Chapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part I. 第四十章 查士丁尼在位时期——第一节

Elevation Of Justin The Elder.—Reign Of Justinian.—I. The Empress Theodora.—II. Factions Of The Circus, And Sedition Of Constantinople.—III. Trade And Manufacture Of Silk.—IV. Finances And Taxes.—V. Edifices Of Justinian.—Church Of St. Sophia.—Fortifications And Frontiers Of The Eastern Empire.—Abolition Of The Schools Of Athens, And The Consulship Of Rome.
老查士丁的登基。——查士丁尼在位时期。——一、狄奥多拉皇后。——二、竞技场的党派与君士坦丁堡的暴乱。——三、丝绸的贸易与织造。——四、财政与赋税。——五、查士丁尼的建筑。——圣索菲亚大教堂。——东部帝国的边防与疆界。——雅典学园的废止,与罗马执政官职的终结。
The emperor Justinian was born 1 near the ruins of Sardica, (the modern Sophia,) of an obscure race 2 of Barbarians, 3 the inhabitants of a wild and desolate country, to which the names of Dardania, of Dacia, and of Bulgaria, have been successively applied. His elevation was prepared by the adventurous spirit of his uncle Justin, who, with two other peasants of the same village, deserted, for the profession of arms, the more useful employment of husbandmen or shepherds. 4 On foot, with a scanty provision of biscuit in their knapsacks, the three youths followed the high road of Constantinople, and were soon enrolled, for their strength and stature, among the guards of the emperor Leo. Under the two succeeding reigns, the fortunate peasant emerged to wealth and honors; and his escape from some dangers which threatened his life was afterwards ascribed to the guardian angel who watches over the fate of kings. His long and laudable service in the Isaurian and Persian wars would not have preserved from oblivion the name of Justin; yet they might warrant the military promotion, which in the course of fifty years he gradually obtained; the rank of tribune, of count, and of general; the dignity of senator, and the command of the guards, who obeyed him as their chief, at the important crisis when the emperor Anastasius was removed from the world. The powerful kinsmen whom he had raised and enriched were excluded from the throne; and the eunuch Amantius, who reigned in the palace, had secretly resolved to fix the diadem on the head of the most obsequious of his creatures. A liberal donative, to conciliate the suffrage of the guards, was intrusted for that purpose in the hands of their commander. But these weighty arguments were treacherously employed by Justin in his own favor; and as no competitor presumed to appear, the Dacian peasant was invested with the purple by the unanimous consent of the soldiers, who knew him to be brave and gentle, of the clergy and people, who believed him to be orthodox, and of the provincials, who yielded a blind and implicit submission to the will of the capital. The elder Justin, as he is distinguished from another emperor of the same family and name, ascended the Byzantine throne at the age of sixty-eight years; and, had he been left to his own guidance, every moment of a nine years’ reign must have exposed to his subjects the impropriety of their choice. His ignorance was similar to that of Theodoric; and it is remarkable that in an age not destitute of learning, two contemporary monarchs had never been instructed in the knowledge of the alphabet. 411 But the genius of Justin was far inferior to that of the Gothic king: the experience of a soldier had not qualified him for the government of an empire; and though personally brave, the consciousness of his own weakness was naturally attended with doubt, distrust, and political apprehension. But the official business of the state was diligently and faithfully transacted by the quaestor Proclus; 5 and the aged emperor adopted the talents and ambition of his nephew Justinian, an aspiring youth, whom his uncle had drawn from the rustic solitude of Dacia, and educated at Constantinople, as the heir of his private fortune, and at length of the Eastern empire.
查士丁尼皇帝生于萨尔迪卡(即今之索菲亚)废墟近旁1,出身于一个籍籍无名的蛮族部落23;那是一片荒凉僻远的乡土,其地先后被冠以达尔达尼亚、达契亚、保加利亚等名。他日后得以显贵,实肇端于其舅父查士丁的冒险心性:查士丁曾与同村的另两名农夫,抛下务农牧羊这更为有益的营生,投身行伍。4三个年轻人徒步上路,行囊里只揣着少许干粮,沿着通往君士坦丁堡的大道前行;抵达之后,因体格魁伟、气力过人,很快便被选入利奥皇帝的卫队。在其后相继两朝之间,这个幸运的农夫渐至富贵显达;他曾数度身临险境、性命堪虞而终得脱免,后人遂将此归功于那位护佑君王命运的守护天使。他在伊苏里亚与波斯诸役中效力多年,功绩虽堪称道,却本不足以使查士丁之名免于湮没;然而这些战功至少足以佐证他在五十年间循序渐进所得的军职:由军事保民官而军事伯,而将军,又跻身元老之列,终至执掌卫队。及阿纳斯塔修斯皇帝弃世之际,正值紧要关头,卫队上下奉他为主帅。阿纳斯塔修斯生前提拔、荫庇的那几位权贵亲属,都被排斥于皇位之外;而在宫中当权的宦官阿曼提乌斯,早已暗自打定主意,要把冠冕戴到自己一名最会阿谀奉承的党羽头上。为笼络卫队的拥戴,一笔丰厚的赏金遂交到卫队统帅手中,专供此用。然而这些沉甸甸的“说辞”,却被查士丁背信弃义地挪来为自己张目;既无人敢挺身与他一争,这位达契亚农夫便在众口一词的拥戴下被授以紫袍:士卒拥戴他,因深知他既勇武又温厚;教士与庶民拥戴他,因相信他信仰纯正;各行省拥戴他,则因它们对京师的意旨向来盲目顺从、唯命是听。这位老查士丁——之所以如此称呼,是为了与同族同名的另一位皇帝相区别——以六十八岁高龄登上拜占庭帝位;倘若一切全凭他自己做主,那么在这九年治世之中,随时随地都会让臣民看清:他们当初的抉择何其不当。他的无知与狄奥多里克如出一辙;尤为可怪的是,在一个并非全然不学的时代,竟有两位并世的君主,都从未受过识字之教。411然而就天资而论,查士丁远逊于那位哥特国王:一介行伍的阅历,并不足以使他胜任治理一个帝国的重任;他虽有一己之勇,却自知才短,于是疑虑、猜忌与临政的惶恐,也就自然随之而生。所幸国政诸务,皆由财务官普罗克洛斯勤勉忠谨地经办;5这位年迈的皇帝,则倚重其外甥查士丁尼的才干与抱负。这个志向远大的青年,本由舅父从达契亚乡间的僻处召来,在君士坦丁堡加以教养,先立为自己私产的继承人,终又立为东部帝国的继承人。
Since the eunuch Amantius had been defrauded of his money, it became necessary to deprive him of his life. The task was easily accomplished by the charge of a real or fictitious conspiracy; and the judges were informed, as an accumulation of guilt, that he was secretly addicted to the Manichaean heresy. 6 Amantius lost his head; three of his companions, the first domestics of the palace, were punished either with death or exile; and their unfortunate candidate for the purple was cast into a deep dungeon, overwhelmed with stones, and ignominiously thrown, without burial, into the sea. The ruin of Vitalian was a work of more difficulty and danger. That Gothic chief had rendered himself popular by the civil war which he boldly waged against Anastasius for the defence of the orthodox faith, and after the conclusion of an advantageous treaty, he still remained in the neighborhood of Constantinople at the head of a formidable and victorious army of Barbarians. By the frail security of oaths, he was tempted to relinquish this advantageous situation, and to trust his person within the walls of a city, whose inhabitants, particularly the blue faction, were artfully incensed against him by the remembrance even of his pious hostilities. The emperor and his nephew embraced him as the faithful and worthy champion of the church and state; and gratefully adorned their favorite with the titles of consul and general; but in the seventh month of his consulship, Vitalian was stabbed with seventeen wounds at the royal banquet; 7 and Justinian, who inherited the spoil, was accused as the assassin of a spiritual brother, to whom he had recently pledged his faith in the participation of the Christian mysteries. 