Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part V. 第三十八章 克洛维在位时期——第五节

In a century of perpetual, or at least implacable, war, much courage, and some skill, must have been exerted for the defence of Britain. Yet if the memory of its champions is almost buried in oblivion, we need not repine; since every age, however destitute of science or virtue, sufficiently abounds with acts of blood and military renown. The tomb of Vortimer, the son of Vortigern, was erected on the margin of the sea-shore, as a landmark formidable to the Saxons, whom he had thrice vanquished in the fields of Kent. Ambrosius Aurelian was descended from a noble family of Romans; 138 his modesty was equal to his valor, and his valor, till the last fatal action, 139 was crowned with splendid success. But every British name is effaced by the illustrious name of Arthur, 140 the hereditary prince of the Silures, in South Wales, and the elective king or general of the nation. According to the most rational account, he defeated, in twelve successive battles, the Angles of the North, and the Saxons of the West; but the declining age of the hero was imbittered by popular ingratitude and domestic misfortunes. The events of his life are less interesting than the singular revolutions of his fame. During a period of five hundred years the tradition of his exploits was preserved, and rudely embellished, by the obscure bards of Wales and Armorica, who were odious to the Saxons, and unknown to the rest of mankind. The pride and curiosity of the Norman conquerors prompted them to inquire into the ancient history of Britain: they listened with fond credulity to the tale of Arthur, and eagerly applauded the merit of a prince who had triumphed over the Saxons, their common enemies. His romance, transcribed in the Latin of Jeffrey of Monmouth, and afterwards translated into the fashionable idiom of the times, was enriched with the various, though incoherent, ornaments which were familiar to the experience, the learning, or the fancy, of the twelfth century. The progress of a Phrygian colony, from the Tyber to the Thames, was easily ingrafted on the fable of the Aeneid; and the royal ancestors of Arthur derived their origin from Troy, and claimed their alliance with the Caesars. His trophies were decorated with captive provinces and Imperial titles; and his Danish victories avenged the recent injuries of his country. The gallantry and superstition of the British hero, his feasts and tournaments, and the memorable institution of his Knights of the Round Table, were faithfully copied from the reigning manners of chivalry; and the fabulous exploits of Uther’s son appear less incredible than the adventures which were achieved by the enterprising valor of the Normans. Pilgrimage, and the holy wars, introduced into Europe the specious miracles of Arabian magic. Fairies and giants, flying dragons, and enchanted palaces, were blended with the more simple fictions of the West; and the fate of Britain depended on the art, or the predictions, of Merlin. Every nation embraced and adorned the popular romance of Arthur, and the Knights of the Round Table: their names were celebrated in Greece and Italy; and the voluminous tales of Sir Lancelot and Sir Tristram were devoutly studied by the princes and nobles, who disregarded the genuine heroes and historians of antiquity. At length the light of science and reason was rekindled; the talisman was broken; the visionary fabric melted into air; and by a natural, though unjust, reverse of the public opinion, the severity of the present age is inclined to question the existence of Arthur. 141
