Chapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death OF Justinian.—Part II. 第四十三章 贝利撒留最后的胜利与逝世;查士丁尼之死——第二节

The foresight of Totila had raised obstacles worthy of such an antagonist. Ninety furlongs below the city, in the narrowest part of the river, he joined the two banks by strong and solid timbers in the form of a bridge, on which he erected two lofty towers, manned by the bravest of his Goths, and profusely stored with missile weapons and engines of offence. The approach of the bridge and towers was covered by a strong and massy chain of iron; and the chain, at either end, on the opposite sides of the Tyber, was defended by a numerous and chosen detachment of archers. But the enterprise of forcing these barriers, and relieving the capital, displays a shining example of the boldness and conduct of Belisarius. His cavalry advanced from the port along the public road, to awe the motions, and distract the attention of the enemy. His infantry and provisions were distributed in two hundred large boats; and each boat was shielded by a high rampart of thick planks, pierced with many small holes for the discharge of missile weapons. In the front, two large vessels were linked together to sustain a floating castle, which commanded the towers of the bridge, and contained a magazine of fire, sulphur, and bitumen. The whole fleet, which the general led in person, was laboriously moved against the current of the river. The chain yielded to their weight, and the enemies who guarded the banks were either slain or scattered. As soon as they touched the principal barrier, the fire-ship was instantly grappled to the bridge; one of the towers, with two hundred Goths, was consumed by the flames; the assailants shouted victory; and Rome was saved, if the wisdom of Belisarius had not been defeated by the misconduct of his officers. He had previously sent orders to Bessas to second his operations by a timely sally from the town; and he had fixed his lieutenant, Isaac, by a peremptory command, to the station of the port. But avarice rendered Bessas immovable; while the youthful ardor of Isaac delivered him into the hands of a superior enemy. The exaggerated rumor of his defeat was hastily carried to the ears of Belisarius: he paused; betrayed in that single moment of his life some emotions of surprise and perplexity; and reluctantly sounded a retreat to save his wife Antonina, his treasures, and the only harbor which he possessed on the Tuscan coast. The vexation of his mind produced an ardent and almost mortal fever; and Rome was left without protection to the mercy or indignation of Totila. The continuance of hostilities had imbittered the national hatred: the Arian clergy was ignominiously driven from Rome; Pelagius, the archdeacon, returned without success from an embassy to the Gothic camp; and a Sicilian bishop, the envoy or nuncio of the pope, was deprived of both his hands, for daring to utter falsehoods in the service of the church and state.
托提拉深谋远虑,所设障碍足以配得上贝利撒留这样的对手。在罗马城下游九十斯塔迪亚、河面最窄之处,他用坚固厚实的木材把两岸连成一座桥,桥上筑起两座高塔,选最勇猛的哥特人据守,塔中满贮各种投射兵器与攻城器械。一条粗重坚固的铁链拦护着桥与塔的通路;铁链两端分处台伯河两岸,各有一支人数众多、精选的弓箭手分队把守。然而,强行突破这些屏障、驰援首都之举,恰恰彰显了贝利撒留的果敢与指挥才干,堪称光辉的典范。他先遣骑兵沿大道从港口推进,以震慑敌军行动、分散其注意。步兵与粮秣则分载于二百艘大船,每艘船都以厚木板筑起高高的挡壁护体,壁上凿有许多小孔,供发射投射兵器。船队最前方,两艘大船并连成体,承载一座浮动的城楼,居高俯瞰桥上双塔,楼内囤满引火之物——柴薪、硫磺与沥青。整支船队由主帅亲自率领,逆流而上,行进艰难。铁链在船队的重压下终告断裂,守卫两岸的敌军非死即溃。船队一抵近主障,火船立即被钩牢在桥上;一座塔连同其中二百名哥特人尽被烈焰吞没;进攻者高呼胜利——若非贝利撒留的良谋毁于部下的失职,罗马本已得救。原来他事先已命贝萨斯适时从城中出击、策应其行动,又下严令,将副将伊萨克牢牢钉在港口驻地。然而贪婪使贝萨斯按兵不动;伊萨克则年少气盛,反把自己送进了优势敌军之手。伊萨克战败的消息经人夸大,匆匆传到贝利撒留耳中:他迟疑了;一生之中仅此一瞬,他流露出几分惊愕与仓皇;随后不得已鸣金收兵,为的是保全妻子安东尼娜、自己的财宝,以及他在托斯卡纳海岸仅有的那座港口。懊恼焦灼在他心中烧成一场几乎致命的高热;罗马则失去屏障,只能听凭托提拉或宽或怒的处置。连年战祸使两族的仇恨愈发深重:阿里乌斯派的教士蒙受羞辱,被逐出罗马;副主祭佩拉吉乌斯出使哥特军营,无功而返;一位西西里主教身为教宗的使节,只因奉教会与国家之命而胆敢谎言相欺,竟被砍去双手。
Famine had relaxed the strength and discipline of the garrison of Rome. They could derive no effectual service from a dying people; and the inhuman avarice of the merchant at length absorbed the vigilance of the governor. Four Isaurian sentinels, while their companions slept, and their officers were absent, descended by a rope from the wall, and secretly proposed to the Gothic king to introduce his troops into the city. The offer was entertained with coldness and suspicion; they returned in safety; they twice repeated their visit; the place was twice examined; the conspiracy was known and disregarded; and no sooner had Totila consented to the attempt, than they unbarred the Asinarian gate, and gave admittance to the Goths. Till the dawn of day, they halted in order of battle, apprehensive of treachery or ambush; but the troops of Bessas, with their leader, had already escaped; and when the king was pressed to disturb their retreat, he prudently replied, that no sight could be more grateful than that of a flying enemy. The patricians, who were still possessed of horses, Decius, Basilius, &c. accompanied the governor; their brethren, among whom Olybrius, Orestes, and Maximus, are named by the historian, took refuge in the church of St. Peter: but the assertion, that only five hundred persons remained in the capital, inspires some doubt of the fidelity either of his narrative or of his text. As soon as daylight had displayed the entire victory of the Goths, their monarch devoutly visited the tomb of the prince of the apostles; but while he prayed at the altar, twenty-five soldiers, and sixty citizens, were put to the sword in the vestibule of the temple. The archdeacon Pelagius 13 stood before him, with the Gospels in his hand. “O Lord, be merciful to your servant.” “Pelagius,” said Totila, with an insulting smile, “your pride now condescends to become a suppliant.” “I am a suppliant,” replied the prudent archdeacon; “God has now made us your subjects, and as your subjects, we are entitled to your clemency.” At his humble prayer, the lives of the Romans were spared; and the chastity of the maids and matrons was preserved inviolate from the passions of the hungry soldiers.