8 After the fall of his rival, he was promoted, without any claim of military service, to the office of master-general of the Eastern armies, whom it was his duty to lead into the field against the public enemy. But, in the pursuit of fame, Justinian might have lost his present dominion over the age and weakness of his uncle; and instead of acquiring by Scythian or Persian trophies the applause of his countrymen, 9 the prudent warrior solicited their favor in the churches, the circus, and the senate, of Constantinople. The Catholics were attached to the nephew of Justin, who, between the Nestorian and Eutychian heresies, trod the narrow path of inflexible and intolerant orthodoxy. 10 In the first days of the new reign, he prompted and gratified the popular enthusiasm against the memory of the deceased emperor. After a schism of thirty-four years, he reconciled the proud and angry spirit of the Roman pontiff, and spread among the Latins a favorable report of his pious respect for the apostolic see. The thrones of the East were filled with Catholic bishops, devoted to his interest, the clergy and the monks were gained by his liberality, and the people were taught to pray for their future sovereign, the hope and pillar of the true religion. The magnificence of Justinian was displayed in the superior pomp of his public spectacles, an object not less sacred and important in the eyes of the multitude than the creed of Nice or Chalcedon: the expense of his consulship was esteemed at two hundred and twenty-eight thousand pieces of gold; twenty lions, and thirty leopards, were produced at the same time in the amphitheatre, and a numerous train of horses, with their rich trappings, was bestowed as an extraordinary gift on the victorious charioteers of the circus. While he indulged the people of Constantinople, and received the addresses of foreign kings, the nephew of Justin assiduously cultivated the friendship of the senate. That venerable name seemed to qualify its members to declare the sense of the nation, and to regulate the succession of the Imperial throne: the feeble Anastasius had permitted the vigor of government to degenerate into the form or substance of an aristocracy; and the military officers who had obtained the senatorial rank were followed by their domestic guards, a band of veterans, whose arms or acclamations might fix in a tumultuous moment the diadem of the East. The treasures of the state were lavished to procure the voices of the senators, and their unanimous wish, that he would be pleased to adopt Justinian for his colleague, was communicated to the emperor. But this request, which too clearly admonished him of his approaching end, was unwelcome to the jealous temper of an aged monarch, desirous to retain the power which he was incapable of exercising; and Justin, holding his purple with both his hands, advised them to prefer, since an election was so profitable, some older candidate. Not withstanding this reproach, the senate proceeded to decorate Justinian with the royal epithet of nobilissimus; and their decree was ratified by the affection or the fears of his uncle. After some time the languor of mind and body, to which he was reduced by an incurable wound in his thigh, indispensably required the aid of a guardian. He summoned the patriarch and senators; and in their presence solemnly placed the diadem on the head of his nephew, who was conducted from the palace to the circus, and saluted by the loud and joyful applause of the people. The life of Justin was prolonged about four months; but from the instant of this ceremony, he was considered as dead to the empire, which acknowledged Justinian, in the forty-fifth year of his age, for the lawful sovereign of the East. 11
宦官阿曼提乌斯既已被骗去钱财,接下来便有必要连他的性命也一并夺去。只需安上一桩或真或假的谋逆之罪,此事便轻易办成;为使其罪上加罪,还有人告知法官:他暗中沉溺于摩尼教异端。6阿曼提乌斯身首异处;他的三名同党,即宫中最高等的内侍,或处死,或流放;而由他们拥立、觊觎帝位的那名倒霉候选人,则被投入深牢,乱石砸毙,最后连葬礼也没有,便不体面地被抛入海中。至于扳倒维塔利安,则是一桩更为棘手、也更为凶险的事。这位哥特酋帅曾为捍卫正统信仰,悍然对阿纳斯塔修斯发动内战,因而大得人心;及至订立一纸于己有利的和约之后,他仍统率着一支所向披靡、令人生畏的蛮族大军,屯驻于君士坦丁堡近郊。人们以几句靠不住的誓言作担保,诱使他放弃这一有利处境,只身踏入城中;殊不知城里的居民,尤其是蓝党,早被人巧施手段煽动起来,对他心怀怨恨——连他昔日那场虔诚的举兵,如今也成了他们记恨的由头。皇帝与其外甥张臂相迎,把他当作教会与国家忠诚而可敬的捍卫者,感激之余,还给这位宠臣加上执政官与将军的头衔;然而就在他就任执政官的第七个月,维塔利安在御宴之上被刺,身中十七处伤而死;7查士丁尼承继了他遗下的权位,遂被指为杀害一位“灵性弟兄”的凶手——不久前,两人还在同领基督教圣礼之际,彼此立誓结为教中兄弟。8政敌既除,查士丁尼虽无半点军功可言,却被擢升为东方军队的统帅,照理当由他率军出征、抗击国家的公敌。但倘若一味追逐军功,查士丁尼或将失去他眼下对年迈孱弱的舅父所握有的支配之权;因此,这位精明的武人并不指望靠讨伐斯基泰人或波斯人的战利品来博取同胞的喝彩,9而是转而在君士坦丁堡的教堂、竞技场与元老院中谋求众人的欢心。大公教徒都倾心于查士丁这位外甥,因为他在聂斯脱利派与欧迪奇派两种异端之间,坚定不移地走着一条既不妥协、也不宽容的正统窄路。10新朝伊始,他便煽动并迎合民众的狂热,一同声讨已故皇帝的身后之名。在长达三十四年的教会分裂之后,他抚平了罗马教宗那高傲而愤懑的心气,并在拉丁人中间广布美名,称颂他对使徒座虔敬有加。东方各主教座上,坐满了效忠于他的大公教会主教;教士与修士为他的慷慨所笼络;百姓则被教导要为他们未来的君主祈祷,说他乃真信仰的希望与栋梁。查士丁尼的豪奢,尽显于他所举办的公共盛典那超绝群伦的排场——在众人眼中,此事之神圣与紧要,绝不亚于尼西亚或卡尔西顿的信经。据估算,他就任执政官一次的花费高达二十二万八千枚金币;同一场中,斗兽场上一齐放出二十头狮子、三十头豹,还有成群的骏马,配着华贵的鞍辔,作为破格的赏赐,颁给竞技场上获胜的驭手。查士丁尼一面纵情取悦君士坦丁堡的民众、接受外邦君王的致意,一面又孜孜不倦地结纳元老院的情谊。“元老院”这一可敬之名,仿佛使其成员有资格宣示举国的心意,乃至裁定帝位的继承:孱弱的阿纳斯塔修斯,曾放任本应强健的朝纲蜕变为一种贵族政治——或徒具其形,或竟得其实;那些已获元老之衔的军官,身后都跟着自家的卫队,一群久经战阵的老兵,他们的刀剑或欢呼,足以在片刻的骚乱之间为东方定下冠冕的归属。于是国库的财富被大肆挥霍,用以收买元老们的口舌;他们众口一词的愿望——恳请皇帝俯允收查士丁尼为共治之君——遂被呈达御前。然而这一请求,等于太过露骨地提醒他大限将至,正犯了这位年迈君主猜忌的性子——他明明已无力行使大权,却仍一心要将它紧握不放;查士丁遂双手死死攥住身上的紫袍,回话说:既然拥立新君如此有利可图,倒不如另择一位年纪更长的人选。尽管遭此奚落,元老院仍进而将“至尊”(nobilissimus)这一皇家尊号授予查士丁尼;其舅父或出于慈爱,或出于畏惧,终究认可了这道敕令。过了一段时日,一处无法医治的大腿创伤使他身心俱疲、萎顿不堪,非有一位监护之人辅佐不可。他召来牧首与众元老,当着他们的面,郑重地把冠冕戴到外甥头上;随后外甥被引出宫廷,来到竞技场,受到民众高声欢腾的致意。此后查士丁又活了约莫四个月;但自这场典礼的那一刻起,就帝国而言,他已形同死人。帝国自此承认时年四十五岁的查士丁尼为东方的合法君主。11
From his elevation to his death, Justinian governed the Roman empire thirty-eight years, seven months, and thirteen days.