在那个百年不息、纵不连绵也仇怨难消的战乱之世,为保卫不列颠,人们想必倾注过许多勇武,也施展过若干谋略。然而,纵使这些捍卫者的英名几乎湮没于遗忘,我们也不必为之惋惜;因为无论哪个时代,无论它多么缺乏学识与德行,杀伐之举与赫赫武功总是层出不穷。沃蒂根之子沃蒂梅尔曾在肯特的原野上三度击败撒克逊人;他的坟墓便筑在海滨之上,成为一座令撒克逊人望而生畏的界标。安布罗西乌斯·奥勒里安努斯出身于罗马的一个望族138;他的谦逊与他的勇武不相上下,而他的勇武——直到最后那场致命的战役为止139——始终辉煌得胜。但所有不列颠人的名字,都被亚瑟这个显赫之名所盖过140。他是南威尔士西卢尔人的世袭君主,又是全族推举的王,或者说全族的统帅。据最为可信的说法,他在十二场接连的会战中,击败了北方的盎格鲁人与西方的撒克逊人;然而这位英雄的暮年,却因民众的忘恩与家门的不幸而饱含辛酸。他一生的事迹,远不及他身后声名所历的奇特变迁那样耐人寻味。在长达五百年的岁月里,威尔士与阿摩里卡那些默默无闻的吟游诗人,把他的功业口耳相传,又粗率地加以润饰;这些诗人为撒克逊人所憎恶,却不为世间其余的人所知。诺曼征服者出于骄矜与好奇,探究起不列颠的古史来:他们满怀轻信之情,倾听亚瑟的传说,又热切地颂扬这位君主的功绩——因为撒克逊人正是他们共同的仇敌,而他曾将其战胜。他的传奇经蒙茅斯的杰弗里以拉丁文写定,其后又译成当时风行的语体,其间还添饰了种种虽不连贯却为十二世纪人所熟悉的花样——有取自见闻的,有取自学识的,也有取自臆想的。一支弗里吉亚移民自台伯河迁往泰晤士河的历程,被轻而易举地嫁接到《埃涅阿斯纪》的传说之上;于是亚瑟的历代王室祖先,其血脉便追溯到特洛伊,并自诩与诸恺撒联宗。他的战利品上装点着被俘的行省与帝王的尊号;他对丹麦人的胜利,则一雪不列颠新近所受的创痛。这位不列颠英雄的侠义与迷信、他的盛宴与比武,还有那令人难忘的圆桌骑士制度,无不忠实地摹自当时盛行的骑士风尚;而乌瑟之子那些荒诞不经的功业,比起诺曼人以进取之勇所成就的种种冒险来,倒还显得没那么难以置信。朝圣与圣战,把阿拉伯魔法那些华而不实的奇迹引入了欧洲。仙女与巨人、飞龙与魔宫,就此与西方较为质朴的虚构交融在一起;而不列颠的命运,竟系于梅林的法术或预言。各民族都接纳并润饰了这部风靡一时的亚瑟与圆桌骑士传奇:他们的名字在希腊与意大利广为传颂;兰斯洛特爵士与特里斯坦爵士那卷帙浩繁的故事,被王公贵族奉若圭臬、潜心研读,古代那些真实的英雄与史家反倒无人问津。终于,学识与理性之光重新燃起;符咒被打破,那座虚幻的楼阁化作了轻烟;世人的舆论随之发生一次虽属自然却并不公允的逆转——当今时代的严苛,竟倾向于连亚瑟其人是否存在都要加以怀疑。141
The revolutions of the fame of Arthur 亚瑟声名所历的变迁 THE REVOLUTIONS OF A FAME 一段声名的沧桑变迁 the events of his life are less interesting than the singular revolutions of his fame 他一生的事迹,远不及他身后声名所历的奇特变迁那样耐人寻味 THE PRINCE OF THE SILURES 西卢尔人的君主 THE BARDS OF WALES AND ARMORICA 威尔士与阿摩里卡的吟游诗人 THE NORMANS, AND JEFFREY OF MONMOUTH 诺曼人与蒙茅斯的杰弗里 THE MANNERS OF CHIVALRY 骑士风尚 ARABIAN MAGIC 阿拉伯魔法 twelve successive battles, according to the most rational account 据最为可信的说法,十二场接连的会战 the present age 当今时代 the talisman was broken; 符咒被打破, the visionary fabric melted into air 那座虚幻的楼阁化作了轻烟 the hereditary prince of the Silures, in South Wales, and the elective king or general of the nation; he defeated the Angles of the North, and the Saxons of the West — but the declining age of the hero was imbittered by popular ingratitude and domestic misfortunes 他是南威尔士西卢尔人的世袭君主,又是全族推举的王, 或者说全族的统帅;他击败了北方的盎格鲁人与西方的 撒克逊人——然而这位英雄的暮年,却因民众的忘恩与 家门的不幸而饱含辛酸 during a period of five hundred years the tradition of his exploits was preserved, and rudely embellished, by the obscure bards of Wales and Armorica, who were odious to the Saxons, and unknown to the rest of mankind 在长达五百年的岁月里,威尔士与阿摩里卡那些默默无闻的 吟游诗人,把他的功业口耳相传,又粗率地加以润饰; 这些诗人为撒克逊人所憎恶,却不为世间其余的人所知 the Norman conquerors listened with fond credulity to the tale of Arthur, and eagerly applauded the merit of a prince who had triumphed over the Saxons, their common enemies; his romance was transcribed in the Latin of Jeffrey of Monmouth, and afterwards translated into the fashionable idiom of the times 诺曼征服者满怀轻信之情,倾听亚瑟的传说,又热切地 颂扬这位君主的功绩——因为撒克逊人正是他们共同的 仇敌,而他曾将其战胜;他的传奇经蒙茅斯的杰弗里以 拉丁文写定,其后又译成当时风行的语体 the royal ancestors of Arthur derived their origin from Troy, and claimed their alliance with the Caesars; his trophies were decorated with captive provinces and Imperial titles; and his feasts and tournaments, with the memorable institution of his Knights of the Round Table, were faithfully copied from the reigning manners of chivalry 亚瑟的历代王室祖先,其血脉被追溯到特洛伊,并自诩与 诸恺撒联宗;他的战利品上装点着被俘的行省与帝王的尊号; 他的盛宴与比武,还有那令人难忘的圆桌骑士制度, 无不忠实地摹自当时盛行的骑士风尚 pilgrimage, and the holy wars, introduced into Europe the specious miracles of Arabian magic: fairies and giants, flying dragons, and enchanted palaces, were blended with the more simple fictions of the West; and the fate of Britain depended on the art, or the predictions, of Merlin 朝圣与圣战,把阿拉伯魔法那些华而不实的奇迹引入了欧洲: 仙女与巨人、飞龙与魔宫,就此与西方较为质朴的虚构 交融在一起;而不列颠的命运,竟系于梅林的法术或预言 Every nation embraced and adorned the popular romance of Arthur, and the Knights of the Round Table: their names were celebrated in Greece and Italy; and the voluminous tales of Sir Lancelot and Sir Tristram were devoutly studied by the princes and nobles, who disregarded the genuine heroes and historians of antiquity. At length the light of science and reason was rekindled; and by a natural, though unjust, reverse of the public opinion, the severity of the present age is inclined to question the existence of Arthur. 