饥荒早已消磨了罗马守军的体力与纪律。守军无法从奄奄一息的百姓身上得到有效的助力;而那奸商般泯灭人性的贪婪,终究连总督本人的警觉也一并吞没了。四名伊苏里亚哨兵趁同伴熟睡、军官不在,缒绳下城,暗中向哥特王提议放他的军队入城。这提议起初受到冷遇与猜疑;他们安然返回,又两度前来;那处城防也两度受人查勘;密谋虽已泄露,却无人理会;托提拉一旦应允此事,他们便立即拔去阿西纳里亚门的门闩,放哥特人入城。直到天明,哥特人仍列阵按兵不动,唯恐有诈或遭伏击;然而贝萨斯早已带着部下逃走;有人力劝哥特王去截断他们的退路,他却审慎地答道:再没有比眼见敌人逃遁更叫人称心的景象了。尚有坐骑的元老贵族,如德西乌斯、巴西利乌斯等,随总督一同出逃;史家提到的其余几位——奥利布里乌斯、俄瑞斯忒斯、马克西穆斯等——则避入圣彼得教堂。至于说全城仅余五百人,此语着实令人怀疑:要么是普罗柯比的叙述失实,要么是其文本有讹。天光既已照见哥特人大获全胜,他们的君主便虔敬地拜谒使徒之首的陵墓;然而正当他在祭坛前祈祷之际,二十五名士兵与六十名市民却在圣堂的前庭遭刀剑砍杀。副主祭佩拉吉乌斯13手捧福音书,立于他面前。“大王,求您怜悯您的仆人。”托提拉带着侮慢的微笑说道:“佩拉吉乌斯,你那份傲气,如今竟也肯屈尊来做乞怜之人了。”“我确是来乞怜的,”这位深谙世故的副主祭答道,“上帝如今已使我们成为您的臣民;既为臣民,我们便有权指望您的宽仁。”经他谦卑恳求,罗马人得以保全性命;少女与妇人的贞洁,也免遭饥饿士卒的欲火侵犯,得以完璧。
But they were rewarded by the freedom of pillage, after the most precious spoils had been reserved for the royal treasury. The houses of the senators were plentifully stored with gold and silver; and the avarice of Bessas had labored with so much guilt and shame for the benefit of the conqueror. In this revolution, the sons and daughters of Roman consuls tasted the misery which they had spurned or relieved, wandered in tattered garments through the streets of the city and begged their bread, perhaps without success, before the gates of their hereditary mansions. The riches of Rusticiana, the daughter of Symmachus and widow of Boethius, had been generously devoted to alleviate the calamities of famine. But the Barbarians were exasperated by the report, that she had prompted the people to overthrow the statues of the great Theodoric; and the life of that venerable matron would have been sacrificed to his memory, if Totila had not respected her birth, her virtues, and even the pious motive of her revenge. The next day he pronounced two orations, to congratulate and admonish his victorious Goths, and to reproach the senate, as the vilest of slaves, with their perjury, folly, and ingratitude; sternly declaring, that their estates and honors were justly forfeited to the companions of his arms. Yet he consented to forgive their revolt; and the senators repaid his clemency by despatching circular letters to their tenants and vassals in the provinces of Italy, strictly to enjoin them to desert the standard of the Greeks, to cultivate their lands in peace, and to learn from their masters the duty of obedience to a Gothic sovereign. Against the city which had so long delayed the course of his victories, he appeared inexorable: one third of the walls, in different parts, were demolished by his command; fire and engines prepared to consume or subvert the most stately works of antiquity; and the world was astonished by the fatal decree, that Rome should be changed into a pasture for cattle. The firm and temperate remonstrance of Belisarius suspended the execution; he warned the Barbarian not to sully his fame by the destruction of those monuments which were the glory of the dead, and the delight of the living; and Totila was persuaded, by the advice of an enemy, to preserve Rome as the ornament of his kingdom, or the fairest pledge of peace and reconciliation. When he had signified to the ambassadors of Belisarius his intention of sparing the city, he stationed an army at the distance of one hundred and twenty furlongs, to observe the motions of the Roman general. With the remainder of his forces he marched into Lucania and Apulia, and occupied on the summit of Mount Garganus 14 one of the camps of Hannibal. 15 The senators were dragged in his train, and afterwards confined in the fortresses of Campania: the citizens, with their wives and children, were dispersed in exile; and during forty days Rome was abandoned to desolate and dreary solitude. 16
不过,在最珍贵的战利品先行拨归王室府库之后,士兵们也得到了任意劫掠的赏赐。元老们的宅第里金银堆积;贝萨斯当初处心积虑、不惜身败名裂地聚敛,到头来竟全为征服者作了嫁衣。时局这一翻覆,昔日罗马执政官的子女,如今尝到了他们当年或不屑一顾、或曾施舍救济的那种苦难:衣衫褴褛,流落街头,在自家世代相传的府邸门前乞讨口粮——却也许一无所得。叙马库斯之女、波爱修斯的遗孀鲁斯提基亚娜,慷慨散尽家财,用以赈济饥荒。但有传言说,是她怂恿民众推倒了伟大的狄奥多里克的雕像,蛮族因此对她恨之入骨;这位可敬妇人的性命本要为狄奥多里克的英灵而牺牲,幸而托提拉敬重她的出身、她的德行,甚至体谅她复仇背后那份虔敬的心意,才饶了她。次日,他发表了两篇演说:一篇既向获胜的哥特人道贺,又加告诫;另一篇则痛斥元老院背信、愚蠢、忘恩负义,骂他们是最卑贱的奴才,并厉声宣布:他们的田产与荣衔理应充公,转赐给随他征战的将士。不过他终究应允宽恕元老们的背叛;元老们为报答这份宽仁,便向散在意大利各行省的佃户与附庸发出通函,严令他们背弃希腊人的旗号,安心耕田,并以主人为榜样,学会恪尽臣服于一位哥特君主的本分。对于这座久久阻滞其胜利进程的城市,他显得毫不容情:他下令拆毁各处城墙,共计三分之一;又备下火种与器械,要焚毁或倾覆那些最巍峨的古代建筑;一道致命的号令更令天下震骇——要把罗马夷为牧牛的草场。贝利撒留一封措辞坚定而不失温和的抗议信,使这道命令暂缓执行;他劝诫这位蛮族君王:那些建筑乃逝者的荣光、生者的欢愉,切莫毁之而玷污自己的英名;托提拉竟为敌人的劝告所动,决意保全罗马,让它做自己王国的装点,或做和平与和解最美好的信物。他向贝利撒留的使者表明了不毁此城的意向后,便在一百二十斯塔迪亚之外驻扎一军,以监视这位罗马主帅的动向。他自率余部开进卢卡尼亚与阿普利亚,在加尔加努斯山14之巅占据了汉尼拔当年的一处营垒。15元老们被裹挟随军,其后囚于坎帕尼亚的要塞;市民则携妻带子,星散流亡;一连四十天,罗马沦为一片荒凉冷寂、空无人烟之地。16
The loss of Rome was speedily retrieved by an action, to which, according to the event, the public opinion would apply the names of rashness or heroism. After the departure of Totila, the Roman general sallied from the port at the head of a thousand horse, cut in pieces the enemy who opposed his progress, and visited with pity and reverence the vacant space of the eternal city. Resolved to maintain a station so conspicuous in the eyes of mankind, he summoned the greatest part of his troops to the standard which he erected on the Capitol: the old inhabitants were recalled by the love of their country and the hopes of food; and the keys of Rome were sent a second time to the emperor Justinian. The walls, as far as they had been demolished by the Goths, were repaired with rude and dissimilar materials; the ditch was restored; iron spikes 17 were profusely scattered in the highways to annoy the feet of the horses; and as new gates could not suddenly be procured, the entrance was guarded by a Spartan rampart of his bravest soldiers. At the expiration of twenty-five days, Totila returned by hasty marches from Apulia to avenge the injury and disgrace. Belisarius expected his approach. The Goths were thrice repulsed in three general assaults; they lost the flower of their troops; the royal standard had almost fallen into the hands of the enemy, and the fame of Totila sunk, as it had risen, with the fortune of his arms. Whatever skill and courage could achieve, had been performed by the Roman general: it remained only that Justinian should terminate, by a strong and seasonable effort, the war which he had ambitiously undertaken. The indolence, perhaps the impotence, of a prince who despised his enemies, and envied his servants, protracted the calamities of Italy. After a long silence, Belisarius was commanded to leave a sufficient garrison at Rome, and to transport himself into the province of Lucania, whose inhabitants, inflamed by Catholic zeal, had cast away the yoke of their Arian conquerors. In this ignoble warfare, the hero, invincible against the power of the Barbarians, was basely vanquished by the delay, the disobedience, and the cowardice of his own officers. He reposed in his winter quarters of Crotona, in the full assurance, that the two passes of the Lucanian hills were guarded by his cavalry. They were betrayed by treachery or weakness; and the rapid march of the Goths scarcely allowed time for the escape of Belisarius to the coast of Sicily. At length a fleet and army were assembled for the relief of Ruscianum, or Rossano, 18 a fortress sixty furlongs from the ruins of Sybaris, where the nobles of Lucania had taken refuge. In the first attempt, the Roman forces were dissipated by a storm. In the second, they approached the shore; but they saw the hills covered with archers, the landing-place defended by a line of spears, and the king of the Goths impatient for battle. The conqueror of Italy retired with a sigh, and continued to languish, inglorious and inactive, till Antonina, who had been sent to Constantinople to solicit succors, obtained, after the death of the empress, the permission of his return.