自登基至驾崩,查士丁尼统治罗马帝国凡三十八年七个月又十三天。
The events of his reign, which excite our curious attention by their number, variety, and importance, are diligently related by the secretary of Belisarius, a rhetorician, whom eloquence had promoted to the rank of senator and præfect of Constantinople. According to the vicissitudes of courage or servitude, of favor or disgrace, Procopius 12 successively composed the history, the panegyric, and the satire of his own times. The eight books of the Persian, Vandalic, and Gothic wars, 13 which are continued in the five books of Agathias, deserve our esteem as a laborious and successful imitation of the Attic, or at least of the Asiatic, writers of ancient Greece. His facts are collected from the personal experience and free conversation of a soldier, a statesman, and a traveller; his style continually aspires, and often attains, to the merit of strength and elegance; his reflections, more especially in the speeches, which he too frequently inserts, contain a rich fund of political knowledge; and the historian, excited by the generous ambition of pleasing and instructing posterity, appears to disdain the prejudices of the people, and the flattery of courts. The writings of Procopius 14 were read and applauded by his contemporaries: 15 but, although he respectfully laid them at the foot of the throne, the pride of Justinian must have been wounded by the praise of a hero, who perpetually eclipses the glory of his inactive sovereign. The conscious dignity of independence was subdued by the hopes and fears of a slave; and the secretary of Belisarius labored for pardon and reward in the six books of the Imperial edifices. He had dexterously chosen a subject of apparent splendor, in which he could loudly celebrate the genius, the magnificence, and the piety of a prince, who, both as a conqueror and legislator, had surpassed the puerile virtues of Themistocles and Cyrus. 16 Disappointment might urge the flatterer to secret revenge; and the first glance of favor might again tempt him to suspend and suppress a libel, 17 in which the Roman Cyrus is degraded into an odious and contemptible tyrant, in which both the emperor and his consort Theodora are seriously represented as two daemons, who had assumed a human form for the destruction of mankind. 18 Such base inconsistency must doubtless sully the reputation, and detract from the credit, of Procopius: yet, after the venom of his malignity has been suffered to exhale, the residue of the anecdotes, even the most disgraceful facts, some of which had been tenderly hinted in his public history, are established by their internal evidence, or the authentic monuments of the times. 19 1911 From these various materials, I shall now proceed to describe the reign of Justinian, which will deserve and occupy an ample space. The present chapter will explain the elevation and character of Theodora, the factions of the circus, and the peaceful administration of the sovereign of the East. In the three succeeding chapters, I shall relate the wars of Justinian, which achieved the conquest of Africa and Italy; and I shall follow the victories of Belisarius and Narses, without disguising the vanity of their triumphs, or the hostile virtue of the Persian and Gothic heroes. The series of this and the following volume will embrace the jurisprudence and theology of the emperor; the controversies and sects which still divide the Oriental church; the reformation of the Roman law which is obeyed or respected by the nations of modern Europe.
他在位期间的种种事件,以其数量之多、种类之繁、分量之重,激起了我们探究的兴味;而勤勉记述这一切的,是贝利撒留的秘书——一位修辞家,凭借辩才荣升为元老与君士坦丁堡的长官。随着自身或勇敢或屈从、或得宠或失势的境遇变迁,普罗柯比12先后写下了对当世的信史、颂词与讽刺之作。记述波斯、汪达尔与哥特诸战争的那八卷书,13后又由阿加提亚斯的五卷加以续写;它们苦心摹仿古希腊阿提卡派、至少是亚细亚派的文风,且颇见成效,值得我们敬重。他笔下的事实,采自一位军人、一位政治家、一位旅行者的亲身经历与畅谈无碍的言谈;他的文笔时时力求、且往往臻于刚劲而优雅之境;他的议论——尤其是那些他插入得过于频繁的演说辞——蕴含着丰富的政治见识;而这位史家怀着取悦并教诲后世的高远抱负,似乎对民众的偏见与宫廷的谄媚都不屑一顾。普罗柯比的著作14在同时代人中广受传诵与称誉;15但纵然他恭敬地将这些著作呈献于御座之下,查士丁尼的自尊却难免受创——因为书中对一位英雄的颂扬,无时无刻不使这位无所作为的君主黯然失色。那种自知独立不倚的尊严,终究被奴仆般的患得患失所压倒;于是贝利撒留的这位秘书,便在六卷《帝国建筑》中,苦心为自己求取宽宥与赏赐。他机巧地选取了一个表面上光辉夺目的题目,好借此高声颂扬这位君主的天才、豪奢与虔诚——说他无论作为征服者还是立法者,都远远超越了地米斯托克利与居鲁士那些幼稚的德行。16失意也许会驱使这位谄媚者暗施报复;而一旦重获君恩的些微垂青,又足以诱使他把一部诽谤之作17搁置、隐匿起来——在那部书中,“罗马的居鲁士”被贬斥为一个可憎可鄙的暴君,皇帝及其配偶狄奥多拉更被一本正经地描绘成两个魔鬼,为祸害人类而假借了人的形貌。18如此卑劣的自相矛盾,无疑会玷污普罗柯比的名声,削减其可信之处;然而,一旦容其恶意的毒液挥发殆尽,这部《秘史》剩下的部分——纵是其中最不堪的事实,有些在他公开的史著里也曾隐约点到——仍可凭其内在的证据,或凭当时可靠的史迹得以确证。191911我如今便要凭借这些形形色色的材料,着手叙述查士丁尼一朝——这一朝值得、也终将占去大量篇幅。本章将说明狄奥多拉的发迹与为人、竞技场的党派,以及这位东方君主承平时期的施政。随后三章,我将叙述查士丁尼的历次战争,正是这些战争成就了对阿非利加与意大利的征服;我还将追随贝利撒留与纳尔塞斯的一连串胜利,既不掩饰他们凯旋中的虚荣,也不讳言与之为敌的波斯、哥特英雄们的武德。本卷与下一卷将一并涵盖这位皇帝的法学与神学,涵盖至今仍使东方教会分裂的种种争议与教派,也将涵盖罗马法的厘革——近代欧洲各国至今或遵行、或尊奉着这套法律。