各民族都接纳并润饰了这部风靡一时的亚瑟与圆桌骑士传奇:他们的名字在希腊与意大利广为传颂;兰斯洛特爵士与特里斯坦爵士 那卷帙浩繁的故事,被王公贵族奉若圭臬、潜心研读,古代那些真实的英雄与史家反倒无人问津。终于,学识与理性之光重新燃起; 世人的舆论随之发生一次虽属自然却并不公允的逆转——当今时代的严苛,竟倾向于连亚瑟其人是否存在都要加以怀疑。
Fig. 38.8 — The revolutions of a fame, course by course: a prince of the Silures, five hundred years of bards, the fond credulity of the Normans, the ornaments of the twelfth century, and the magic brought home by the holy wars — until the light of science and reason was rekindled, the talisman was broken, and the visionary fabric melted into air. 图38.8——一段声名的沧桑变迁,层层堆叠:西卢尔人的君主、吟游诗人的五百年、诺曼人满怀轻信的倾听、十二世纪的种种花样、圣战带回的魔法——直到学识与理性之光重新燃起,符咒被打破,那座虚幻的楼阁化作了轻烟。
Resistance, if it cannot avert, must increase the miseries of conquest; and conquest has never appeared more dreadful and destructive than in the hands of the Saxons; who hated the valor of their enemies, disdained the faith of treaties, and violated, without remorse, the most sacred objects of the Christian worship. The fields of battle might be traced, almost in every district, by monuments of bones; the fragments of falling towers were stained with blood; the last of the Britons, without distinction of age or sex, was massacred, 142 in the ruins of Anderida; 143 and the repetition of such calamities was frequent and familiar under the Saxon heptarchy. The arts and religion, the laws and language, which the Romans had so carefully planted in Britain, were extirpated by their barbarous successors. After the destruction of the principal churches, the bishops, who had declined the crown of martyrdom, retired with the holy relics into Wales and Armorica; the remains of their flocks were left destitute of any spiritual food; the practice, and even the remembrance, of Christianity were abolished; and the British clergy might obtain some comfort from the damnation of the idolatrous strangers. The kings of France maintained the privileges of their Roman subjects; but the ferocious Saxons trampled on the laws of Rome, and of the emperors. The proceedings of civil and criminal jurisdiction, the titles of honor, the forms of office, the ranks of society, and even the domestic rights of marriage, testament, and inheritance, were finally suppressed; and the indiscriminate crowd of noble and plebeian slaves was governed by the traditionary customs, which had been coarsely framed for the shepherds and pirates of Germany. The language of science, of business, and of conversation, which had been introduced by the Romans, was lost in the general desolation. A sufficient number of Latin or Celtic words might be assumed by the Germans, to express their new wants and ideas; 144 but those illiterate Pagans preserved and established the use of their national dialect. 145 Almost every name, conspicuous either in the church or state, reveals its Teutonic origin; 146 and the geography of England was universally inscribed with foreign characters and appellations. The example of a revolution, so rapid and so complete, may not easily be found; but it will excite a probable suspicion, that the arts of Rome were less deeply rooted in Britain than in Gaul or Spain; and that the native rudeness of the country and its inhabitants was covered by a thin varnish of Italian manners.
