。早春时节,来自法国与洛林边境一带、男女合计六万余的民众,蜂拥到这位十字军首倡者的身边,吵嚷不休、苦苦相逼,要他率众前往圣墓。这位隐士摆出了一副将军的架势,却既无将才、也无威权;他就这样带着信徒们,沿莱茵河与多瑙河一路进发——说是他在驱策众人,倒不如说是随着众人一往无前的冲劲而行。由于给养匮乏、人数众多,队伍不久便不得不分散而行。他的副手穷汉沃尔特——一名骁勇却一贫如洗的军人——率领一支朝圣者的前锋;这支队伍中骑兵与步兵之比,是八名骑手对一万五千名步卒,其窘迫之状由此可想而知。紧随彼得的榜样与足迹的,是另一个狂热之徒——修士戈德斯卡尔;他的布道从日耳曼各村庄卷走了一万五千到两万名农民。走在最后的,又是黑压压一群二十万之众——都是百姓中最愚昧、最野蛮的渣滓;他们一面装出虔诚,一面又肆无忌惮地劫掠、淫乱、酗酒,无所不为。有几位伯爵与骑士,率三千骑兵尾随这支乌合之众而行,意在从中分一杯羹;然而这群人真正的首领(这等蠢事,岂能教人相信?),竟是一只鹅和一只山羊——它们被高高抬在队伍最前列,而这些虔诚的基督徒竟一口咬定,神灵已附于其身。35 无论是这一伙,还是其他成群的狂热信徒,他们头一桩、也是最不费力的一桩征伐,矛头都指向犹太人——在他们看来,正是犹太人害死了上帝之子。在摩泽尔河与莱茵河沿岸的商贸城市里,犹太人的聚居区既多且富;在皇帝与主教的庇护之下,他们得以自由地奉行自己的宗教。36 在凡尔登、特里尔、美因茨、施派尔、沃尔姆斯,这不幸民族中成千上万人惨遭劫掠与屠戮;37 自哈德良迫害以来,他们再未受过如此血腥的一击。有一小部分人靠主教的坚定回护得以幸免——主教们接受了他们佯装的、只求一时的皈依;但更为倔强的犹太人,则以自身的狂热对抗基督徒的狂热:他们堵死门户,将自己、家人连同财物一齐投入河流或烈火,宁死也不肯让那些不共戴天的仇敌称心——纵不能挫其歹意,至少也叫他们的贪欲落了空。
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Between the frontiers of Austria and the seat of the Byzantine monarchy, the crusaders were compelled to traverse as interval of six hundred miles; the wild and desolate countries of Hungary 38 and Bulgaria. The soil is fruitful, and intersected with rivers; but it was then covered with morasses and forests, which spread to a boundless extent, whenever man has ceased to exercise his dominion over the earth. Both nations had imbibed the rudiments of Christianity; the Hungarians were ruled by their native princes; the Bulgarians by a lieutenant of the Greek emperor; but, on the slightest provocation, their ferocious nature was rekindled, and ample provocation was afforded by the disorders of the first pilgrims Agriculture must have been unskilful and languid among a people, whose cities were built of reeds and timber, which were deserted in the summer season for the tents of hunters and shepherds. A scanty supply of provisions was rudely demanded, forcibly seized, and greedily consumed; and on the first quarrel, the crusaders gave a loose to indignation and revenge. But their ignorance of the country, of war, and of discipline, exposed them to every snare. The Greek praefect of Bulgaria commanded a regular force; 381 at the trumpet of the Hungarian king, the eighth or the tenth of his martial subjects bent their bows and mounted on horseback; their policy was insidious, and their retaliation on these pious robbers was unrelenting and bloody. 39 About a third of the naked fugitives (and the hermit Peter was of the number) escaped to the Thracian mountains; and the emperor, who respected the pilgrimage and succor of the Latins, conducted them by secure and easy journeys to Constantinople, and advised them to await the arrival of their brethren. For a while they remembered their faults and losses; but no sooner were they revived by the hospitable entertainment, than their venom was again inflamed; they stung their benefactor, and neither gardens, nor palaces, nor churches, were safe from their depredations. For his own safety, Alexius allured them to pass over to the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus; but their blind impetuosity soon urged them to desert the station which he had assigned, and to rush headlong against the Turks, who occupied the road to Jerusalem. The hermit, conscious of his shame, had withdrawn from the camp to Constantinople; and his lieutenant, Walter the Penniless, who was worthy of a better command, attempted without success to introduce some order and prudence among the herd of savages. They separated in quest of prey, and themselves fell an easy prey to the arts of the sultan. By a rumor that their foremost companions were rioting in the spoils of his capital, Soliman 391 tempted the main body to descend into the plain of Nice: they were overwhelmed by the Turkish arrows; and a pyramid of bones 40 informed their companions of the place of their defeat. Of the first crusaders, three hundred thousand had already perished, before a single city was rescued from the infidels, before their graver and more noble brethren had completed the preparations of their enterprise. 41