I. In the exercise of supreme power, the first act of Justinian was to divide it with the woman whom he loved, the famous Theodora, 20 whose strange elevation cannot be applauded as the triumph of female virtue. Under the reign of Anastasius, the care of the wild beasts maintained by the green faction at Constantinople was intrusted to Acacius, a native of the Isle of Cyprus, who, from his employment, was surnamed the master of the bears. This honorable office was given after his death to another candidate, notwithstanding the diligence of his widow, who had already provided a husband and a successor. Acacius had left three daughters, Comito, 21 Theodora, and Anastasia, the eldest of whom did not then exceed the age of seven years. On a solemn festival, these helpless orphans were sent by their distressed and indignant mother, in the garb of suppliants, into the midst of the theatre: the green faction received them with contempt, the blues with compassion; and this difference, which sunk deep into the mind of Theodora, was felt long afterwards in the administration of the empire. As they improved in age and beauty, the three sisters were successively devoted to the public and private pleasures of the Byzantine people: and Theodora, after following Comito on the stage, in the dress of a slave, with a stool on her head, was at length permitted to exercise her independent talents. She neither danced, nor sung, nor played on the flute; her skill was confined to the pantomime arts; she excelled in buffoon characters, and as often as the comedian swelled her cheeks, and complained with a ridiculous tone and gesture of the blows that were inflicted, the whole theatre of Constantinople resounded with laughter and applause. The beauty of Theodora 22 was the subject of more flattering praise, and the source of more exquisite delight. Her features were delicate and regular; her complexion, though somewhat pale, was tinged with a natural color; every sensation was instantly expressed by the vivacity of her eyes; her easy motions displayed the graces of a small but elegant figure; and either love or adulation might proclaim, that painting and poetry were incapable of delineating the matchless excellence of her form. But this form was degraded by the facility with which it was exposed to the public eye, and prostituted to licentious desire. Her venal charms were abandoned to a promiscuous crowd of citizens and strangers of every rank, and of every profession: the fortunate lover who had been promised a night of enjoyment, was often driven from her bed by a stronger or more wealthy favorite; and when she passed through the streets, her presence was avoided by all who wished to escape either the scandal or the temptation. The satirical historian has not blushed 23 to describe the naked scenes which Theodora was not ashamed to exhibit in the theatre. 24 After exhausting the arts of sensual pleasure, 25 she most ungratefully murmured against the parsimony of Nature; 26 but her murmurs, her pleasures, and her arts, must be veiled in the obscurity of a learned language. After reigning for some time, the delight and contempt of the capital, she condescended to accompany Ecebolus, a native of Tyre, who had obtained the government of the African Pentapolis. But this union was frail and transient; Ecebolus soon rejected an expensive or faithless concubine; she was reduced at Alexandria to extreme distress; and in her laborious return to Constantinople, every city of the East admired and enjoyed the fair Cyprian, whose merit appeared to justify her descent from the peculiar island of Venus. The vague commerce of Theodora, and the most detestable precautions, preserved her from the danger which she feared; yet once, and once only, she became a mother. The infant was saved and educated in Arabia, by his father, who imparted to him on his death-bed, that he was the son of an empress. Filled with ambitious hopes, the unsuspecting youth immediately hastened to the palace of Constantinople, and was admitted to the presence of his mother. As he was never more seen, even after the decease of Theodora, she deserves the foul imputation of extinguishing with his life a secret so offensive to her Imperial virtue. 2611
一、查士丁尼手握至高之权后,头一件事便是把这权力分与他所钟爱的女子,即那位声名远播的狄奥多拉;20她那离奇的发迹,实难誉为女德的凯歌。阿纳斯塔修斯在位时,君士坦丁堡绿党豢养的野兽,交由塞浦路斯岛人阿卡基乌斯照料;他因这一差事,得了个“驯熊人”的绰号。他死后,遗孀虽早已张罗好一个丈夫兼继任者,这个体面的差事却仍旧给了另一名候选人。阿卡基乌斯身后留下三个女儿:科米托、21狄奥多拉与阿纳斯塔西娅,其中最年长的那时也不过七岁。在一个庄严的节庆之日,她们那走投无路、满腔愤懑的母亲,让这几个孤苦无依的孩子扮作乞怜者的模样,送到剧场中央:绿党报以轻蔑,蓝党报以怜悯;这一分别深深刻入狄奥多拉心底,许多年后,竟在她治理帝国之际显出了影响。随着年岁渐长、姿容日丽,三姊妹便先后被献作拜占庭人公开或私下取乐的对象;狄奥多拉起初跟着科米托登台,扮作婢女,头顶一只小凳,到后来才获准施展她自己的一份本领。她既不跳舞,也不歌唱,更不吹奏笛管;她的擅长仅限于哑剧一途,尤其演得一手好丑角;每当这位女谐角鼓起腮帮,以滑稽的腔调与做派佯诉自己挨了打,整座君士坦丁堡的剧场便哄然大笑、掌声雷动。而狄奥多拉的美貌,22才更是众口谀美的题目,更是无上欢愉的源泉。她眉目清秀而端正;肤色虽略显苍白,却透着一层天然的红晕;一双眼睛顾盼生辉,内心每一丝感触都随即流露无遗;举手投足从容自如,把她那娇小而窈窕的身段衬得分外妩媚;于是无论是出于爱慕还是出于奉承,人们都会宣称:她那绝世无双的姿容,丹青与诗笔都描摹不尽。只可惜这般姿容,却因其毫无顾忌地袒露于众目之下、任人淫欲亵玩而自贬身价。她那待价而沽的媚色,任凭三教九流、不分贵贱的市民与外乡人恣意享用;某个有幸获许共度一宵欢愉的情人,常常又被一个更强壮或更富有的新宠从她榻上撵走;每当她穿街而过,凡想避开丑闻、或想躲开诱惑的人,都纷纷绕道回避。这位好讽的史家毫不脸红地23描述了狄奥多拉当年恬不知耻地在剧场上袒裎献演的那些场面。24在遍尝了声色之乐的种种伎俩之后,25她竟还不知感恩,埋怨造化过于吝啬;26但她的埋怨、她的享乐、她的种种伎俩,都只得隐没在一种博雅语言的晦涩之中,不便明言。她这般既受京城宠爱、又遭京城鄙夷地风光了一阵,便屈尊随一位提尔人埃凯博卢斯而去——此人当时已谋得阿非利加五城地区的治权。但这段结合脆弱而短暂;埃凯博卢斯不久便嫌她要么太费钱、要么不安分,将她弃了;她流落亚历山大里亚,陷入极度的困顿。在艰难返回君士坦丁堡的途中,东方每一座城市都曾观赏并享用这位美貌的塞浦路斯女子——她的这般“本领”,倒仿佛坐实了她确是出自维纳斯那座特有的海岛。狄奥多拉滥交无度,又施以种种最令人不齿的防范手段,才躲过了自己所惧的祸患;可即便如此,她仍有过一次、且仅有一次做了母亲。那个婴孩得以保全,由他父亲带到阿拉伯抚养成人;父亲临终时告诉他,他乃是一位皇后之子。这年轻人满怀飞黄腾达的指望,又毫无戒心,当即赶往君士坦丁堡的宫廷,获准见到了自己的母亲。此后再没有人见过他,连狄奥多拉死后也是如此;因而她难辞一项肮脏的嫌疑:为了一桩有辱其皇后德操的隐秘,竟连儿子的性命也一并抹去。2611