罗马刚一失陷,便由一次行动迅速挽回;对这次行动,世人会因其成败而或斥为鲁莽,或誉为英雄气概。托提拉一走,这位罗马主帅便率一千骑兵从港口出击,把沿途拦阻的敌军尽数斩杀,随后怀着怜悯与敬畏,巡视了这座空荡荡的永恒之城。他决意守住这一为世人所瞩目的要地,遂在卡皮托利山上竖起军旗,召集大部分兵力聚于旗下;旧日居民也因眷恋故土、指望有粮可食而纷纷归来;罗马的城门钥匙第二次被送到查士丁尼皇帝手中。凡遭哥特人拆毁的城墙,都用粗糙而参差不齐的材料修补起来;壕沟也得以复原;大道上密密撒下铁蒺藜17,专为刺伤马蹄;一时又无从赶制新的城门,各处入口便由他麾下最勇猛的士兵筑成一道斯巴达式的血肉壁垒来把守。二十五天一满,托提拉便从阿普利亚兼程返回,要一雪此番损伤与耻辱。贝利撒留严阵以待。哥特人三度发起总攻,三度被击退;他们折损了精锐;王旗几乎落入敌手;托提拉的声名,也随着他兵运的盛衰而升沉。凡是本领与勇气所能成就的,这位罗马主帅都已做到;剩下的,只等查士丁尼奋力一击、及时了结这场由他好大喜功而挑起的战争。这位君主蔑视敌人,却又嫉妒臣下;他的怠惰——或许竟是无能——使意大利的苦难旷日持久。久无音讯之后,贝利撒留终于奉命:在罗马留下足够的守军,自己转赴卢卡尼亚行省——那里的居民受大公教会的热忱鼓舞,已挣脱阿里乌斯派征服者强加的枷锁。在这场不光彩的战事中,这位面对蛮族向来战无不胜的英雄,竟因部下的拖沓、抗命与怯懦而落得可耻的败局。他驻扎在克罗托纳的冬营中,满以为卢卡尼亚山地的两处隘口都有他的骑兵把守。不料这两处隘口或因叛卖、或因怯弱而失守;哥特人疾进而来,贝利撒留几乎来不及脱身,仓皇逃往西西里海岸。后来,一支水陆之师终于集结起来,去救援鲁斯基亚努姆——即罗萨诺18——那是一座距锡巴里斯废墟六十斯塔迪亚的要塞,卢卡尼亚的贵族都避难于此。第一次驰援,罗马军队为风暴所吹散。第二次,他们逼近海岸,却望见山岭上布满弓箭手,登陆之处有长矛列阵严守,哥特王更已按捺不住、只待一战。这位意大利的征服者只得喟然引退,此后一直无所作为、黯然消沉;直到安东尼娜——她曾奉派前往君士坦丁堡求援——在皇后狄奥多拉死后,为他讨得了返京的许可。
The five last campaigns of Belisarius might abate the envy of his competitors, whose eyes had been dazzled and wounded by the blaze of his former glory. Instead of delivering Italy from the Goths, he had wandered like a fugitive along the coast, without daring to march into the country, or to accept the bold and repeated challenge of Totila. Yet, in the judgment of the few who could discriminate counsels from events, and compare the instruments with the execution, he appeared a more consummate master of the art of war, than in the season of his prosperity, when he presented two captive kings before the throne of Justinian. The valor of Belisarius was not chilled by age: his prudence was matured by experience; but the moral virtues of humanity and justice seem to have yielded to the hard necessity of the times. The parsimony or poverty of the emperor compelled him to deviate from the rule of conduct which had deserved the love and confidence of the Italians. The war was maintained by the oppression of Ravenna, Sicily, and all the faithful subjects of the empire; and the rigorous prosecution of Herodian provoked that injured or guilty officer to deliver Spoleto into the hands of the enemy. The avarice of Antonina, which had been some times diverted by love, now reigned without a rival in her breast. Belisarius himself had always understood, that riches, in a corrupt age, are the support and ornament of personal merit. And it cannot be presumed that he should stain his honor for the public service, without applying a part of the spoil to his private emolument. The hero had escaped the sword of the Barbarians. But the dagger of conspiracy 19 awaited his return. In the midst of wealth and honors, Artaban, who had chastised the African tyrant, complained of the ingratitude of courts. He aspired to Praejecta, the emperor’s niece, who wished to reward her deliverer; but the impediment of his previous marriage was asserted by the piety of Theodora. The pride of royal descent was irritated by flattery; and the service in which he gloried had proved him capable of bold and sanguinary deeds. The death of Justinian was resolved, but the conspirators delayed the execution till they could surprise Belisarius disarmed, and naked, in the palace of Constantinople. Not a hope could be entertained of shaking his long-tried fidelity; and they justly dreaded the revenge, or rather the justice, of the veteran general, who might speedily assemble an army in Thrace to punish the assassins, and perhaps to enjoy the fruits of their crime. Delay afforded time for rash communications and honest confessions: Artaban and his accomplices were condemned by the senate, but the extreme clemency of Justinian detained them in the gentle confinement of the palace, till he pardoned their flagitious attempt against his throne and life. If the emperor forgave his enemies, he must cordially embrace a friend whose victories were alone remembered, and who was endeared to his prince by the recent circumstances of their common danger. Belisarius reposed from his toils, in the high station of general of the East and count of the domestics; and the older consuls and patricians respectfully yielded the precedency of rank to the peerless merit of the first of the Romans. 20 The first of the Romans still submitted to be the slave of his wife; but the servitude of habit and affection became less disgraceful when the death of Theodora had removed the baser influence of fear. Joannina, their daughter, and the sole heiress of their fortunes, was betrothed to Anastasius, the grandson, or rather the nephew, of the empress, 21 whose kind interposition forwarded the consummation of their youthful loves. But the power of Theodora expired, the parents of Joannina returned, and her honor, perhaps her happiness, were sacrificed to the revenge of an unfeeling mother, who dissolved the imperfect nuptials before they had been ratified by the ceremonies of the church. 22
贝利撒留最后这五次征战,或许能稍稍平息政敌们的妒意——从前他荣光炽盛,曾灼得这些人目眩而心痛。他非但未能把意大利从哥特人手中解救出来,反倒像个逃亡者似的沿海岸漂泊,既不敢挥师内陆,也不敢应托提拉一再发出的挑战。然而,少数人懂得把谋略与结局分开来看,把所用的工具与实际的成效两相比较;在他们眼中,此时的贝利撒留比起当年鼎盛之际——那时他曾把两位俘虏来的国王押到查士丁尼御座前——更堪称炉火纯青的用兵大家。年岁并未使贝利撒留的勇武消减;阅历反使他的审慎愈发老练;只是仁爱与公正这些德行,似乎在时势的严酷逼迫下有所退让。皇帝或吝啬、或匮乏,逼得他偏离了自己一向的行事准则——正是那准则,曾为他赢得意大利人的爱戴与信任。这场战争全靠盘剥拉文纳、西西里以及帝国一切忠顺臣民来支撑;而对希罗狄安的严厉追究,更逼得这名或蒙冤、或有罪的军官把斯波莱托拱手交给了敌人。安东尼娜的贪欲,一度曾被情爱分去几分心思,如今却在她胸中独据一方、再无敌手。贝利撒留本人也一向明白:在一个腐败的时代,财富乃是个人才德的依托与点缀。我们也难以设想,他既肯冒玷污清名之险为国敛财,却又分文不取、不曾从战利品中分出一份充作私囊。这位英雄躲过了蛮族的刀剑,等着他归来的,却是一柄暗藏杀机的阴谋匕首。19阿尔达班曾惩治过阿非利加的僭主,如今身处荣华富贵之中,却抱怨宫廷寡恩负义。他属意于皇帝的外甥女普莱耶克塔,那女子也有意报答自己的救命恩人;无奈狄奥多拉出于虔敬,硬是搬出他早有妻室这一障碍来阻拦。他本以王室血统自傲,又受谄媚之言撩拨;而他引以为荣的那桩功业,也已证明他做得出胆大而血腥的勾当。刺杀查士丁尼一事已成定议,只是同谋者迟迟不肯动手,要等到能在君士坦丁堡宫中出其不意地擒住那手无寸铁的贝利撒留。要想动摇他久经考验的忠诚,是断无指望的;他们理所当然地惧怕这位老将的报复——或者不如说是他伸张的正义:他大可迅速在色雷斯集结一军,去讨伐凶手,甚至坐享他人犯罪的成果。一再拖延,反给了轻率透露与老实招供的机会:阿尔达班及其同党经元老院定罪,但查士丁尼宽仁至极,只把他们温和地软禁于宫中,最终竟赦免了他们谋害其帝位与性命的滔天罪行。皇帝既能宽恕仇敌,对一位朋友自然更要竭诚拥抱——世人记得的唯有此人的赫赫战功,何况新近这场共同的危难,又使他愈发为君主所亲近。贝利撒留终于卸下劳碌,安享东方军统帅与侍卫伯的高位;年资更长的执政官与贵族,也都恭敬地把班次上的尊位让给这位功勋盖世、堪称罗马第一人的将领。20这位罗马第一人却依旧甘做妻子的奴隶;不过,狄奥多拉一死,那更卑下的恐惧便随之消除,这种出于习惯与情爱的屈从,也就不那么可耻了。他们的女儿约安尼娜是这份家业的唯一继承人,已许配给皇后的外孙——或者说外甥——阿纳斯塔修斯21;正是皇后从中善意撮合,才促成这对少年男女好事将圆。然而狄奥多拉的权势随其身死而消,约安尼娜的父母也归来了;这桩婚事尚未经教会仪式正式确认,便被一位冷酷无情的母亲以复仇之心拆散,女儿的名誉——或许还有她的幸福——就此断送。22