从奥地利边境到拜占庭王朝的都城之间,十字军不得不跋涉六百英里的路程,穿越匈牙利38与保加利亚那荒凉而人烟稀少的旷野。那里土地肥沃,河流纵横;然而当时却尽是沼泽与森林——凡人力不再统御大地之处,这类荒莽便一望无际地蔓延开去。这两个民族都已略习基督教的皮毛;匈牙利人由本族的君主统治,保加利亚人则受希腊皇帝一名代理官的管辖;但只要稍受挑衅,他们凶悍的本性便重新燃起,而头一批朝圣者的种种乱行,恰恰提供了充足的挑衅。这些民族的城镇不过用芦苇与木料搭成,一到夏天便弃之不顾,举族迁入猎人与牧人的帐篷;可想而知,他们的农耕何等粗陋而萎靡。本就稀少的粮食,被十字军蛮横索取、强行夺占、又贪婪吞尽;稍一争执,他们便肆意发泄愤怒,逞其报复。但他们既不识地理,又不谙战事,更无纪律可言,于是处处落入圈套。保加利亚的希腊长官统辖着一支正规军;381 而匈牙利国王号角一响,其尚武的臣民便有八分之一乃至十分之一张弓上马;两国的谋略都阴狠难测,对这群虔诚的强盗施以报复时,更是毫不留情、血流成河。39 约有三分之一衣不蔽体的溃逃者(隐士彼得也在其中)逃入色雷斯的山地;皇帝素来敬重拉丁人的朝圣之举、也乐于援手,便安排他们经由安稳平易的路程抵达君士坦丁堡,并劝他们在此等候后续弟兄的到来。有那么一阵子,他们还记着自己的过错与损失;可一经殷勤款待而缓过气来,那股毒性便又发作了:他们反咬恩人一口,无论园林、宫殿还是教堂,都难逃他们的劫掠。为自身安全计,阿历克塞设法诱使他们渡过博斯普鲁斯海峡、转往亚洲一侧;但这群人盲目躁进,不久便擅离皇帝指定的驻地,一头扎向扼守着通往耶路撒冷之路的土耳其人。那位隐士自觉蒙羞,早已离营返回君士坦丁堡;他的副手穷汉沃尔特——本可担当更好的统率之职——虽力图在这群野蛮之众中立起些许秩序与谨慎,却终归徒劳。他们四散开去,一心猎取财物,结果自己反倒轻易落入苏丹的算计,成了猎物。苏莱曼391放出风声,谎称他们的先头同伴正在他的都城里恣意瓜分战利品,以此诱使大队人马开入尼西亚平原:他们旋即淹没在土耳其人的箭雨之下;一座尸骨堆成的金字塔,40日后向他们的同伴昭示了这场惨败的所在。就这样,头一批十字军中已有三十万人丧命——彼时还未从异教徒手中夺回哪怕一座城池,那些更持重、更高贵的弟兄也尚未把出征的准备办齐。41
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“To save time and space, I shall represent, in a short table, the particular references to the great events of the first crusade.”
“为节省时间与篇幅,我将以一张简表,列出第一次十字军东征各重大事件的具体出处。”
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None of the great sovereigns of Europe embarked their persons in the first crusade. The emperor Henry the Fourth was not disposed to obey the summons of the pope: Philip the First of France was occupied by his pleasures; William Rufus of England by a recent conquest; the kin`gs of Spain were engaged in a domestic war against the Moors; and the northern monarchs of Scotland, Denmark, 42 Sweden, and Poland, were yet strangers to the passions and interests of the South. The religious ardor was more strongly felt by the princes of the second order, who held an important place in the feudal system. Their situation will naturally cast under four distinct heads the review of their names and characters; but I may escape some needless repetition, by observing at once, that courage and the exercise of arms are the common attribute of these Christian adventurers. I. The first rank both in war and council is justly due to Godfrey of Bouillon; and happy would it have been for the crusaders, if they had trusted themselves to the sole conduct of that accomplished hero, a worthy representative of Charlemagne, from whom he was descended in the female line. His father was of the noble race of the counts of Boulogne: Brabant, the lower province of Lorraine, 43 was the inheritance of his mother; and by the emperor’s bounty he was himself invested with that ducal title, which has been improperly transferred to his lordship of Bouillon in the Ardennes. 44 In the service of Henry the Fourth, he bore the great standard of the empire, and pierced with his lance the breast of Rodolph, the rebel king: Godfrey was the first who ascended the walls of Rome; and his sickness, his vow, perhaps his remorse for bearing arms against the pope, confirmed an early resolution of visiting the holy sepulchre, not as a pilgrim, but a deliverer. His valor was matured by prudence and moderation; his piety, though blind, was sincere; and, in the tumult of a camp, he practised the real and fictitious virtues of a convent. Superior to the private factions of the chiefs, he reserved his enmity for the enemies of Christ; and though he gained a kingdom by the attempt, his pure and disinterested zeal was acknowledged by his rivals. Godfrey of Bouillon 45 was accompanied by his two brothers, by Eustace the elder, who had succeeded to the county of Boulogne, and by the younger, Baldwin, a character of more ambiguous virtue. The duke of