In the most abject state of her fortune, and reputation, some vision, either of sleep or of fancy, had whispered to Theodora the pleasing assurance that she was destined to become the spouse of a potent monarch. Conscious of her approaching greatness, she returned from Paphlagonia to Constantinople; assumed, like a skilful actress, a more decent character; relieved her poverty by the laudable industry of spinning wool; and affected a life of chastity and solitude in a small house, which she afterwards changed into a magnificent temple. 27 Her beauty, assisted by art or accident, soon attracted, captivated, and fixed, the patrician Justinian, who already reigned with absolute sway under the name of his uncle. Perhaps she contrived to enhance the value of a gift which she had so often lavished on the meanest of mankind; perhaps she inflamed, at first by modest delays, and at last by sensual allurements, the desires of a lover, who, from nature or devotion, was addicted to long vigils and abstemious diet. When his first transports had subsided, she still maintained the same ascendant over his mind, by the more solid merit of temper and understanding. Justinian delighted to ennoble and enrich the object of his affection; the treasures of the East were poured at her feet, and the nephew of Justin was determined, perhaps by religious scruples, to bestow on his concubine the sacred and legal character of a wife. But the laws of Rome expressly prohibited the marriage of a senator with any female who had been dishonored by a servile origin or theatrical profession: the empress Lupicina, or Euphemia, a Barbarian of rustic manners, but of irreproachable virtue, refused to accept a prostitute for her niece; and even Vigilantia, the superstitious mother of Justinian, though she acknowledged the wit and beauty of Theodora, was seriously apprehensive, lest the levity and arrogance of that artful paramour might corrupt the piety and happiness of her son. These obstacles were removed by the inflexible constancy of Justinian. He patiently expected the death of the empress; he despised the tears of his mother, who soon sunk under the weight of her affliction; and a law was promulgated in the name of the emperor Justin, which abolished the rigid jurisprudence of antiquity. A glorious repentance (the words of the edict) was left open for the unhappy females who had prostituted their persons on the theatre, and they were permitted to contract a legal union with the most illustrious of the Romans. 28 This indulgence was speedily followed by the solemn nuptials of Justinian and Theodora; her dignity was gradually exalted with that of her lover, and, as soon as Justin had invested his nephew with the purple, the patriarch of Constantinople placed the diadem on the heads of the emperor and empress of the East. But the usual honors which the severity of Roman manners had allowed to the wives of princes, could not satisfy either the ambition of Theodora or the fondness of Justinian. He seated her on the throne as an equal and independent colleague in the sovereignty of the empire, and an oath of allegiance was imposed on the governors of the provinces in the joint names of Justinian and Theodora. 29 The Eastern world fell prostrate before the genius and fortune of the daughter of Acacius. The prostitute who, in the presence of innumerable spectators, had polluted the theatre of Constantinople, was adored as a queen in the same city, by grave magistrates, orthodox bishops, victorious generals, and captive monarchs. 30
正当她时运与声名都跌至最卑贱的谷底之际,某个幻象——或来自睡梦,或出于遐想——曾向狄奥多拉低声许下一个悦人的保证:她命中注定要做一位强大君主的妻子。她自觉荣华将至,便从帕夫拉戈尼亚返回君士坦丁堡;像个演技高超的女伶,换上了一副较为端庄的角色;靠纺羊毛这一值得称道的勤谨营生糊口度日;又在一所小屋里装出一副贞洁清修的样子——这所小屋,她日后改建成了一座华美的殿堂。27她的美貌,或藉手段、或凭机缘,不久便吸引、俘获并牢牢系住了贵族查士丁尼——其时他已借舅父之名大权独揽、发号施令。也许她是有意抬高一件礼物的身价——这件礼物,她曾无数次慷慨施予世上最卑微的人;也许她先以矜持的推拒、终以肉体的诱惑,撩拨起这位情人的欲火——此人无论出于天性还是出于虔敬,一向惯于长夜不寐、粗茶淡饭。待他最初的激情平复下来,她仍凭着性情与见识这一更为扎实的长处,牢牢把持着对他心志的支配。查士丁尼乐于抬举并富厚他钟情之人;东方的珍宝尽倾于她的脚下,而这位查士丁的外甥,也许是出于宗教上的顾忌,决意赋予他这位姘妇以妻子那神圣而合法的名分。然而罗马法律明文禁止元老与任何因出身卑贱或以演艺为业而名节有亏的女子成婚:卢皮基娜皇后——又名尤菲米娅——虽是个举止粗野的蛮族女子,德行却无可指摘,断然不肯接纳一名娼妓做自己的侄媳;连查士丁尼那位迷信的母亲维吉兰提娅,虽也承认狄奥多拉机敏而美艳,却着实忧心忡忡,生怕这个工于心计的情妇轻佻而傲慢,会败坏她儿子的虔诚与安乐。查士丁尼凭着坚定不移的执著,终将这些障碍一一扫除。他耐着性子等候皇后死去;对母亲的眼泪则不屑一顾——不久,她便在悲苦的重压下溘然长逝;随后又以查士丁皇帝的名义颁布了一道法律,废除了古时那套严苛的法条。敕令的原话说,要为那些曾在剧场出卖色相的不幸女子敞开一条“光荣悔改”之路,准许她们与罗马最显赫的人物缔结合法的婚姻。28这一通融之举,随即迎来了查士丁尼与狄奥多拉庄严的婚礼;她的尊荣随着情人的地位一同步步高升,查士丁一将紫袍加于外甥之身,君士坦丁堡的牧首便把冠冕戴到了这东方帝后二人的头上。但罗马严正的风俗向来只许君主的妻子享有寻常的尊荣,这既满足不了狄奥多拉的野心,也满足不了查士丁尼的痴情。他让她与自己并坐御座,同为帝国主权中对等而独立的共治者;各行省总督所立的效忠誓词,也一并冠以查士丁尼与狄奥多拉两人的名号。29整个东方世界,都拜倒在阿卡基乌斯这个女儿的天赋与际遇之前。这个曾当着无数看客的面玷污了君士坦丁堡剧场的娼妓,如今却在同一座城中,被庄重的官员、正统的主教、常胜的将军与被俘的君王们奉若女王、顶礼膜拜。30

Notes 注释

1
There is some difficulty in the date of his birth (Ludewig in Vit. Justiniani, p. 125;) none in the place—the district Bederiana—the village Tauresium, which he afterwards decorated with his name and splendor, (D’Anville, Hist. de l’Acad. &c., tom. xxxi. p. 287—292.)
关于他的出生年份,尚有若干难以确定之处(Ludewig in Vit. Justiniani, p. 125;);至于出生地点则并无疑义——贝德里亚纳区中的陶雷西乌姆村,他日后以自己的名字与荣光装点了此村(D’Anville, Hist. de l’Acad. &c., tom. xxxi. p. 287—292.)。
2
The names of these Dardanian peasants are Gothic, and almost English: Justinian is a translation of uprauda, (upright;) his father Sabatius (in Graeco-barbarous language stipes) was styled in his village Istock, (Stock;) his mother Bigleniza was softened into Vigilantia.
这几位达尔达尼亚农夫的名字都是哥特式的,几乎近于英语:“查士丁尼”乃 uprauda(意为“正直”)的转写;他父亲萨巴提乌斯(此名在希腊-蛮语中即 stipes,意为“树桩”)在乡里被称作 Istock(即英语的 Stock,“木桩”);他母亲比格莱尼扎的名字,则被雅化为维吉兰提娅。
3
Ludewig (p. 127—135) attempts to justify the Anician name of Justinian and Theodora, and to connect them with a family from which the house of Austria has been derived.