抵抗若不能免除征服之祸,便只会加重征服的苦难;而征服之惨烈与毁灭,从未有甚于落入撒克逊人之手者。他们憎恨敌人的英勇,鄙弃条约的信义,肆意亵渎基督教崇拜中最为神圣的一切,而毫无悔意。几乎每一处地方,都可凭累累白骨辨认出昔日的战场;倒塌塔楼的残砖上血迹斑斑;在安德里达143的废墟之中,最后一批不列颠人不分老幼男女,尽遭屠戮142;而在撒克逊七国时代,这类惨祸屡见不鲜,习以为常。罗马人曾在不列颠悉心栽植的技艺与宗教、法律与语言,如今被继起的蛮族斩草除根。各大教堂尽遭捣毁之后,那些不愿领受殉道桂冠的主教,便携带圣物退往威尔士与阿摩里卡;余下的信众失去了一切属灵的滋养;基督教的礼拜乃至对它的记忆,都归于泯灭;而不列颠的教士,或许只能从这些拜偶像的外来者终将堕入地狱这一念中,聊得几分慰藉。法兰西诸王尚且保全其罗马臣民的种种特权;凶残的撒克逊人却将罗马与历代皇帝的法律践踏殆尽。民事与刑事的诉讼程序、荣誉的头衔、职官的体制、社会的等级,乃至婚姻、遗嘱、继承这些家内的权利,最终一概废弃;无分贵贱、尽皆沦为奴隶的芸芸众生,都受制于那些世代相传的习俗——这些习俗原是为日耳曼的牧人与海盗草草制定的。罗马人带来的那种用于学术、事务与日常交谈的语言,也在这普遍的荒芜中湮没无存。日耳曼人固然会借用若干拉丁语或凯尔特语的词汇,以表达他们新生的需求与观念144;但这些目不识丁的异教徒,终究保留并确立了本族方言的通行145。教会与朝廷中几乎每一个显赫的名字,都透露出它条顿语的来历146;英格兰的地理版图上,也无处不镌刻着外族的字样与名号。如此迅疾而彻底的变革,实属罕见;但它足以引人生出一个大致可信的猜想:罗马的文明技艺在不列颠扎根之深,远不及在高卢或西班牙;这片土地及其居民本有的粗野,不过被一层薄薄的意大利式风习所掩饰罢了。
This strange alteration has persuaded historians, and even philosophers, that the provincials of Britain were totally exterminated; and that the vacant land was again peopled by the perpetual influx, and rapid increase, of the German colonies. Three hundred thousand Saxons are said to have obeyed the summons of Hengist; 147 the entire emigation of the Angles was attested, in the age of Bede, by the solitude of their native country; 148 and our experience has shown the free propagation of the human race, if they are cast on a fruitful wilderness, where their steps are unconfined, and their subsistence is plentiful. The Saxon kingdoms displayed the face of recent discovery and cultivation; the towns were small, the villages were distant; the husbandry was languid and unskilful; four sheep were equivalent to an acre of the best land; 149 an ample space of wood and morass was resigned to the vague dominion of nature; and the modern bishopric of Durham, the whole territory from the Tyne to the Tees, had returned to its primitive state of a savage and solitary forest. 150 Such imperfect population might have been supplied, in some generations, by the English colonies; but neither reason nor facts can justify the unnatural supposition, that the Saxons of Britain remained alone in the desert which they had subdued. After the sanguinary Barbarians had secured their dominion, and gratified their revenge, it was their interest to preserve the peasants as well as the cattle, of the unresisting country. In each successive revolution, the patient herd becomes the property of its new masters; and the salutary compact of food and labor is silently ratified by their mutual necessities. Wilfrid, the apostle of Sussex, 151 accepted from his royal convert the gift of the peninsula of Selsey, near Chichester, with the persons and property of its inhabitants, who then amounted to eighty-seven families. He released them at once from spiritual and temporal bondage; and two hundred and fifty slaves of both sexes were baptized by their indulgent master. The kingdom of Sussex, which spread from the sea to the Thames, contained seven thousand families; twelve hundred were ascribed to the Isle of Wight; and, if