Before the departure of Belisarius, Perusia was besieged, and few cities were impregnable to the Gothic arms. Ravenna, Ancona, and Crotona, still resisted the Barbarians; and when Totila asked in marriage one of the daughters of France, he was stung by the just reproach that the king of Italy was unworthy of his title till it was acknowledged by the Roman people. Three thousand of the bravest soldiers had been left to defend the capital. On the suspicion of a monopoly, they massacred the governor, and announced to Justinian, by a deputation of the clergy, that unless their offence was pardoned, and their arrears were satisfied, they should instantly accept the tempting offers of Totila. But the officer who succeeded to the command (his name was Diogenes) deserved their esteem and confidence; and the Goths, instead of finding an easy conquest, encountered a vigorous resistance from the soldiers and people, who patiently endured the loss of the port and of all maritime supplies. The siege of Rome would perhaps have been raised, if the liberality of Totila to the Isaurians had not encouraged some of their venal countrymen to copy the example of treason. In a dark night, while the Gothic trumpets sounded on another side, they silently opened the gate of St. Paul: the Barbarians rushed into the city; and the flying garrison was intercepted before they could reach the harbor of Centumcellae. A soldier trained in the school of Belisarius, Paul of Cilicia, retired with four hundred men to the mole of Hadrian. They repelled the Goths; but they felt the approach of famine; and their aversion to the taste of horse-flesh confirmed their resolution to risk the event of a desperate and decisive sally. But their spirit insensibly stooped to the offers of capitulation; they retrieved their arrears of pay, and preserved their arms and horses, by enlisting in the service of Totila; their chiefs, who pleaded a laudable attachment to their wives and children in the East, were dismissed with honor; and above four hundred enemies, who had taken refuge in the sanctuaries, were saved by the clemency of the victor. He no longer entertained a wish of destroying the edifices of Rome, 23 which he now respected as the seat of the Gothic kingdom: the senate and people were restored to their country; the means of subsistence were liberally provided; and Totila, in the robe of peace, exhibited the equestrian games of the circus. Whilst he amused the eyes of the multitude, four hundred vessels were prepared for the embarkation of his troops. The cities of Rhegium and Tarentum were reduced: he passed into Sicily, the object of his implacable resentment; and the island was stripped of its gold and silver, of the fruits of the earth, and of an infinite number of horses, sheep, and oxen. Sardinia and Corsica obeyed the fortune of Italy; and the sea-coast of Greece was visited by a fleet of three hundred galleys. 24 The Goths were landed in Corcyra and the ancient continent of Epirus; they advanced as far as Nicopolis, the trophy of Augustus, and Dodona, 25 once famous by the oracle of Jove. In every step of his victories, the wise Barbarian repeated to Justinian the desire of peace, applauded the concord of their predecessors, and offered to employ the Gothic arms in the service of the empire.
早在贝利撒留离去之前,佩鲁西亚已遭围困;能够抵挡哥特武力的城池,已寥寥无几。拉文纳、安科纳与克罗托纳仍在抵抗蛮族;托提拉向法兰克王室的一位公主求婚,却被一句公道的抢白刺痛:一位意大利之王,其名号若未获罗马人民承认,他便还当不起这个称号。守卫首都的,是留下的三千名最勇猛的士兵。因怀疑总督囤积居奇、垄断粮食,他们杀了总督,又派一队教士为使去禀告查士丁尼:若不赦免他们的罪过、补发拖欠的军饷,他们就立刻接受托提拉那诱人的招揽。但继任指挥的军官——名叫第欧根尼——却当得起他们的敬重与信赖;哥特人本以为能轻取此城,不料士兵与市民奋起顽抗:他们即便丢了港口、断了一切海路补给,也隐忍坚持。若不是托提拉对伊苏里亚人出手阔绰,撩得他们中一些见利忘义的同乡也去效尤那叛卖之举,这场对罗马的围攻或许早已解除。一个漆黑的夜里,哥特人的号角在另一侧吹响,这些人却悄悄打开了圣保罗门;蛮族一拥入城;溃逃的守军还没跑到琴图姆凯莱港,便被截住了。奇里乞亚人保罗——一名出自贝利撒留门下的军人——带着四百人退守哈德良陵。他们打退了哥特人,却渐感饥饿逼近;又因厌恶马肉的滋味,益发下定决心,要孤注一掷地拼死突围、决一存亡。然而他们的斗志不知不觉软了下来,接受了投降的条件:他们投效托提拉,既讨回了拖欠的军饷,又得以保留武器和战马;他们的几位首领申明自己眷念远在东方的妻儿——这份情义值得称许——便被礼遇遣归;另有四百多名逃入圣所避难的敌兵,也承征服者的宽仁而保全了性命。他不再动毁弃罗马建筑的念头23,如今反把这座城视作哥特王国的都城而加以敬重:元老与民众得以重返故乡,生计所需也慷慨供给;托提拉更身着和平的礼袍,在竞技场上举办赛马之戏。正当他以此娱悦众人眼目之时,四百艘船只已备好,只待其军队登船。雷吉乌姆与塔兰图姆两城相继被攻克;他随即渡海进入西西里——那正是他积怨难消、必欲报复的地方;岛上的金银、田间的出产,连同数不尽的马匹、牛羊,都被劫掠一空。撒丁岛与科西嘉也随意大利的命运而俯首;一支三百艘桨船组成的舰队,更光顾了希腊的沿海。24哥特人在科基拉岛与古老的伊庇鲁斯大陆登陆,一路挺进,远抵尼科波利斯——奥古斯都的胜利纪念之城——以及多多纳25,那昔日以朱庇特神谕闻名之地。这位睿智的蛮族君主每前进一步、每添一场胜利,都不忘向查士丁尼重申求和之意,盛赞前人之间的和睦,并表示愿以哥特的武力为帝国效劳。
Justinian was deaf to the voice of peace: but he neglected the prosecution of war; and the indolence of his temper disappointed, in some degree, the obstinacy of his passions. From this salutary slumber the emperor was awakened by the pope Vigilius and the patrician Cethegus, who appeared before his throne, and adjured him, in the name of God and the people, to resume the conquest and deliverance of Italy. In the choice of the generals, caprice, as well as judgment, was shown. A fleet and army sailed for the relief of Sicily, under the conduct of Liberius; but his youth 2511 and want of experience were afterwards discovered, and before he touched the shores of the island he was overtaken by his successor. In the place of Liberius, the conspirator Artaban was raised from a prison to military honors; in the pious presumption, that gratitude would animate his valor and fortify his allegiance. Belisarius reposed in the shade of his laurels, but the command of the principal army was reserved for Germanus, 26 the emperor’s nephew, whose rank and merit had been long depressed by the jealousy of the court. Theodora had injured him in the rights of a private citizen, the marriage of his children, and the testament of his brother; and although his conduct was pure and blameless, Justinian was displeased that he should be thought worthy of the confidence of the malcontents. The life of Germanus was a lesson of implicit obedience: he nobly refused to prostitute his name and character in the factions of the circus: the gravity of his manners was tempered by innocent cheerfulness; and his riches were lent without interest to indigent or deserving friends. His valor had formerly triumphed over the Sclavonians of the Danube and the rebels of Africa: the first report of his promotion revived the hopes of the Italians; and he was privately assured, that a crowd of Roman deserters would abandon, on his approach, the standard of Totila. His second marriage with Malasontha, the granddaughter of Theodoric endeared Germanus to the Goths themselves; and they marched with reluctance against the father of a royal infant the last offspring of the line of Amali. 