路德维希(p. 127—135)力图为查士丁尼与狄奥多拉冠以阿尼奇家族之名一事辩护,并将他们同一个据称衍生出奥地利王室的家族联系起来。
4
See the anecdotes of Procopius, (c. 6,) with the notes of N. Alemannus. The satirist would not have sunk, in the vague and decent appellation of Zonaras. Yet why are those names disgraceful?—and what German baron would not be proud to descend from the Eumaeus of the Odyssey! Note: It is whimsical enough that, in our own days, we should have, even in jest, a claimant to lineal descent from the godlike swineherd not in the person of a German baron, but in that of a professor of the Ionian University. Constantine Koliades, or some malicious wit under this name, has written a tall folio to prove Ulysses to be Homer, and himself the descendant, the heir (?), of the Eumaeus of the Odyssey.—M
参见普罗柯比的《秘史》(第6章)及 N. 阿莱曼努斯的注释。这位讽刺家本不会像佐纳拉斯那样,把这些名字隐没在含糊而体面的称谓之下。然而,这些名字何以就有辱身份呢?——试问哪位德意志男爵,会不以自己乃《奥德赛》中欧迈奥斯的后裔为荣呢!编者按:说来也着实滑稽,时至今日,我们竟当真有人——纵然只是戏言——自称是那位神样的猪倌的嫡系子孙;而此人并非什么德意志男爵,却是爱奥尼亚大学的一位教授。此人名唤康斯坦丁·科利亚德斯,或是某个借此名以逞刻薄之才的机灵鬼,他写了厚厚一大卷对开本,力证奥德修斯即是荷马,而他本人便是《奥德赛》中欧迈奥斯的后裔、乃至继承人(?)。—M
411
St. Martin questions the fact in both cases. The ignorance of Justin rests on the secret history of Procopius, vol. viii. p. 8. St. Martin’s notes on Le Beau.—M
圣马丁对这两桩说法都表示怀疑。谓查士丁不识字一说,所据乃普罗柯比的《秘史》,vol. viii. p. 8。见圣马丁为勒博著作所作的注释。—M
5
His virtues are praised by Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 11.) The quaestor Proclus was the friend of Justinian, and the enemy of every other adoption.
普罗柯比称颂过他的德行(Persic. l. i. c. 11.)。财务官普罗克洛斯乃查士丁尼的朋友,却是其他一切收养之议的敌人。
6
Manichaean signifies Eutychian. Hear the furious acclamations of Constantinople and Tyre, the former no more than six days after the decease of Anastasius. They produced, the latter applauded, the eunuch’s death, (Baronius, A.D. 518, P. ii. No. 15. Fleury, Hist Eccles. tom. vii. p. 200, 205, from the Councils, tom. v. p. 182, 207.)
此处“摩尼教徒”即指“欧迪奇派”。且听君士坦丁堡与提尔两地那狂怒的呐喊,前者发出之时,距阿纳斯塔修斯之死还不足六天。君士坦丁堡促成了那宦官之死,提尔则为之喝彩(Baronius, A.D. 518, P. ii. No. 15. Fleury, Hist Eccles. tom. vii. p. 200, 205, from the Councils, tom. v. p. 182, 207.)。
7
His power, character, and intentions, are perfectly explained by the court de Buat, (tom. ix. p. 54—81.) He was great-grandson of Aspar, hereditary prince in the Lesser Scythia, and count of the Gothic foederati of Thrace. The Bessi, whom he could influence, are the minor Goths of Jornandes, (c. 51.)
布阿伯爵把他的权势、性情与意图剖析得一清二楚(tom. ix. p. 54—81.)。他是阿斯帕尔的曾孙,小斯基泰的世袭亲王,又是色雷斯哥特同盟军之伯。他所能左右的贝西人,即约达尼斯(第51章)笔下的“小哥特人”。
8
Justiniani patricii factione dicitur interfectus fuisse, (Victor Tu nunensis, Chron. in Thesaur. Temp. Scaliger, P. ii. p. 7.) Procopius (Anecdot. c. 7) styles him a tyrant, but acknowledges something which is well explained by Alemannus.
Justiniani patricii factione dicitur interfectus fuisse(意为“据说他死于贵族查士丁尼一党之手”,见 Victor Tu nunensis, Chron. in Thesaur. Temp. Scaliger, P. ii. p. 7.)。普罗柯比(Anecdot. c. 7)称他为暴君,却也承认了某些情由——这些情由,阿莱曼努斯已作了透彻的说明。
9
In his earliest youth (plane adolescens) he had passed some time as a hostage with Theodoric. For this curious fact, Alemannus (ad Procop. Anecdot. c. 9, p. 34, of the first edition) quotes a Ms. history of Justinian, by his preceptor Theophilus. Ludewig (p. 143) wishes to make him a soldier.
他在最年少之时(plane adolescens,意为“尚是少年”),曾作为人质在狄奥多里克处住过一段时日。关于这一奇特的事实,阿莱曼努斯(ad Procop. Anecdot. c. 9, p. 34,初版)引证了一部由查士丁尼的业师塞奥菲鲁斯所撰、尚存手稿的《查士丁尼传》。路德维希(p. 143)则愿把他说成一名军人。
10
The ecclesiastical history of Justinian will be shown hereafter. See Baronius, A.D. 518—521, and the copious article Justinianas in the index to the viith volume of his Annals.
查士丁尼时期的教会史容后再述。参见 Baronius, A.D. 518—521,及其《编年史》第七卷索引中长篇的“Justinianas”条。
11
The reign of the elder Justin may be found in the three Chronicles of Marcellinus, Victor, and John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 130—150,) the last of whom (in spite of Hody, Prolegom. No. 14, 39, edit. Oxon.) lived soon after Justinian, (Jortin’s Remarks, &c., vol. iv p. 383:) in the Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius, (l. iv. c. 1, 2, 3, 9,) and the Excerpta of Theodorus Lector, (No. 37,) and in Cedrenus, (p. 362—366,) and Zonaras, (l. xiv. p. 58—61,) who may pass for an original. * Note: Dindorf, in his preface to the new edition of Malala, p. vi., concurs with this opinion of Gibbon, which was also that of Reiske, as to the age of the chronicler.—M.
老查士丁的在位事迹,可见于马尔切利努斯、维克托与约翰·马拉拉斯三人的编年史(tom. ii. p. 130—150,)——三人中的最后一位(尽管有 Hody, Prolegom. No. 14, 39, edit. Oxon. 持异议)生活的年代紧随查士丁尼之后(Jortin’s Remarks, &c., vol. iv p. 383:);又见于埃瓦格里乌斯的《教会史》(l. iv. c. 1, 2, 3, 9,)、塞奥多鲁斯·雷克托的《文摘》(No. 37,),以及塞德雷努斯(p. 362—366,)与佐纳拉斯(l. xiv. p. 58—61,)——后者堪当原始史料之列。* 编者按:丁多夫在为新版马拉拉斯所作的序言(p. vi.)中,就这位编年史家所处的年代,赞同吉本的此一看法;赖斯克亦持此论。—M
12
See the characters of Procopius and Agathias in La Mothe le Vayer, (tom. viii. p. 144—174,) Vossius, (de Historicis Graecis, l. ii. c. 22,) and Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. l. v. c. 5, tom. vi. p. 248—278.) Their religion, an honorable problem, betrays occasional conformity, with a secret attachment to Paganism and Philosophy.
关于普罗柯比与阿加提亚斯的为人,可参看拉莫特·勒瓦耶(tom. viii. p. 144—174,)、福修斯(de Historicis Graecis, l. ii. c. 22,)与法布里丘斯(Bibliot. Graec. l. v. c. 5, tom. vi. p. 248—278.)。他们的宗教信仰是个体面的难题:表面上时而随俗附和,暗地里却眷恋着异教与哲学。
13
In the seven first books, two Persic, two Vandalic, and three Gothic, Procopius has borrowed from Appian the division of provinces and wars: the viiith book, though it bears the name of Gothic, is a miscellaneous and general supplement down to the spring of the year 553, from whence it is continued by Agathias till 559, (Pagi, Critica, A.D. 579, No. 5.)