we multiply this vague computation, it may seem probable, that England was cultivated by a million of servants, or villains, who were attached to the estates of their arbitrary landlords. The indigent Barbarians were often tempted to sell their children, or themselves into perpetual, and even foreign, bondage; 152 yet the special exemptions which were granted to national slaves, 153 sufficiently declare that they were much less numerous than the strangers and captives, who had lost their liberty, or changed their masters, by the accidents of war. When time and religion had mitigated the fierce spirit of the Anglo-Saxons, the laws encouraged the frequent practice of manumission; and their subjects, of Welsh or Cambrian extraction, assumed the respectable station of inferior freemen, possessed of lands, and entitled to the rights of civil society. 154 Such gentle treatment might secure the allegiance of a fierce people, who had been recently subdued on the confines of Wales and Cornwall. The sage Ina, the legislator of Wessex, united the two nations in the bands of domestic alliance; and four British lords of Somersetshire may be honorably distinguished in the court of a Saxon monarch. 155
这一奇异的剧变,使史家乃至哲人都相信:不列颠的行省居民已被斩尽杀绝,空出的土地则靠日耳曼移民源源不断的涌入与迅速繁衍而重新住满了人。据说有三十万撒克逊人响应了亨吉斯特的号召147;至于盎格鲁人的举族迁徙,在比德的时代,则由他们故土的荒无人烟得到了印证148;而我们的经验也表明:人类一旦被抛入一片沃野,脚步不受约束,生计又绰绰有余,便会自在地繁衍不息。撒克逊人的各王国,呈现出一派新近开辟、初事耕垦的景象:城镇狭小,村落相隔遥远;农事萎靡而拙劣;四只羊便抵得上一英亩上好田地的价值149;大片的林莽与沼泽,任凭自然去漫无边际地主宰;而今日的达勒姆主教区,即自泰恩河至蒂斯河的整片地域,也已重归其洪荒本相——一座荒僻孤寂的森林150。如此稀疏的人口,历经数代,或许可由英格兰的移民逐渐补足;但无论就情理还是就事实而言,都无法支持这样一个悖乎常情的臆断:即不列颠的撒克逊人,独居于他们所征服的这片荒野之中,别无他人。嗜血的蛮族一旦稳固了统治、宣泄了仇恨,为着自身的利害,便自会保全这片俯首听命之地上的农人,一如保全牲畜。每一次改朝换代,逆来顺受的芸芸众生便沦为新主人的财产;而以口粮换劳役这一两全其美的契约,也在双方各有所需之中默然缔结。苏塞克斯的使徒威尔弗里德151,从皈依他门下的国王手中,接受了奇切斯特附近塞尔西半岛的赠予,连同岛上居民的人身与财产——当时这些居民共有八十七户人家。他当即将他们从属灵与世俗的双重束缚中一并解放;两百五十名男女奴隶,就此受洗于这位宽厚的新主人。苏塞克斯王国自海滨绵延至泰晤士河,共有七千户;怀特岛则据称有一千二百户;倘将这一粗略的估算加以推衍,那么英格兰这片土地,大约由百万名仆役或农奴耕作,他们尽皆依附于专横地主的田庄之上,此说似非无稽。贫困的蛮族往往受诱惑,把儿女乃至自身卖作奴隶,永世不得赎身,甚至被卖到异邦152;然而,本族奴隶所享有的种种特别豁免153,已足以表明:他们的人数,远远少于那些因战乱而丧失自由、或几度易主的外来人与俘虏。待到时间与宗教消磨了盎格鲁-撒克逊人的凶悍之气,法律便鼓励频频释放奴隶;于是那些威尔士或坎布里亚血统的臣民,得以跻身次等自由民这一体面的地位,既拥有土地,又享有公民社会的权利154。如此温和的对待,或能换来一个悍勇民族的效忠——这个民族新近才在威尔士与康沃尔的边地上被征服。睿智的伊尼,韦塞克斯的立法者,以境内联姻的纽带将两个民族结为一体;而在一位撒克逊君主的宫廷之上,萨默塞特郡的四位不列颠贵族尚能占据显赫而体面的一席155
The independent Britons appear to have relapsed into the state of original barbarism, from whence they had been imperfectly reclaimed. Separated by their enemies from the rest of mankind, they soon became an object of scandal and abhorrence to the Catholic world. 156 Christianity was still professed in the mountains of Wales; but the rude schismatics, in the form of the clerical tonsure, and in the day of the celebration of Easter, obstinately resisted the imperious mandates of the Roman pontiffs. The use of the Latin language was insensibly abolished, and the Britons were deprived of the art and learning which Italy communicated to her Saxon proselytes. In Wales and Armorica, the Celtic tongue, the