27 A splendid allowance was assigned by the emperor: the general contributed his private fortune: his two sons were popular and active and he surpassed, in the promptitude and success of his levies the expectation of mankind. He was permitted to select some squadrons of Thracian cavalry: the veterans, as well as the youth of Constantinople and Europe, engaged their voluntary service; and as far as the heart of Germany, his fame and liberality attracted the aid of the Barbarians. 2711 The Romans advanced to Sardica; an army of Sclavonians fled before their march; but within two days of their final departure, the designs of Germanus were terminated by his malady and death. Yet the impulse which he had given to the Italian war still continued to act with energy and effect. The maritime towns Ancona, Crotona, Centumcellae, resisted the assaults of Totila. Sicily was reduced by the zeal of Artaban, and the Gothic navy was defeated near the coast of the Adriatic. The two fleets were almost equal, forty-seven to fifty galleys: the victory was decided by the knowledge and dexterity of the Greeks; but the ships were so closely grappled, that only twelve of the Goths escaped from this unfortunate conflict. They affected to depreciate an element in which they were unskilled; but their own experience confirmed the truth of a maxim, that the master of the sea will always acquire the dominion of the land. 28
查士丁尼对求和之声充耳不闻,却又疏于用兵;他生性怠惰,多少辜负了自己那份执拗的意气。把皇帝从这场——于国有益的——沉睡中唤醒的,是教宗维吉利乌斯与贵族凯特古斯:二人来到御座前,以上帝与人民的名义恳求他重整旗鼓,去征服并解救意大利。至于将领的遴选,则既有识见,也见任性。一支水陆之师在利贝里乌斯率领下启航驰援西西里;可事后才发觉他年纪尚轻2511、又缺乏历练,还没等他抵达岛岸,接替他的人便已赶上。顶替利贝里乌斯的,是那名同谋者阿尔达班:他从牢狱中被提拔起来,授予军职——人们虔诚地想当然以为,感恩之情会激励他奋勇作战、坚定其效忠之心。贝利撒留正安享桂冠的荫庇;主力大军的统帅之职,却留给了皇帝的侄子日耳曼努斯26——此人的地位与功勋,长久以来一直受宫廷嫉妒的压抑。狄奥多拉曾在几件事上损害他作为普通公民的权利:他子女的婚事、他兄弟的遗嘱;尽管他行事清白无瑕,查士丁尼却仍不悦——因他竟被那些心怀不满者视为可托心腹之人。日耳曼努斯的一生,堪称绝对服从的典范:他高尚地拒绝在竞技场的党争中出卖自己的名声与人格;他举止庄重,又以纯真的欢快加以调和;他的财富则无息借予贫困或值得帮助的友人。他昔日的勇武曾战胜多瑙河的斯拉夫人与阿非利加的叛党;他获擢升的消息一传出,便重新点燃了意大利人的希望;私下里更有人向他保证:只要他一到,成群的罗马逃兵便会背弃托提拉的旗号。他续娶了狄奥多里克的外孙女玛塔苏恩塔,这门亲事让哥特人对日耳曼努斯也心生亲近;如今要他们去攻打一位王室婴孩之父,实在勉强——那婴孩正是阿马利世系最后的血脉。27皇帝拨给他一笔丰厚的军费;这位主帅又捐出自己的私产;他两个儿子既得人望,又肯出力;招募兵员之神速与成效,更超出世人的预料。他获准从色雷斯骑兵中挑选若干骑队;无论是老兵,还是君士坦丁堡与欧洲的青年,都自愿前来投效;他的威名与慷慨,甚至远及日耳曼腹地,招来了蛮族的助力。2711罗马大军推进到萨尔迪卡;一支斯拉夫人的军队望风而逃;然而就在大军即将最后拔营的两天之前,日耳曼努斯却因病而逝,一切筹划就此中断。不过,他给意大利战事注入的那股势头,仍在强劲地发挥着作用。安科纳、克罗托纳、琴图姆凯莱这几座海滨城镇,都顶住了托提拉的进攻。阿尔达班奋战不懈,收复了西西里;哥特海军也在亚得里亚海沿岸一带遭到击败。双方舰队实力相当,一方四十七艘桨船,一方五十艘;胜负最终取决于希腊人的娴熟技艺;由于两军船只钩连得极紧,这场倒霉的交锋过后,哥特人仅有十二艘得以逃脱。他们对水战这一自己并不擅长的领域佯作轻蔑;然而亲身的教训,恰恰印证了一句箴言:谁掌握了海洋,谁就终将取得对陆地的统治。28
After the loss of Germanus, the nations were provoked to smile, by the strange intelligence, that the command of the Roman armies was given to a eunuch. But the eunuch Narses 29 is ranked among the few who have rescued that unhappy name from the contempt and hatred of mankind. A feeble, diminutive body concealed the soul of a statesman and a warrior. His youth had been employed in the management of the loom and distaff, in the cares of the household, and the service of female luxury; but while his hands were busy, he secretly exercised the faculties of a vigorous and discerning mind. A stranger to the schools and the camp, he studied in the palace to dissemble, to flatter, and to persuade; and as soon as he approached the person of the emperor, Justinian listened with surprise and pleasure to the manly counsels of his chamberlain and private treasurer. 30 The talents of Narses were tried and improved in frequent embassies: he led an army into Italy, acquired a practical knowledge of the war and the country, and presumed to strive with the genius of Belisarius. Twelve years after his return, the eunuch was chosen to achieve the conquest which had been left imperfect by the first of the Roman generals. Instead of being dazzled by vanity or emulation, he seriously declared that, unless he were armed with an adequate force, he would never consent to risk his own glory and that of his sovereign. Justinian granted to the favorite what he might have denied to the hero: the Gothic war was rekindled from its ashes, and the preparations were not unworthy of the ancient majesty of the empire. The key of the public treasure was put into his hand, to collect magazines, to levy soldiers, to purchase arms and horses, to discharge the arrears of pay, and to tempt the fidelity of the fugitives and deserters. The troops of Germanus were still in arms; they halted at Salona in the expectation of a new leader; and legions of subjects and allies were created by the well-known liberality of the eunuch Narses. The king of the Lombards 31 satisfied or surpassed the obligations of a treaty, by lending two thousand two hundred of his bravest warriors, 3111 who were followed by three thousand of their martial attendants. Three thousand Heruli fought on horseback under Philemuth, their native chief; and the noble Aratus, who adopted the manners and discipline of Rome, conducted a band of veterans of the same nation. Dagistheus was released from prison to command the Huns; and Kobad, the grandson and nephew of the great king, was conspicuous by the regal tiara at the head of his faithful Persians, who had devoted themselves to the fortunes of their prince. 32 Absolute in the exercise of his authority, more absolute in the affection of his troops, Narses led a numerous and gallant army from Philippopolis to Salona, from whence he coasted the eastern side of the Adriatic as far as the confines of Italy. His progress was checked. The East could not supply vessels capable of transporting such multitudes of men and horses. The Franks, who, in the general confusion, had usurped the greater part of the Venetian province, refused a free passage to the friends of the Lombards. The station of Verona was occupied by Teias, with the flower of the Gothic forces; and that skilful commander had overspread the adjacent country with the fall of woods and the inundation of waters. 33 In this perplexity, an officer of experience proposed a measure, secure by the appearance of rashness; that the Roman army should cautiously advance along the seashore, while the fleet preceded their march, and successively cast a bridge of boats over the mouths of the rivers, the Timavus, the Brenta, the Adige, and the Po, that fall into the Adriatic to the north of Ravenna. Nine days he reposed in the city, collected the fragments of the Italian army, and marching towards Rimini to meet the defiance of an insulting enemy.