在最初七卷中——两卷写波斯战争、两卷写汪达尔战争、三卷写哥特战争——普罗柯比借用了阿庇安按行省与战事分卷的做法;第八卷虽仍冠以“哥特”之名,实则是一份芜杂而笼统的补编,一直续写到公元553年春,此后再由阿加提亚斯接续至559年(Pagi, Critica, A.D. 579, No. 5.)。
14
The literary fate of Procopius has been somewhat unlucky.
1. His book de Bello Gothico were stolen by Leonard Aretin, and published (Fulginii, 1470, Venet. 1471, apud Janson. Mattaire, Annal Typograph. tom. i. edit. posterior, p. 290, 304, 279, 299,) in his own name, (see Vossius de Hist. Lat. l. iii. c. 5, and the feeble defence of the Venice Giornale de Letterati, tom. xix. p. 207.)
2. His works were mutilated by the first Latin translators, Christopher Persona, (Giornale, tom. xix. p. 340—348,) and Raphael de Volaterra, (Huet, de Claris Interpretibus, p. 166,) who did not even consult the Ms. of the Vatican library, of which they were præfects, (Aleman. in Praefat Anecdot.) 3. The Greek text was not printed till 1607, by Hoeschelius of Augsburg, (Dictionnaire de Bayle, tom. ii. p. 782.)
4. The Paris edition was imperfectly executed by Claude Maltret, a Jesuit of Toulouse, (in 1663,) far distant from the Louvre press and the Vatican Ms., from which, however, he obtained some supplements. His promised commentaries, &c., have never appeared. The Agathias of Leyden (1594) has been wisely reprinted by the Paris editor, with the Latin version of Bonaventura Vulcanius, a learned interpreter, (Huet, p. 176.)
* Note: Procopius forms a part of the new Byzantine collection under the superintendence of Dindorf.—M.
普罗柯比的著作,其流传遭际颇为不幸。
一、他的《哥特战记》曾被莱奥纳德·阿雷蒂诺窃取,冠以自己的名字刊行(Fulginii, 1470, Venet. 1471, apud Janson. Mattaire, Annal Typograph. tom. i. edit. posterior, p. 290, 304, 279, 299,),参见 Vossius de Hist. Lat. l. iii. c. 5,及威尼斯《文人杂志》(Giornale de Letterati, tom. xix. p. 207)中那番软弱无力的辩解。
二、最早的两位拉丁文译者克里斯托弗·佩尔索纳(Giornale, tom. xix. p. 340—348,)与拉斐尔·德·沃拉泰拉(Huet, de Claris Interpretibus, p. 166,)把他的著作译得残缺不全;二人身为梵蒂冈图书馆的馆长,竟连馆藏的手稿都未曾查阅(Aleman. in Praefat Anecdot.)。三、希腊文原本迟至1607年才由奥格斯堡的赫舍利乌斯付印(Dictionnaire de Bayle, tom. ii. p. 782.)。
四、巴黎版由图卢兹的耶稣会士克洛德·马尔特雷(1663年)草草编成,他远离卢浮宫的印务与梵蒂冈的手稿——不过他倒也从后者得了些补充材料。他许诺要写的注释等等,却始终未见问世。莱顿版的阿加提亚斯(1594年),经博学的注译家博纳文图拉·武尔卡尼乌斯译成拉丁文,巴黎的编者明智地将其一并重印(Huet, p. 176.)。
* 编者按:普罗柯比的著作如今已收入丁多夫主持编纂的新版拜占庭文库。—M
15
Agathias in Praefat. p. 7, 8, l. iv. p. 137. Evagrius, l. iv. c. 12. See likewise Photius, cod. lxiii. p. 65.
阿加提亚斯,见 Praefat. p. 7, 8, l. iv. p. 137。埃瓦格里乌斯,l. iv. c. 12。另参佛提乌,cod. lxiii. p. 65。
16
Says, he, Praefat. ad l. de Edificiis is no more than a pun! In these five books, Procopius affects a Christian as well as a courtly style.
他在《建筑志》序言(Praefat. ad l. de Edificiis)中所言,不过是一句双关俏皮话罢了!在这五卷书中,普罗柯比既装出基督徒的笔调,又装出朝臣的辞令。
17
Procopius discloses himself, (Praefat. ad Anecdot. c. 1, 2, 5,) and the anecdotes are reckoned as the ninth book by Suidas, (tom. iii. p. 186, edit. Kuster.) The silence of Evagrius is a poor objection. Baronius (A.D. 548, No. 24) regrets the loss of this secret history: it was then in the Vatican library, in his own custody, and was first published sixteen years after his death, with the learned, but partial notes of Nicholas Alemannus, (Lugd. 1623.)
普罗柯比在《秘史》序言(Praefat. ad Anecdot. c. 1, 2, 5,)中作了自陈;苏达斯把《秘史》算作第九卷(tom. iii. p. 186, edit. Kuster.)。以埃瓦格里乌斯不曾提及为由来反驳,是站不住脚的。巴罗尼乌斯(A.D. 548, No. 24)曾惋惜这部《秘史》的散佚:其时它就在梵蒂冈图书馆,归他本人保管,而直到他身后十六年,才由尼古拉斯·阿莱曼努斯附以博洽却有失偏颇的注释,首度刊行(Lugd. 1623.)。
18
Justinian an ass—the perfect likeness of Domitian—Anecdot. c. 8.—Theodora’s lovers driven from her bed by rival daemons—her marriage foretold with a great daemon—a monk saw the prince of the daemons, instead of Justinian, on the throne—the servants who watched beheld a face without features, a body walking without a head, &c., &c. Procopius declares his own and his friends’ belief in these diabolical stories, (c. 12.)
查士丁尼是头蠢驴——与图密善一模一样——Anecdot. c. 8。——狄奥多拉的情人被彼此争风的魔鬼从她床上撵走——有人预言她将嫁给一个大魔鬼——一名修士看见坐在御座上的不是查士丁尼,而是群魔之王——夜间守值的仆从,望见一张没有五官的脸、一具无头行走的身躯,如此等等,不一而足。普罗柯比声明,他本人及其友人都相信这些鬼怪之谈(c. 12)。
19
Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur et la Decadence des Romains, c. xx.) gives credit to these anecdotes, as connected, 1. with the weakness of the empire, and, 2. with the instability of Justinian’s laws.
孟德斯鸠(Considerations sur la Grandeur et la Decadence des Romains, c. xx.)对这部《秘史》予以采信,理由有二:其一,它与帝国的衰弱相印证;其二,它与查士丁尼法律的反复无常相印证。
1911
The Anecdota of Procopius, compared with the former works of the same author, appear to me the basest and most disgraceful work in literature. The wars, which he has described in the former volumes as glorious or necessary, are become unprofitable and wanton massacres; the buildings which he celebrated, as raised to the immortal honor of the great emperor, and his admirable queen, either as magnificent embellishments of the city, or useful fortifications for the defence of the frontier, are become works of vain prodigality and useless ostentation. I doubt whether Gibbon has made sufficient allowance for the “malignity” of the Anecdota; at all events, the extreme and disgusting profligacy of Theodora’s early life rests entirely on this viratent libel—M.