native idiom of the West, was preserved and propagated; and the Bards, who had been the companions of the Druids, were still protected, in the sixteenth century, by the laws of Elizabeth. Their chief, a respectable officer of the courts of Pengwern, or Aberfraw, or Caermarthen, accompanied the king’s servants to war: the monarchy of the Britons, which he sung in the front of battle, excited their courage, and justified their depredations; and the songster claimed for his legitimate prize the fairest heifer of the spoil. His subordinate ministers, the masters and disciples of vocal and instrumental music, visited, in their respective circuits, the royal, the noble, and the plebeian houses; and the public poverty, almost exhausted by the clergy, was oppressed by the importunate demands of the bards. Their rank and merit were ascertained by solemn trials, and the strong belief of supernatural inspiration exalted the fancy of the poet, and of his audience. 157 The last retreats of Celtic freedom, the extreme territories of Gaul and Britain, were less adapted to agriculture than to pasturage: the wealth of the Britons consisted in their flocks and herds; milk and flesh were their ordinary food; and bread was sometimes esteemed, or rejected, as a foreign luxury. Liberty had peopled the mountains of Wales and the morasses of Armorica; but their populousness has been maliciously ascribed to the loose practice of polygamy; and the houses of these licentious barbarians have been supposed to contain ten wives, and perhaps fifty children. 158 Their disposition was rash and choleric; they were bold in action and in speech; 159 and as they were ignorant of the arts of peace, they alternately indulged their passions in foreign and domestic war. The cavalry of Armorica, the spearmen of Gwent, and the archers of Merioneth, were equally formidable; but their poverty could seldom procure either shields or helmets; and the inconvenient weight would have retarded the speed and agility of their desultory operations. One of the greatest of the English monarchs was requested to satisfy the curiosity of a Greek emperor concerning the state of Britain; and Henry II. could assert, from his personal experience, that Wales was inhabited by a race of naked warriors, who encountered, without fear, the defensive armor of their enemies. 160
那些尚存独立的不列颠人,似乎又重新堕回了他们当初的野蛮状态——他们本就只是被勉强而不彻底地从那种状态中开化出来的。他们被仇敌隔绝于世人之外,不久便沦为整个大公教会世界所鄙夷、所憎恶的对象156。威尔士的山地间仍有人信奉基督教;然而这些粗野的分裂派教徒,无论在教士剃发的样式上,还是在庆祝复活节的日期上,都执拗地抗拒着罗马教宗那些专断的敕令。拉丁语的使用在不知不觉间废止了;意大利传授给她那些撒克逊新皈依者的技艺与学问,不列颠人却无从领受。在威尔士与阿摩里卡,凯尔特语——西方本土的语言——得以保存并传扬;而昔日曾与德鲁伊祭司相伴的吟游诗人,迟至十六世纪,仍受伊丽莎白法律的庇护。他们的首领,乃是彭格温、阿伯弗劳或卡马森宫廷中一位德高望重的官员,随王的扈从出征:他在阵前歌咏不列颠人的王业,激起将士的勇气,也为他们的劫掠正名;而这位歌者,则以战利品中最肥美的一头小母牛,作为自己理应所得的酬赏。他属下的乐师,无论是声乐与器乐的师傅还是门徒,各自在划定的巡游范围内,登门造访王室、贵族与平民之家;而本已被教士搜刮殆尽的民间财力,又遭这些吟游诗人纠缠不休的索求所压榨。他们的品级与才艺,须经庄严的品评方能核定;而人们笃信诗才乃神灵所赋,这一信念既抬高了诗人的想象,也抬高了听众的想象157。凯尔特自由最后的托身之所,乃是高卢与不列颠最偏远的边地,那里宜牧而不宜农:不列颠人的财富,尽在他们的羊群与牛群;乳与肉是他们寻常的食物;至于面包,有时被视作外来的奢侈品而受推崇,有时又因此而遭摒弃。自由使威尔士的山峦与阿摩里卡的沼泽间人丁兴旺;但有人却不怀好意地将这份人烟稠密,归因于一夫多妻的放纵之风,臆测这些淫佚蛮族的一户人家,竟蓄有十名妻室,或许还有五十个子女158。他们的秉性鲁莽而暴躁;行事与言谈都毫无顾忌159;又因不谙太平时节的种种技艺,便时而对外、时而对内地大动干戈,以宣泄自己的激情。阿摩里卡的骑兵、格温特的长矛兵、梅里奥尼斯的弓箭手,都同样令人生畏;只是他们太过贫穷,鲜能置办盾牌或头盔;况且这些累赘的重物,也会拖慢他们那种游击式作战所倚仗的速度与敏捷。一位希腊皇帝曾好奇于不列颠的情形,便请当时英格兰最伟大的君主之一为他解惑;亨利二世遂凭亲身的见闻断言:威尔士住着一个赤身作战的民族,他们面对敌人的护甲,也毫无惧色地迎战160