日耳曼努斯一死,又传来一桩怪事,惹得列邦哂笑:罗马大军的统帅之职,竟交到了一名宦官手里。然而宦官纳尔塞斯29,却跻身于寥寥数人之列——正是他们,把“宦官”这个不幸的名号从世人的鄙夷与憎恨中挽救了出来。一副孱弱矮小的躯体里,藏着一位政治家兼武将的灵魂。他年轻时的差事,无非是摆弄织机与纺锤、操持家务、侍奉女眷的奢靡起居;然而在双手忙碌之际,他却暗暗磨砺着一副强健而敏锐的心智。他既未进过学堂,也未历过军营,却在宫廷之中修习了掩饰、逢迎与游说之术;一旦得以近侍君前,查士丁尼听着这位寝宫总管兼内库司帐所进的堂堂之言,又惊又喜。30纳尔塞斯的才干在频繁的出使中屡受考验、日益精进;他曾率一军进入意大利,对那里的战事与地理有了切实的了解,甚至敢与贝利撒留的天才一较高下。自意大利归来十二年之后,这位宦官被选中,去完成那桩由罗马第一名将留下的、尚未竟全功的征服大业。他并未被虚荣或争胜之心冲昏头脑,反倒郑重声明:若不给他配备足够的兵力,他绝不肯拿自己与君主的荣誉去冒险。对这位宠臣,查士丁尼有求必应——若换作那位英雄,他多半会一口回绝;于是哥特战争死灰复燃,其筹备之规模,也无愧于帝国昔日的威严。国库的钥匙交到了他手中,任他积储军需、征募士卒、购置军械马匹、补发欠饷,并以重利诱使逃亡者与叛离者转而效忠。日耳曼努斯的旧部仍未解甲,正屯驻在萨洛纳,等候新的统帅;而凭着宦官纳尔塞斯那众所周知的慷慨,一支支由臣民与盟邦组成的大军也相继编成。伦巴第王31履行——甚至超额履行——了条约的义务,借出两千二百名最勇猛的战士3111,另有三千名尚武的随从相随其后。三千名赫鲁利人在其本族首领菲勒穆特麾下策马作战;而高贵的阿拉图斯——此人一向遵循罗马的礼法与纪律——则统领着一队同族的老兵。达吉斯特乌斯获释出狱,去统率匈人;卡瓦德——波斯大王的孙子兼侄子——头戴王冠,格外显眼地率领着一支忠心的波斯人,那些人早已把身家性命都系在这位王子的命运之上。32纳尔塞斯行使职权时大权独揽,赢得部众的爱戴则更是无以复加;他率领一支人数众多、英勇善战的大军,从菲利波波利斯开赴萨洛纳,再沿亚得里亚海东岸行进,直抵意大利边境。他的进军却在此受阻。东方一带竟拿不出足以运载如此众多人马的船只。法兰克人趁天下大乱,已侵占了威尼提亚行省的大部;他们不肯给伦巴第人的盟友让出通路。维罗纳一处要地由特伊亚斯据守,他手下尽是哥特精锐;这位善战的将领又在四周乡野遍伐林木、决水漫灌,使一带尽成泽国。33正当众人一筹莫展之际,一位经验丰富的军官献上一策,看似鲁莽,实则稳妥:罗马大军沿海岸小心推进,舰队则先行开道,在蒂马武斯河、布伦塔河、阿迪杰河与波河这几条注入拉文纳以北亚得里亚海的河流入海口,逐一架起舟桥。他在城中休整了九天,收拢意大利残军的余部,随即向里米尼进发,去迎击一个前来挑衅、出言不逊的敌人。

Notes 注释

13
During the long exile, and after the death of Vigilius, the Roman church was governed, at first by the archdeacon, and at length (A. D 655) by the pope Pelagius, who was not thought guiltless of the sufferings of his predecessor. See the original lives of the popes under the name of Anastasius, (Muratori, Script. Rer. Italicarum, tom. iii. P. i. p. 130, 131,) who relates several curious incidents of the sieges of Rome and the wars of Italy.
在漫长的流亡期间以及维吉利乌斯死后,罗马教会起初由这位副主祭治理,最后(公元655年)则由教宗佩拉吉乌斯执掌——一般认为,他对前任所受的苦难难辞其咎。参见托名阿纳斯塔修斯所撰的历代教宗传(Muratori, Script. Rer. Italicarum, tom. iii. P. i. p. 130, 131),书中叙及罗马数度被围及意大利战事的若干奇闻。
14
Mount Garganus, now Monte St. Angelo, in the kingdom of Naples, runs three hundred stadia into the Adriatic Sea, (Strab.—vi. p. 436,) and in the darker ages was illustrated by the apparition, miracles, and church, of St. Michael the archangel. Horace, a native of Apulia or Lucania, had seen the elms and oaks of Garganus laboring and bellowing with the north wind that blew on that lofty coast, (Carm. ii. 9, Epist. ii. i. 201.)
加尔加努斯山,即今那不勒斯王国境内的圣安杰洛山,向亚得里亚海中伸出三百斯塔迪亚(Strab.—vi. p. 436);在较为蒙昧的时代,因天使长圣米迦勒的显现、神迹与教堂而声名远扬。贺拉斯本是阿普利亚或卢卡尼亚人,曾亲见加尔加努斯山上的榆树与橡树,在那高峻海岸上呼啸的北风中挣扎轰鸣(Carm. ii. 9, Epist. ii. i. 201)。
15
I cannot ascertain this particular camp of Hannibal; but the Punic quarters were long and often in the neighborhood of Arpi, (T. Liv. xxii. 9, 12, xxiv. 3, &c.)
汉尼拔这处具体营地,我已无从确考;不过迦太基军队长期且屡屡驻扎在阿尔皮一带(T. Liv. xxii. 9, 12, xxiv. 3, &c.)。
16
Totila.... Romam ingreditur.... ac evertit muros, domos aliquantas igni comburens, ac omnes Romanorum res in praedam ac cepit, hos ipsos Romanos in Campaniam captivos abduxit. Post quam devastationem, xl. autamp lius dies, Roma fuit ita desolata, ut nemo ibi hominum, nisi (nulloe?) bestiae morarentur, (Marcellin. in Chron. p. 54.)