普罗柯比的《秘史》,若与同一作者早先的著作相较,在我看来堪称文学中最卑劣、最不堪的一部。他在前几卷中描述为光荣或必需的那些战争,如今都成了徒劳无益、恣意妄为的屠杀;他曾颂扬为足以令那位伟大皇帝及其可敬的皇后永垂不朽、或为都城壮丽的点缀、或为守御边疆的有用工事的那些建筑,如今都成了虚耗无度、徒逞浮华的营造。我怀疑吉本对《秘史》的“恶意”是否留了足够的余地;无论如何,狄奥多拉早年那种极端而令人作呕的放荡行径,全然只以这部恶毒的谤书为凭—M
20
For the life and manners of the empress Theodora see the Anecdotes; more especially c. 1—5, 9, 10—15, 16, 17, with the learned notes of Alemannus—a reference which is always implied.
关于狄奥多拉皇后的生平与行止,参见《秘史》,尤以第1—5、9、10—15、16、17各章为要,并附阿莱曼努斯博学的注释——凡下文引及之处,均默指此项参考,不再一一注明。
21
Comito was afterwards married to Sittas, duke of Armenia, the father, perhaps, at least she might be the mother, of the empress Sophia. Two nephews of Theodora may be the sons of Anastasia, (Aleman. p. 30, 31.)
科米托后来嫁给了亚美尼亚公爵西塔斯;此人也许是索菲亚皇后的父亲,至少科米托可能是她的母亲。狄奥多拉的两个外甥,或许便是阿纳斯塔西娅之子(Aleman. p. 30, 31.)。
22
Her statute was raised at Constantinople, on a porphyry column. See Procopius, (de Edif. l. i. c. 11,) who gives her portrait in the Anecdotes, (c. 10.) Aleman. (p. 47) produces one from a Mosaic at Ravenna, loaded with pearls and jewels, and yet handsome.
她的雕像曾竖立于君士坦丁堡,立在一根斑岩石柱之上。参见普罗柯比(de Edif. l. i. c. 11,),他在《秘史》(c. 10)中描绘过她的容貌。阿莱曼努斯(p. 47)则从拉文纳的一幅马赛克镶嵌画中复现了一帧她的肖像:虽珠光宝气、缀满珠玉,却仍不失美艳。
23
A fragment of the Anecdotes, (c. 9,) somewhat too naked, was suppressed by Alemannus, though extant in the Vatican Ms.; nor has the defect been supplied in the Paris or Venice editions. La Mothe le Vayer (tom. viii. p. 155) gave the first hint of this curious and genuine passage, (Jortin’s Remarks, vol. iv. p. 366,) which he had received from Rome, and it has been since published in the Menagiana (tom. iii. p. 254—259) with a Latin version.
《秘史》中有一段(c. 9)过于露骨,虽在梵蒂冈手稿中尚存,却被阿莱曼努斯删去了;巴黎版与威尼斯版也都未曾补上这一缺漏。拉莫特·勒瓦耶(tom. viii. p. 155)最先透露了这段奇特而确凿的文字(Jortin’s Remarks, vol. iv. p. 366,),他是从罗马得到它的;此后这段文字连同一份拉丁文译本,刊于 Menagiana(tom. iii. p. 254—259)。
24
After the mention of a narrow girdle, (as none could appear stark naked in the theatre,) Procopius thus proceeds. I have heard that a learned prelate, now deceased, was fond of quoting this passage in conversation.
在提及一条窄带之后(因为无人能在剧场上一丝不挂地登场),普罗柯比便这样写下去。我曾听说,一位如今已故的博学高级教士,生前谈话中好引这一段。
25
Theodora surpassed the Crispa of Ausonius, (Epigram lxxi.,) who imitated the capitalis luxus of the females of Nola. See Quintilian Institut. viii. 6, and Torrentius ad Horat. Sermon. l. i. sat. 2, v. 101. At a memorable supper, thirty slaves waited round the table ten young men feasted with Theodora. Her charity was universal. Et lassata viris, necdum satiata, recessit.
狄奥多拉犹胜过奥索尼乌斯笔下的克丽丝帕(Epigram lxxi.),后者摹仿了诺拉城女子的 capitalis luxus。参见 Quintilian Institut. viii. 6,及 Torrentius ad Horat. Sermon. l. i. sat. 2, v. 101。在一次令人难忘的晚宴上,三十名奴仆环侍席间,十名青年与狄奥多拉一同饮宴。她的施惠遍及众人。Et lassata viris, necdum satiata, recessit.
26
She wished for a fourth altar, on which she might pour libations to the god of love.
她还盼着能有第四座祭坛,好在那上面向爱神奠酒献祭。
2611
Gibbon should have remembered the axiom which he quotes in another piece, scelera ostendi oportet dum puniantur abscondi flagitia.—M.
吉本本该记起他在别处引用过的那句格言:scelera ostendi oportet dum puniantur abscondi flagitia(意为“罪行当予揭露以正典刑,丑行则宜加掩盖”)。—M
27
Anonym. de Antiquitat. C. P. l. iii. 132, in Banduri Imperium Orient. tom. i. p. 48. Ludewig (p. 154) argues sensibly that Theodora would not have immortalized a brothel: but I apply this fact to her second and chaster residence at Constantinople.
Anonym. de Antiquitat. C. P. l. iii. 132,见 Banduri Imperium Orient. tom. i. p. 48。路德维希(p. 154)有理有据地指出,狄奥多拉断不会让一座妓院流芳后世:但我以为,此事所指乃是她在君士坦丁堡那第二处、也较为清白的居所。
28
See the old law in Justinian’s Code, (l. v. tit. v. leg. 7, tit. xxvii. leg. 1,) under the years 336 and 454. The new edict (about the year 521 or 522, Aleman. p. 38, 96) very awkwardly repeals no more than the clause of mulieres scenicoe, libertinae, tabernariae. See the novels 89 and 117, and a Greek rescript from Justinian to the bishops, (Aleman. p. 41.)
关于旧法,见《查士丁尼法典》(l. v. tit. v. leg. 7, tit. xxvii. leg. 1,),颁于公元336年与454年。那道新敕令(约在公元521或522年,Aleman. p. 38, 96)措辞十分笨拙,所废止的不过是 mulieres scenicoe, libertinae, tabernariae(即“优伶、获释女奴、酒肆女子”)一款而已。另见《新律》第89、117条,以及查士丁尼致众主教的一道希腊文谕令(Aleman. p. 41.)。
29
I swear by the Father, &c., by the Virgin Mary, by the four Gospels, quae in manibus teneo, and by the Holy Archangels Michael and Gabriel, puram conscientiam germanumque servitium me servaturum, sacratissimis DDNN. Justiniano et Theodorae conjugi ejus, (Novell. viii. tit. 3.) Would the oath have been binding in favor of the widow? Communes tituli et triumphi, &c., (Aleman. p. 47, 48.)
“我谨以圣父等等、以童贞女马利亚、以我手所持的四部福音书(quae in manibus teneo)、并以圣天使米海尔与加百列之名起誓”——puram conscientiam germanumque servitium me servaturum, sacratissimis DDNN. Justiniano et Theodorae conjugi ejus(意为“我必以纯洁之良心与真诚之忠顺,事奉至神圣的二位主上查士丁尼及其妻狄奥多拉”)(Novell. viii. tit. 3.)。倘若皇后成了寡妇,这誓言对她还有约束力吗?Communes tituli et triumphi, &c.(“共有的尊号与凯旋”云云)(Aleman. p. 47, 48.)。
30
“Let greatness own her, and she’s mean no more,” &c. Without Warburton’s critical telescope, I should never have seen, in this general picture of triumphant vice, any personal allusion to Theodora.
“但教权贵认她作亲,她便再不算低贱”云云。若非借助沃伯顿那架吹毛求疵的“批评望远镜”,我在这幅邪恶得意的泛泛图景里,断不会看出任何影射狄奥多拉的私意。