Lorraine, was alike celebrated on either side of the Rhine: from his birth and education, he was equally conversant with the French and Teutonic languages: the barons of France, Germany, and Lorraine, assembled their vassals; and the confederate force that marched under his banner was composed of fourscore thousand foot and about ten thousand horse. II. In the parliament that was held at Paris, in the king’s presence, about two months after the council of Clermont, Hugh, count of Vermandois, was the most conspicuous of the princes who assumed the cross. But the appellation of the Great was applied, not so much to his merit or possessions, (though neither were contemptible,) as to the royal birth of the brother of the king of France. 46 Robert, duke of Normandy, was the eldest son of William the Conqueror; but on his father’s death he was deprived of the kingdom of England, by his own indolence and the activity of his brother Rufus. The worth of Robert was degraded by an excessive levity and easiness of temper: his cheerfulness seduced him to the indulgence of pleasure; his profuse liberality impoverished the prince and people; his indiscriminate clemency multiplied the number of offenders; and the amiable qualities of a private man became the essential defects of a sovereign. For the trifling sum of ten thousand marks, he mortgaged Normandy during his absence to the English usurper; 47 but his engagement and behavior in the holy war announced in Robert a reformation of manners, and restored him in some degree to the public esteem. Another Robert was count of Flanders, a royal province, which, in this century, gave three queens to the thrones of France, England, and Denmark: he was surnamed the Sword and Lance of the Christians; but in the exploits of a soldier he sometimes forgot the duties of a general. Stephen, count of Chartres, of Blois, and of Troyes, was one of the richest princes of the age; and the number of his castles has been compared to the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year. His mind was improved by literature; and, in the council of the chiefs, the eloquent Stephen 48 was chosen to discharge the office of their president. These four were the principal leaders of the French, the Normans, and the pilgrims of the British isles: but the list of the barons who were possessed of three or four towns would exceed, says a contemporary, the catalogue of the Trojan war. 49 III. In the south of France, the command was assumed by Adhemar bishop of Puy, the pope egate, and by Raymond count of St. Giles and Thoulouse who added the prouder titles of duke of Narbonne and marquis of Provence. The former was a respectable prelate, alike qualified for this world and the next. The latter was a veteran warrior, who had fought against the Saracens of Spain, and who consecrated his declining age, not only to the deliverance, but to the perpetual service, of the holy sepulchre. His experience and riches gave him a strong ascendant in the Christian camp, whose distress he was often able, and sometimes willing, to relieve. But it was easier for him to extort the praise of the Infidels, than to preserve the love of his subjects and associates. His eminent qualities were clouded by a temper haughty, envious, and obstinate; and, though he resigned an ample patrimony for the cause of God, his piety, in the public opinion, was not exempt from avarice and ambition. 