Totila.... Romam ingreditur.... ac evertit muros, domos aliquantas igni comburens, ac omnes Romanorum res in praedam ac cepit, hos ipsos Romanos in Campaniam captivos abduxit. Post quam devastationem, xl. autamp lius dies, Roma fuit ita desolata, ut nemo ibi hominum, nisi (nulloe?) bestiae morarentur(Marcellin. in Chron. p. 54)。(大意:托提拉进入罗马,推倒城墙,焚毁若干房屋,把罗马人的一切财物掳为战利品,并将罗马人本身掳往坎帕尼亚为俘。此番浩劫之后,罗马荒芜四十余日,城中不见人烟,唯有野兽出没。)
17
The tribuli are small engines with four spikes, one fixed in the ground, the three others erect or adverse, (Procopius, Gothic. l. iii. c. 24. Just. Lipsius, Poliorcetwv, l. v. c. 3.) The metaphor was borrowed from the tribuli, (land-caltrops,) an herb with a prickly fruit, commex in Italy. (Martin, ad Virgil. Georgic. i. 153 vol. ii. p. 33.)
所谓 tribuli(铁蒺藜)是一种带四根尖刺的小器械:一根扎入地中,其余三根朝上或朝外竖起(Procopius, Gothic. l. iii. c. 24. Just. Lipsius, Poliorcetwv, l. v. c. 3)。这个比喻借自 tribuli(即蒺藜,land-caltrops),那是一种果实带刺的草,在意大利十分常见(Martin, ad Virgil. Georgic. i. 153 vol. ii. p. 33)。
18
Ruscia, the navale Thuriorum, was transferred to the distance of sixty stadia to Ruscianum, Rossano, an archbishopric without suffragans. The republic of Sybaris is now the estate of the duke of Corigliano. (Riedesel, Travels into Magna Graecia and Sicily, p. 166—171.)
鲁斯基亚(Ruscia),即图里伊人的港口(navale Thuriorum),后来迁移到六十斯塔迪亚之外的鲁斯基亚努姆,即罗萨诺——那是一处没有下辖教区的总主教座。昔日的锡巴里斯共和国,如今已成科里利亚诺公爵的领地(Riedesel, Travels into Magna Graecia and Sicily, p. 166—171)。
19
This conspiracy is related by Procopius (Gothic. l. iii. c. 31, 32) with such freedom and candor, that the liberty of the Anecdotes gives him nothing to add.
这场阴谋,普罗柯比在《哥特战记》(Gothic. l. iii. c. 31, 32)中叙述得十分坦率无隐,以至于《秘史》那种放言无忌的笔法,也无从再为他补充什么。
20
The honors of Belisarius are gladly commemorated by his secretary, (Procop. Goth. l. iii. c. 35, l. iv. c. 21.) This title is ill translated, at least in this instance, by præfectus praetorio; and to a military character, magister militum is more proper and applicable, (Ducange, Gloss. Graec. p. 1458, 1459.)
贝利撒留所获的荣衔,其秘书(普罗柯比)乐于加以追述(Procop. Goth. l. iii. c. 35, l. iv. c. 21)。这一头衔译作 præfectus praetorio(禁卫军长官)——至少在此处——并不妥当;对一位军人而言,magister militum(军队统帅)更为恰切适用(Ducange, Gloss. Graec. p. 1458, 1459)。
21
Alemannus, (ad Hist. Arcanum, p. 68,) Ducange, (Familiae Byzant. p. 98,) and Heineccius, (Hist. Juris Civilis, p. 434,) all three represent Anastasius as the son of the daughter of Theodora; and their opinion firmly reposes on the unambiguous testimony of Procopius, (Anecdot. c. 4, 5,—twice repeated.) And yet I will remark, 1. That in the year 547, Theodora could sarcely have a grandson of the age of puberty; 2. That we are totally ignorant of this daughter and her husband; and, 3. That Theodora concealed her bastards, and that her grandson by Justinian would have been heir apparent of the empire.
阿莱曼努斯(ad Hist. Arcanum, p. 68)、杜康热(Familiae Byzant. p. 98)与海涅克丘斯(Hist. Juris Civilis, p. 434)三人,都把阿纳斯塔修斯说成是狄奥多拉之女的儿子;他们的看法牢牢建立在普罗柯比明白无误的证词之上(Anecdot. c. 4, 5,重复两次)。不过我要提出几点意见:其一,公元547年时,狄奥多拉几乎不可能有一个已届青春期的外孙;其二,对于这个女儿及其丈夫,我们一无所知;其三,狄奥多拉素来隐匿自己的私生子女,况且她若有一个出自查士丁尼一脉的外孙,那外孙本该是帝国的当然继承人。
22
The sins of the hero in Italy and after his return, are manifested, and most probably swelled, by the author of the Anecdotes, (c. 4, 5.) The designs of Antonina were favored by the fluctuating jurisprudence of Justinian. On the law of marriage and divorce, that emperor was trocho versatilior, (Heineccius, Element Juris Civil. ad Ordinem Pandect. P. iv. No. 233.)
这位英雄在意大利期间以及归来之后的种种劣迹,《秘史》的作者都一一揭出,而且多半有所夸大(c. 4, 5)。安东尼娜的图谋,得益于查士丁尼反复无常的法理。在婚姻与离婚的立法上,这位皇帝真可谓 trocho versatilior(比陀螺转得还快)(Heineccius, Element Juris Civil. ad Ordinem Pandect. P. iv. No. 233)。
23
The Romans were still attached to the monuments of their ancestors; and according to Procopius, (Goth. l. iv. c. 22,) the gallery of Aeneas, of a single rank of oars, 25 feet in breadth, 120 in length, was preserved entire in the navalia, near Monte Testaceo, at the foot of the Aventine, (Nardini, Roma Antica, l. vii. c. 9, p. 466. Donatus, Rom Antiqua, l. iv. c. 13, p. 334) But all antiquity is ignorant of relic.
罗马人对祖先留下的遗迹仍怀依恋之情;据普罗柯比记载(Goth. l. iv. c. 22),埃涅阿斯那艘只有一列桨、宽二十五英尺、长一百二十英尺的桨船,曾完好地保存在阿文提努斯山脚下、泰斯塔乔山附近的船坞(navalia)里(Nardini, Roma Antica, l. vii. c. 9, p. 466. Donatus, Rom Antiqua, l. iv. c. 13, p. 334)。然而整个古代都不知有此遗物。
24
In these seas Procopius searched without success for the Isle of Calypso. He was shown, at Phaeacia, or Cocyra, the petrified ship of Ulysses, (Odyss. xiii. 163;) but he found it a recent fabric of many stones, dedicated by a merchant to Jupiter Cassius, (l. iv. c. 22.) Eustathius had supposed it to be the fanciful likeness of a rock.
普罗柯比曾在这一带海域寻找卡吕普索之岛,却一无所获。在淮阿基亚(即科基拉),有人指给他看奥德修斯那艘化为石头的船(Odyss. xiii. 163);但他发现那不过是晚近用许多石块砌成之物,乃一名商人献给卡西俄斯·朱庇特的(l. iv. c. 22)。欧斯塔提乌斯则曾以为,那只是一块形状凑巧、状似船只的岩石罢了。
25
M. D’Anville (Memoires de l’Acad. tom. xxxii. p. 513—528) illustrates the Gulf of Ambracia; but he cannot ascertain the situation of Dodona. A country in sight of Italy is less known than the wilds of America. Note: On the site of Dodona compare Walpole’s Travels in the East, vol. ii. p. 473; Col. Leake’s Northern Greece, vol. iv. p. 163; and a dissertation by the present bishop of Lichfield (Dr. Butler) in the appendix to Hughes’s Travels, vol. i. p. 511.—M.
当维尔先生(Memoires de l’Acad. tom. xxxii. p. 513—528)对安布拉基亚湾作了考释,却无法确定多多纳的具体位置。一处遥望意大利可见的地方,竟比美洲的荒野还要不为人知。编者按:关于多多纳的遗址,可参较沃波尔《东方游记》(vol. ii. p. 473)、利克上校《希腊北部》(vol. iv. p. 163),以及现任利奇菲尔德主教(巴特勒博士)为休斯《游记》附录所撰的一篇专论(vol. i. p. 511)。—M
2511
This is a singular mistake. Gibbon must have hastily caught at his inexperience, and concluded that it must have been from youth. Lord Mahon has pointed out this error, p. 401. I should add that in the last 4to. edition, corrected by Gibbon, it stands “want of youth and experience;”—but Gibbon can scarcely have intended such a phrase.—M.
这是一处奇特的错误。吉本想必是仓促间抓住了利贝里乌斯缺乏经验这一点,便断定其缘由必是年轻。马洪勋爵已指出此误(p. 401)。我还要补充一句:在吉本亲自校订的最后一版四开本中,此处作“want of youth and experience”(缺乏青春与经验);但吉本恐怕未必有意用这样一个说法。—M
26
See the acts of Germanus in the public (Vandal. l. ii, c. 16, 17, 18 Goth. l. iii. c. 31, 32) and private history, (Anecdot. c. 5,) and those of his son Justin, in Agathias, (l. iv. p. 130, 131.) Notwithstanding an ambiguous expression of Jornandes, fratri suo, Alemannus has proved that he was the son of the emperor’s brother.
关于日耳曼努斯的事迹,可见于正史(Vandal. l. ii, c. 16, 17, 18 Goth. l. iii. c. 31, 32)与秘史(Anecdot. c. 5);他儿子查士丁的事迹,则见于阿加提亚斯(l. iv. p. 130, 131)。约达尼斯虽有一句含混的说法 fratri suo(其兄弟之子),但阿莱曼努斯已证明他实为皇帝之兄的儿子。
27
Conjuncta Aniciorum gens cum Amala stirpe spem adhuc utii usque generis promittit, (Jornandes, c. 60, p. 703.) He wrote at Ravenna before the death of Totila
Conjuncta Aniciorum gens cum Amala stirpe spem adhuc utii usque generis promittit(Jornandes, c. 60, p. 703)(大意:阿尼奇家族与阿马利世系联姻,为两支血脉都带来了传续的希望)。约达尼斯是在托提拉死前于拉文纳写下这句话的。
2711
See note 31, p. 268.—M.
参见第268页注31。—M
28
The third book of Procopius is terminated by the death of Germanus, (Add. l. iv. c. 23, 24, 25, 26.)
普罗柯比的第三卷以日耳曼努斯之死告终(另见 l. iv. c. 23, 24, 25, 26)。
29
Procopius relates the whole series of this second Gothic war and the victory of Narses, (l. iv. c. 21, 26—35.) A splendid scene. Among the six subjects of epic poetry which Tasso revolved in his mind, he hesitated between the conquests of Italy by Belisarius and by Narses, (Hayley’s Works, vol. iv. p. 70.)
第二次哥特战争的全过程以及纳尔塞斯的胜利,普罗柯比都作了叙述(l. iv. c. 21, 26—35)。何等壮丽的场面。塔索心中盘桓过六个史诗题材,其中他曾在贝利撒留与纳尔塞斯先后征服意大利这两桩之间踌躇难决(Hayley’s Works, vol. iv. p. 70)。
30
The country of Narses is unknown, since he must not be confounded with the Persarmenian. Procopius styles him (see Goth. l. ii. c. 13); Paul Warnefrid, (l. ii. c. 3, p. 776,) Chartularius: Marcellinus adds the name of Cubicularius. In an inscription on the Salarian bridge he is entitled Ex-consul, Ex-praepositus, Cubiculi Patricius, (Mascou, Hist. of the Germans, (l. xiii. c. 25.) The law of Theodosius against ennuchs was obsolete or abolished, Annotation xx.,) but the foolish prophecy of the Romans subsisted in full vigor, (Procop. l. iv. c. 21.) * Note: Lord Mahon supposes them both to have been Persarmenians. Note, p. 256.—M.
纳尔塞斯的籍贯不详,因为不可把他与那位波斯亚美尼亚人相混淆。普罗柯比对他另有一种称呼(见 Goth. l. ii. c. 13);保罗·瓦尔内弗里德(l. ii. c. 3, p. 776)称他为 Chartularius(司档官);马尔切利努斯又添了 Cubicularius(寝宫侍从)一名。萨拉里亚桥上的一方铭文,赋予他 Ex-consul、Ex-praepositus、Cubiculi Patricius(前执政官、前总管、寝宫贵族)等衔(Mascou, Hist. of the Germans, l. xiii. c. 25。狄奥多西针对宦官的那条法律,此时或已废弛、或已废止,见 Annotation xx.);然而罗马人那个荒唐的预言,却依旧盛行不衰(Procop. l. iv. c. 21)。*编者按:马洪勋爵认为二人都是波斯亚美尼亚人。见 Note, p. 256。—M
31
Paul Warnefrid, the Lombard, records with complacency the succor, service, and honorable dismission of his countrymen—reipublicae Romanae adversus aemulos adjutores fuerant, (l. ii. c. i. p. 774, edit. Grot.) I am surprised that Alboin, their martial king, did not lead his subjects in person. * Note: The Lombards were still at war with the Gepidae. See Procop. Goth. lib. iv. p. 25.—M.
伦巴第人保罗·瓦尔内弗里德得意地记下了本族同胞如何驰援、效力,又如何体面地被遣返——reipublicae Romanae adversus aemulos adjutores fuerant(他们曾助罗马国家对抗其敌手)(l. ii. c. i. p. 774, edit. Grot.)。令我惊讶的是,他们尚武的国王阿尔博因竟没有亲率臣民出征。*编者按:当时伦巴第人正与格皮德人交战。见 Procop. Goth. lib. iv. p. 25。—M
3111
Gibbon has blindly followed the translation of Maltretus: Bis mille ducentos—while the original Greek says expressly something else, (Goth. lib. iv. c. 26.) In like manner, (p. 266,) he draws volunteers from Germany, on the authority of Cousin, who, in one place, has mistaken Germanus for Germania. Yet only a few pages further we find Gibbon loudly condemning the French and Latin readers of Procopius. Lord Mahon, p. 403. The first of these errors remains uncorrected in the new edition of the Byzantines.—M.
吉本盲目沿用了马尔特雷图斯的译文 Bis mille ducentos(两千二百),而希腊原文明明另有说法(Goth. lib. iv. c. 26)。同样地(p. 266),他依据库赞而说有志愿兵来自日耳曼——而库赞在一处竟把 Germanus(日耳曼努斯)误作 Germania(日耳曼尼亚)。可是仅仅再往后翻几页,我们就见吉本在大声斥责那些读普罗柯比的法文和拉丁文译本的人。见马洪勋爵,p. 403。上述头一处错误,在新版拜占庭史丛书中仍未订正。—M
32
He was, if not an impostor, the son of the blind Zames, saved by compassion, and educated in the Byzantine court by the various motives of policy, pride, and generosity, (Procop. Persic. l. i. c. 23.)
此人若非冒名顶替之徒,便是那位失明的扎梅斯之子;他因人怜悯而得以保全性命,又出于政略、体面与仁慈等种种动机,在拜占庭宫廷中受抚养长大(Procop. Persic. l. i. c. 23)。
33
In the time of Augustus, and in the middle ages, the whole waste from Aquileia to Ravenna was covered with woods, lakes, and morasses. Man has subdued nature, and the land has been cultivated since the waters are confined and embanked. See the learned researches of Muratori, (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi. tom. i. dissert xxi. p. 253, 254,) from Vitruvius, Strabo, Herodian, old charters, and local knowledge.
无论在奥古斯都时代还是在中世纪,从阿奎莱亚到拉文纳的整片荒野,都覆盖着树林、湖泊与沼泽。后来人力征服了自然,河水既经约束筑堤,这片土地便得以垦殖。参见穆拉托里那些博学的考据(Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi. tom. i. dissert xxi. p. 253, 254),其取材于维特鲁威、斯特拉波、希罗狄安、古代文书以及本地见闻。