50 A mercantile, rather than a martial, spirit prevailed among his provincials, 51 a common name, which included the natives of Auvergne and Languedoc, 52 the vassals of the kingdom of Burgundy or Arles. From the adjacent frontier of Spain he drew a band of hardy adventurers; as he marched through Lombardy, a crowd of Italians flocked to his standard, and his united force consisted of one hundred thousand horse and foot. If Raymond was the first to enlist and the last to depart, the delay may be excused by the greatness of his preparation and the promise of an everlasting farewell. IV. The name of Bohemond, the son of Robert Guiscard, was already famous by his double victory over the Greek emperor; but his father’s will had reduced him to the principality of Tarentum, and the remembrance of his Eastern trophies, till he was awakened by the rumor and passage of the French pilgrims. It is in the person of this Norman chief that we may seek for the coolest policy and ambition, with a small allay of religious fanaticism. His conduct may justify a belief that he had secretly directed the design of the pope, which he affected to second with astonishment and zeal: at the siege of Amalphi, his example and discourse inflamed the passions of a confederate army; he instantly tore his garment to supply crosses for the numerous candidates, and prepared to visit Constantinople and Asia at the head of ten thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. Several princes of the Norman race accompanied this veteran general; and his cousin Tancred 53 was the partner, rather than the servant, of the war.
欧洲那些强大的君主,没有一位亲身投入第一次十字军东征。皇帝亨利四世无意听从教宗的号召;法国的腓力一世正沉溺于声色之乐;英格兰的威廉·鲁弗斯则因新近征服之事缠身;西班牙诸王正陷于同摩尔人的内战;至于北方的君主——苏格兰、丹麦、42瑞典、波兰的诸王——对南方的这股热忱与利害,尚一无所知、漠不相关。这股宗教热忱,在次一等的诸侯中间反倒感受得更为强烈;这些人在封建体系里占据着举足轻重的地位。依他们各自的处境,我可将其姓名与品性的评述自然分作四类;不过,为免不必要的重复,我不妨先行指出一点:勇武与骁于用兵,乃是这批基督徒冒险家共有的秉性。一、无论论战阵还是论谋议,头一把交椅都理应属于布永的戈弗雷;倘若十字军当初肯把自己全然交托给这位完人英雄独自统率,那将是他们的莫大幸事。他堪称查理曼当之无愧的后裔——从母系一脉承传而下。他的父亲出自布洛涅伯爵的高贵门第;而洛林下游的那片行省——布拉班特,43则是他母亲的遗产;他本人也蒙皇帝恩赏,得授公爵尊号,然而世人却张冠李戴,把这一头衔移加到了他在阿登的布永封地之上。44 他曾效力于亨利四世,执掌帝国的大纛,并以长矛刺穿了叛王鲁道夫的胸膛;攻打罗马时,戈弗雷又是头一个登上城墙的人。后来他患了一场大病,加之立下的誓愿,或许还有因曾兵戎相向、对抗教宗而生的悔意,这一切都坚定了他早已萌生的决心:前往圣墓——不是以朝圣者的身份,而是作为一名解救者。他的勇武因审慎与节制而愈臻成熟;他的虔敬虽属盲信,却出自真心;即便身处喧嚣的军营,他也一如修道院中人,践行着那些或真实、或虚饰的德行。他超然于诸首领的私党之争,把仇恨只留给基督的敌人;虽说他借此番出征挣得了一顶王冠,其纯粹而无私的热忱,连对手也不得不承认。随布永的戈弗雷45同行的,还有他的两个兄弟:长兄尤斯塔斯,已袭得布洛涅伯爵之位;幼弟鲍德温,则德行较为暧昧难辨。这位洛林公爵在莱茵河两岸同样声名远扬;论出身与教养,他对法语与日耳曼语都一样精通。法国、日耳曼与洛林的众男爵各自召集附庸,齐聚其麾下;在他旗下进发的这支联军,共有步兵八万、骑兵约一万。二、克莱蒙会议约两个月后,一场大会在巴黎当着国王的面召开;在领受十字、投身圣战的诸侯当中,韦尔芒杜瓦伯爵于格最为引人注目。不过,“伟大”这一称号加诸其身,与其说是因其功业或封产(这两样倒也并非无足轻重),不如说是因为他乃法国国王之弟、身具王室血统。46 诺曼底公爵罗伯特,是征服者威廉的长子;但父亲一死,他便因自身的怠惰、加上其弟鲁弗斯的精明能干,失掉了英格兰的王位。罗伯特本有可取之处,却为过分的轻浮与和软的性子所累:生性乐天,便沉溺于享乐;挥霍无度,弄得君穷民困;一味宽纵、不问是非,反倒使犯法之徒愈来愈多。凡此种种,作为一个平常人本是可亲的品性,一旦身为君主,便成了要命的缺陷。他为区区一万马克,便在自己远行期间把诺曼底抵押给了那位篡据英格兰王位的兄弟;47然而他在这场圣战中的献身与作为,却显出罗伯特品行有所改过,多少挽回了几分众人的敬重。另一位罗伯特是佛兰德伯爵;佛兰德乃一处王侯之地,在本世纪先后为法国、英格兰与丹麦的王座送去了三位王后。此人得了个“基督徒之剑与矛”的绰号;然而他一逞士卒之勇,有时便忘了身为主将应尽的职责。斯蒂芬身兼沙特尔、布卢瓦与特鲁瓦三地伯爵,是当时最富有的诸侯之一;据说他名下的城堡之多,可比作一年三百六十五天。他因研习文墨而识见不凡;在诸首领的议事会上,能言善辩的斯蒂芬48被推举出任议长之职。这四人便是法国人、诺曼人以及不列颠诸岛朝圣者的主要首领;然而据一位同时代人所言,若把那些手握三四座城镇的男爵一一列出,其名单之长,还要超过特洛伊战争的将士名录。49 三、在法国南部,统率之权落在勒皮主教阿德马尔——即教宗特使——以及圣吉尔与图卢兹伯爵雷蒙德的手中;雷蒙德还兼有更为显赫的头衔:纳博讷公爵与普罗旺斯侯爵。前者是一位德高望重的高级教士,无论应对今世还是来世,都同样称职。后者则是一员久经沙场的老将,曾与西班牙的萨拉森人交锋;如今他把桑榆暮年奉献出来,不单是为解救圣墓,更是为永远侍奉圣墓。凭着阅历与财富,他在基督徒的营垒中拥有极大的影响力;每逢军中告急,他往往有力纾困,也偶尔肯于纾困。但要博得异教徒的称誉,于他倒还容易些;要保住麾下属众与同僚的爱戴,反而更难。他种种过人的品质,却被一副高傲、善妒而固执的脾性遮去了光彩;纵然他为了上帝的事业舍弃了丰厚的祖产,在世人眼中,他那份虔诚仍难脱贪婪与野心的干系。50 在他麾下的“外省人”中间,弥漫的是一种重商而非尚武的风气;51“外省人”是个笼统的称呼,涵盖了奥弗涅与朗格多克52的土著,也就是勃艮第(又称阿尔勒)王国的附庸。他从毗邻的西班牙边境招来一伙剽悍的冒险者;行经伦巴第时,又有大批意大利人云集于他的旗下;这样合起来,他的兵力共达步骑十万。雷蒙德虽最先应征,却最晚启程;这一迟延或可谅解,因为他准备之浩大非同一般,且此行是许下了永别故土的誓言。四、博希蒙德是罗伯特·吉斯卡尔之子,早已凭两度击败希腊皇帝而声名鹊起;然而依父亲的遗嘱,他所得的不过是塔兰图姆一处公国,外加对昔日东征战功的追忆——直到法国朝圣者的传闻与过境,才把他重新唤醒。正是在这位诺曼首领身上,我们可以寻见最冷静的权谋与野心,其中只掺杂着一星半点的宗教狂热。观其举止,人们有理由相信:教宗的这番谋划,背后原是他暗中操纵,而他却装出一副又惊又热、随声附和的模样。在围攻阿马尔菲时,他以身作则、又以言辞相激,点燃了一支联军的热情;他当即撕下自己的衣袍,为踊跃报名的众人赶制十字标记,并准备亲率骑兵一万、步兵两万,进发君士坦丁堡与亚洲。好几位诺曼血统的贵胄随这位宿将同行;而他的表弟坦克雷德53与其说是他征战中的部属,不如说是他的伙伴。
¶
In the accomplished character of Tancred we discover all the virtues of a perfect knight, 54 the true spirit of chivalry, which inspired the generous sentiments and social offices of man far better than the base philosophy, or the baser religion, of the times.
在坦克雷德那尽善尽美的品格中,我们可以见到一位完美骑士所应有的一切德行,54那是骑士精神的真髓;这种精神所激发的慷慨情怀与待人接物之道,远比当时那卑下的哲学、乃至更为卑下的宗教要高尚得多。
Notes 注释
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The same hopes were displayed in the letters of the adventurers ad animandos qui in Francia residerant. Hugh de Reiteste could boast, that his share amounted to one abbey and ten castles, of the yearly value of 1500 marks, and that he should acquire a hundred castles by the conquest of Aleppo, (Guibert, p. 554, 555.)
这些冒险者的信中也流露出同样的指望,写信正是为了 ad animandos qui in Francia residerant——激励那些留在法国的人。于格·德·雷特斯特(Hugh de Reiteste)便夸口道:他分得的家业已有一座修道院和十座城堡,年值一千五百马克;而只要攻下阿勒颇,他还能再得一百座城堡。(吉贝尔,p. 554, 555。)
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In his genuine or fictitious letter to the count of Flanders, Alexius mingles with the danger of the church, and the relics of saints, the auri et argenti amor, and pulcherrimarum foeminarum voluptas, (p. 476;) as if, says the indignant Guibert, the Greek women were handsomer than those of France.
阿历克塞给佛兰德伯爵的那封信——无论真伪——一面陈说教会的危难与圣徒的遗骨,一面又掺进了 auri et argenti amor(对金银的贪爱)与 pulcherrimarum foeminarum voluptas(对绝色女子的欢愉);(p. 476;)气愤的吉贝尔说,倒仿佛希腊女子比法国女子更为标致似的。
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See the privileges of the Crucesignati, freedom from debt, usury injury, secular justice, &c. The pope was their perpetual guardian (Ducange, tom. ii. p. 651, 652.)
关于 Crucesignati(领受十字者,即十字军战士)所享的种种特权——免于债务、免于高利贷之害、免受世俗司法管辖等等,可参看相关记载;教宗则是他们永久的护佑者。(杜康热,tom. ii. p. 651, 652。)
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Guibert (p. 481) paints in lively colors this general emotion. He was one of the few contemporaries who had genius enough to feel the astonishing scenes that were passing before their eyes. Erat itaque videre miraculum, caro omnes emere, atque vili vendere, &c.
吉贝尔(p. 481)用生动的笔触描摹了这股普遍的激情。在为数不多的同时代人当中,他是少有的几个才具足够、能真切体会眼前那惊人景象的人。Erat itaque videre miraculum, caro omnes emere, atque vili vendere, &c.(真是一桩奇观:人人都高价买进、贱价卖出,云云。)
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Some instances of these stigmata are given in the Esprit des Croisades, (tom. iii. p. 169 &c.,) from authors whom I have not seen
关于这类烙印的若干实例,见《十字军之精神》(Esprit des Croisades,tom. iii. p. 169 &c.);作者所据的那些出处,我本人则不曾亲见。
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Fuit et aliud scelus detestabile in hac congregatione pedestris populi stulti et vesanae levitatis, anserem quendam divino spiritu asserebant afflatum, et capellam non minus eodem repletam, et has sibi duces secundae viae fecerant, &c., (Albert. Aquensis, l. i. c. 31, p. 196.) Had these peasants founded an empire, they might have introduced, as in Egypt, the worship of animals, which their philosophic descend ants would have glossed over with some specious and subtile allegory. * Note: A singular “allegoric” explanation of this strange fact has recently been broached: it is connected with the charge of idolatry and Eastern heretical opinions subsequently made against the Templars. “We have no doubt that they were Manichee or Gnostic standards.” (The author says the animals themselves were carried before the army.—M.) “The goose, in Egyptian symbols, as every Egyptian scholar knows, meant ‘divine Son,’ or ‘Son of God.’ The goat meant Typhon, or Devil. Thus we have the Manichee opposing principles of good and evil, as standards, at the head of the ignorant mob of crusading invaders. Can any one doubt that a large portion of this host must have been infected with the Manichee or Gnostic idolatry?” Account of the Temple Church by R. W. Billings, p. 5 London. 1838. This is, at all events, a curious coincidence, especially considered in connection with the extensive dissemination of the Paulician opinions among the common people of Europe. At any rate, in so inexplicable a matter, we are inclined to catch at any explanation, however wild or subtile.—M.
Fuit et aliud scelus detestabile in hac congregatione pedestris populi stulti et vesanae levitatis, anserem quendam divino spiritu asserebant afflatum, et capellam non minus eodem repletam, et has sibi duces secundae viae fecerant, &c.,(大意为:这群愚蠢而狂悖轻率的步行之众,还犯下另一桩可憎的罪行——他们宣称有一只鹅受了神灵感应,又有一只母山羊同样满被神灵充盈,于是奉这两只牲畜为自己第二程路上的向导,云云。)(Albert. Aquensis, l. i. c. 31, p. 196。)假如这些农夫当真建起了一个帝国,他们没准也会像埃及人那样,引入对动物的崇拜;日后他们那些好谈玄理的子孙,再用一套似是而非、玄妙精巧的寓意去为之文饰。* 编者按:近来有人提出一种奇特的“寓意”解释来说明这桩怪事,并把它同后来加于圣殿骑士团头上的偶像崇拜与东方异端之罪牵连起来。“我们毫不怀疑,这些正是摩尼教或诺斯替派的旗号。”(该作者说,被抬在军前的就是这两只牲畜本身。—M)“凡治埃及学的人都知道,鹅在埃及的象征中意为‘神子’,即‘上帝之子’;山羊则意指提丰,也就是魔鬼。如此,我们便看到摩尼教善恶对立的两种本原,化作旗号,被高擎在这群愚昧的十字军入侵暴民之前。谁又能怀疑,这支队伍中必有一大部分人早已沾染了摩尼教或诺斯替派的偶像崇拜呢?”见 R. W. 比林斯《圣殿教堂考》(Account of the Temple Church by R. W. Billings),p. 5,伦敦,1838年。无论如何,这总归是一桩耐人寻味的巧合,尤其若联系到保罗派的见解曾在欧洲平民中间广为流播这一点来看。总之,面对这样一件难以索解的事,无论解释多么荒诞或玄奥,我们都不免想要抓住不放。—M
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Benjamin of Tudela describes the state of his Jewish brethren from Cologne along the Rhine: they were rich, generous, learned, hospitable, and lived in the eager hope of the Messiah, (Voyage, tom. i. p. 243-245, par Baratier.) In seventy years (he wrote about A.D. 1170) they had recovered from these massacres.
图德拉的本雅明记述了他那些犹太同胞从科隆沿莱茵河一带的境况:他们富足、慷慨、博学、好客,满怀热望地企盼着弥赛亚的降临。(Voyage, tom. i. p. 243-245, par Baratier。)在此后七十年间(他约于公元1170年写作),他们已从这些屠杀的创伤中恢复过来。
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These massacres and depredations on the Jews, which were renewed at each crusade, are coolly related. It is true, that St. Bernard (epist. 363, tom. i. p. 329) admonishes the Oriental Franks, non sunt persequendi Judaei, non sunt trucidandi. The contrary doctrine had been preached by a rival monk. * Note: This is an unjust sarcasm against St. Bernard. He stood above all rivalry of this kind See note 31, c. l x.—M
对犹太人的这些屠杀与劫掠,每逢十字军东征便重演一次,而史家却叙述得漠然冷淡。诚然,圣伯纳德(epist. 363, tom. i. p. 329)曾告诫东方的法兰克人:non sunt persequendi Judaei, non sunt trucidandi(不可迫害犹太人,不可屠戮犹太人)。而与之相反的教义,却出自另一个与他相争的修士之口。* 编者按:这是对圣伯纳德不公正的讥讽。他远在这类争胜之上。参见第六十章注31。—M
38
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See the contemporary description of Hungary in Otho of Frisin gen, l. ii. c. 31, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. vi. p. 665 666.
关于匈牙利当时情形的记载,见弗赖辛的奥托(Otho of Frisingen, l. ii. c. 31),收于穆拉托里《意大利史料汇编》(Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. vi. p. 665, 666)。
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The narrative of the first march is very incorrect. The first party moved under Walter de Pexego and Walter the Penniless: they passed safe through Hungary, the kingdom of Kalmeny, and were attacked in Bulgaria. Peter followed with 40,000 men; passed through Hungary; but seeing the clothes of sixteen crusaders, who had been empaled on the walls of Semlin. he attacked and stormed the city. He then marched to Nissa, where, at first, he was hospitably received: but an accidental quar rel taking place, he suffered a great defeat. Wilken, vol. i. p. 84-86—M.
关于第一次进军的叙述很不准确。头一队由沃尔特·德·佩克塞戈(Walter de Pexego)与穷汉沃尔特率领:他们平安穿过匈牙利,即卡尔梅尼的王国,却在保加利亚遭到袭击。彼得率四万人随后而来,也穿过了匈牙利;但他见到十六名十字军战士的衣物悬于泽姆林城墙之上——这些人已被刺穿钉死示众——便挥兵攻打、强取了该城。随后他进军尼萨,起初受到殷勤款待;不料偶起争端,他竟遭惨败。维尔肯,vol. i. p. 84-86。—M
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The old Hungarians, without excepting Turotzius, are ill informed of the first crusade, which they involve in a single passage. Katona, like ourselves, can only quote the writers of France; but he compares with local science the ancient and modern geography. Ante portam Cyperon, is Sopron or Poson; Mallevilla, Zemlin; Fluvius Maroe, Savus; Lintax, Leith; Mesebroch, or Merseburg, Ouar, or Moson; Tollenburg, Pragg, (de Regibus Hungariae, tom. iii. p. 19-53.)
古代的匈牙利史家——图罗齐乌斯也不例外——对第一次十字军东征所知甚少,仅以寥寥一段带过。卡托纳同我们一样,也只能援引法国的史家;不过他凭着对当地的精熟,把古今地理一一对勘:Ante portam Cyperon 即今之 Sopron 或 Poson;Mallevilla 即 Zemlin(泽姆林);Fluvius Maroe 即 Savus(萨瓦河);Lintax 即 Leith(莱塔河);Mesebroch(或作 Merseburg)即 Ouar(或作 Moson);Tollenburg 即 Pragg。(de Regibus Hungariae, tom. iii. p. 19-53。)
391
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Soliman had been killed in 1085, in a battle against Toutoneh, brother of Malek Schah, between Appelo and Antioch. It was not Soliman, therefore, but his son David, surnamed Kilidje Arslan, the “Sword of the Lion,” who reigned in Nice. Almost all the occidental authors have fallen into this mistake, which was detected by M. Michaud, Hist. des Crois. 4th edit. and Extraits des Aut. Arab. rel. aux Croisades, par M. Reinaud Paris, 1829, p. 3. His kingdom extended from the Orontes to the Euphra tes, and as far as the Bosphorus. Kilidje Arslan must uniformly be substituted for Soliman. Brosset note on Le Beau, tom. xv. p. 311.—M.
苏莱曼早在1085年便已阵亡,死于同马利克·沙阿之弟图图内(Toutoneh)之间的一场战役,地点在阿佩洛(Appelo)与安条克之间。因此,在尼西亚称雄的并非苏莱曼,而是他的儿子大卫,绰号基利杰·阿尔斯兰(Kilidje Arslan),意为“狮之剑”。几乎所有西方作者都陷入了这一错误,最先察觉者是米肖(Hist. des Crois. 第4版)与赖诺(Extraits des Aut. Arab. rel. aux Croisades, par M. Reinaud,巴黎,1829年,p. 3)。他的王国自奥龙特斯河延展至幼发拉底河,远抵博斯普鲁斯海峡。凡此处的“苏莱曼”,都应一律改作基利杰·阿尔斯兰。布罗塞为勒博书所作注,tom. xv. p. 311。—M
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Anna Comnena (Alexias, l. x. p. 287) describes this as a mountain. In the siege of Nice, such were used by the Franks themselves as the materials of a wall.
安娜·科穆宁娜(《阿莱克修斯传》,l. x. p. 287)把它描述成一座山。在围攻尼西亚时,法兰克人自己也用这类尸骨堆作过筑墙的材料。
41
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See table on following page.
见次页表格。
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The author of the Esprit des Croisades has doubted, and might have disbelieved, the crusade and tragic death of Prince Sueno, with 1500 or 15,000 Danes, who was cut off by Sultan Soliman in Cappadocia, but who still lives in the poem of Tasso, (tom. iv. p. 111-115.)
《十字军之精神》(Esprit des Croisades)的作者,对苏埃诺亲王的东征及其惨死一事有所怀疑,甚至或许根本不信:据说这位亲王率一千五百(或说一万五千)丹麦人,在卡帕多西亚被苏丹苏莱曼歼灭;然而他至今仍活在塔索的诗篇之中。(tom. iv. p. 111-115。)
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The fragments of the kingdoms of Lotharingia, or Lorraine, were broken into the two duchies of the Moselle and of the Meuse: the first has preserved its name, which in the latter has been changed into that of Brabant, (Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 283-288.)
洛塔林吉亚(即洛林)王国的残余,分裂为两个公国:摩泽尔公国与默兹公国。前者保留了原名,后者的名称则改成了布拉班特。(Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 283-288。)
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See, in the Description of France, by the Abbe de Longuerue, the articles of Boulogne, part i. p. 54; Brabant, part ii. p. 47, 48; Bouillon, p. 134. On his departure, Godfrey sold or pawned Bouillon to the church for 1300 marks.
参看隆格吕神父所著《法国志》(Description of France)中的“布洛涅”条(part i. p. 54)、“布拉班特”条(part ii. p. 47, 48)、“布永”条(p. 134)。戈弗雷临行之际,把布永卖给(或抵押给)教会,得款一千三百马克。
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See the family character of Godfrey, in William of Tyre, l. ix. c. 5-8; his previous design in Guibert, (p. 485;) his sickness and vow in Bernard. Thesaur., (c 78.)
关于戈弗雷的家世与品性,见提尔的威廉(l. ix. c. 5-8);他早先的打算,见吉贝尔(p. 485);他的患病与立誓,见 Bernard. Thesaur.(c. 78)。
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Anna Comnena supposes, that Hugh was proud of his nobility riches, and power, (l. x. p. 288: ) the two last articles appear more equivocal; but an item, which seven hundred years ago was famous in the palace of Constantinople, attests the ancient dignity of the Capetian family of France.
安娜·科穆宁娜以为,于格对自己的门第、财富与权势颇为自负(l. x. p. 288);后两样倒显得可疑,但有一件在七百年前的君士坦丁堡宫廷中赫赫有名的事物,足以证明法国卡佩家族由来已久的尊贵。
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Will. Gemeticensis, l. vii. c. 7, p. 672, 673, in Camden. Normani cis. He pawned the duchy for one hundredth part of the present yearly revenue. Ten thousand marks may be equal to five hundred thousand livres, and Normandy annually yields fifty-seven millions to the king, (Necker, Administration des Finances, tom. i. p. 287.)
Will. Gemeticensis, l. vii. c. 7, p. 672, 673,见卡姆登《诺曼史料》(Normanicis)。他抵押这座公国所得,仅相当于其如今年收入的百分之一。一万马克约合五十万利弗尔,而诺曼底每年为国王进贡五千七百万。(内克尔,Administration des Finances, tom. i. p. 287。)
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His original letter to his wife is inserted in the Spicilegium of Dom. Luc. d’Acheri, tom. iv. and quoted in the Esprit des Croisades tom. i. p. 63.
他写给妻子的那封原信,收录于多姆·吕克·达舍里所编《拾遗集》(Spicilegium of Dom. Luc. d'Acheri, tom. iv.),并见引于《十字军之精神》(Esprit des Croisades, tom. i. p. 63)。
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Unius enim duum, trium seu quatuor oppidorum dominos quis numeret? quorum tanta fuit copia, ut non vix totidem Trojana obsidio coegisse putetur. (Ever the lively and interesting Guibert, p. 486.)
Unius enim duum, trium seu quatuor oppidorum dominos quis numeret? quorum tanta fuit copia, ut non vix totidem Trojana obsidio coegisse putetur.(大意为:那些据有一两座、三四座城镇的领主,谁数得清呢?其数之多,几乎连特洛伊之围所聚集的人马也未必及得上。——依旧是那位生动而引人入胜的吉贝尔,p. 486。)
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It is singular enough, that Raymond of St. Giles, a second character in the genuine history of the crusades, should shine as the first of heroes in the writings of the Greeks (Anna Comnen. Alexiad, l. x xi.) and the Arabians, (Longueruana, p. 129.)
说来也怪:圣吉尔的雷蒙德在十字军的信史中不过是个二流人物,却在希腊人(安娜·科穆宁娜《阿莱克修斯传》,l. xi.)与阿拉伯人(Longueruana, p. 129)的笔下,被写成头号英雄,光彩夺目。
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Omnes de Burgundia, et Alvernia, et Vasconia, et Gothi, (of Languedoc,) provinciales appellabantur, caeteri vero Francigenae et hoc in exercitu; inter hostes autem Franci dicebantur. Raymond des Agiles, p. 144.
Omnes de Burgundia, et Alvernia, et Vasconia, et Gothi,(即朗格多克人,)provinciales appellabantur, caeteri vero Francigenae et hoc in exercitu; inter hostes autem Franci dicebantur.(大意为:凡来自勃艮第、奥弗涅、加斯科涅以及哥特地方即朗格多克的人,都被称作“外省人”provinciales;军中其余的人则称 Francigenae;但在敌人眼里,他们一概被叫作法兰克人。)阿吉尔的雷蒙德,p. 144。
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The town of his birth, or first appanage, was consecrated to St Aegidius, whose name, as early as the first crusade, was corrupted by the French into St. Gilles, or St. Giles. It is situate in the Iowen Languedoc, between Nismes and the Rhone, and still boasts a collegiate church of the foundation of Raymond, (Melanges tires d’une Grande Bibliotheque, tom. xxxvii. p 51.)
他出生(或最初受封)的那座城镇,本是献给圣埃吉狄乌斯(St Aegidius)的;早在第一次十字军东征时,这个名字就被法国人讹读成了 St. Gilles,即圣吉尔。该城位于下朗格多克,介于尼姆与罗讷河之间,至今仍有一座由雷蒙德所创建的教士团教堂。(Melanges tires d'une Grande Bibliotheque, tom. xxxvii. p. 51。)
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The mother of Tancred was Emma, sister of the great Robert Guiscard; his father, the Marquis Odo the Good. It is singular enough, that the family and country of so illustrious a person should be unknown; but Muratori reasonably conjectures that he was an Italian, and perhaps of the race of the marquises of Montferrat in Piedmont, (Script. tom. v. p. 281, 282.)
坦克雷德的母亲埃玛,是伟大的罗伯特·吉斯卡尔之妹;其父则是人称“善人”的侯爵奥多。说来也怪,这样一位赫赫有名的人物,家世与出身之地竟不为人知;不过穆拉托里的推测不无道理,认为他是意大利人,或许出自皮埃蒙特蒙费拉托侯爵一族。(Script. tom. v. p. 281, 282。)
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To gratify the childish vanity of the house of Este. Tasso has inserted in his poem, and in the first crusade, a fabulous hero, the brave and amorous Rinaldo, (x. 75, xvii. 66-94.) He might borrow his name from a Rinaldo, with the Aquila bianca Estense, who vanquished, as the standard-bearer of the Roman church, the emperor Frederic I., (Storia Imperiale di Ricobaldo, in Muratori Script. Ital. tom. ix. p. 360. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, iii. 30.) But, 1. The distance of sixty years between the youth of the two Rinaldos destroys their identity. 2. The Storia Imperiale is a forgery of the Conte Boyardo, at the end of the xvth century, (Muratori, p. 281-289.) 3. This Rinaldo, and his exploits, are not less chimerical than the hero of Tasso, (Muratori, Antichita Estense, tom. i. p. 350.)
为了满足埃斯特家族那份孩子气的虚荣,塔索在他的诗篇里、也在这第一次十字军东征之中,安插了一位子虚乌有的英雄——勇武而多情的里纳尔多(x. 75, xvii. 66-94)。他这名字,或许借自另一个里纳尔多——那位打着埃斯特家族白鹰旗号(Aquila bianca Estense)、以罗马教会掌旗官身份击败皇帝腓特烈一世的里纳尔多(Storia Imperiale di Ricobaldo,见 Muratori Script. Ital. tom. ix. p. 360;阿里奥斯托《疯狂的罗兰》,iii. 30)。然而,其一,两个里纳尔多的青年时代相隔六十年,二者绝不可能是同一人;其二,《帝国史》(Storia Imperiale)乃博亚尔多伯爵于十五世纪末伪造之作(穆拉托里,p. 281-289);其三,这个里纳尔多及其功业,与塔索笔下那位英雄一样,纯属虚构(穆拉托里,Antichita Estense, tom. i. p. 350)。