By the revolution of Britain, the limits of science, as well as of empire, were contracted. The dark cloud, which had been cleared by the Phoenician discoveries, and finally dispelled by the arms of Caesar, again settled on the shores of the Atlantic, and a Roman province was again lost among the fabulous Islands of the Ocean. One hundred and fifty years after the reign of Honorius, the gravest historian of the times 161 describes the wonders of a remote isle, whose eastern and western parts are divided by an antique wall, the boundary of life and death, or, more properly, of truth and fiction. The east is a fair country, inhabited by a civilized people: the air is healthy, the waters are pure and plentiful, and the earth yields her regular and fruitful increase. In the west, beyond the wall, the air is infectious and mortal; the ground is covered with serpents; and this dreary solitude is the region of departed spirits, who are transported from the opposite shores in substantial boats, and by living rowers. Some families of fishermen, the subjects of the Franks, are excused from tribute, in consideration of the mysterious office which is performed by these Charons of the ocean. Each in his turn is summoned, at the hour of midnight, to hear the voices, and even the names, of the ghosts: he is sensible of their weight, and he feels himself impelled by an unknown, but irresistible power. After this dream of fancy, we read with astonishment, that the name of this island is Brittia; that it lies in the ocean, against the mouth of the Rhine, and less than thirty miles from the continent; that it is possessed by three nations, the Frisians, the Angles, and the Britons; and that some Angles had appeared at Constantinople, in the train of the French ambassadors. From these ambassadors Procopius might be informed of a singular, though not improbable, adventure, which announces the spirit, rather than the delicacy, of an English heroine. She had been betrothed to Radiger, king of the Varni, a tribe of Germans who touched the ocean and the Rhine; but the perfidious lover was tempted, by motives of policy, to prefer his father’s widow, the sister of Theodebert, king of the Franks. 162 The forsaken princess of the Angles, instead of bewailing, revenged her disgrace. Her warlike subjects are said to have been ignorant of the use, and even of the form, of a horse; but she boldly sailed from Britain to the mouth of the Rhine, with a fleet of four hundred ships, and an army of one hundred thousand men. After the loss of a battle, the captive Radiger implored the mercy of his victorious bride, who generously pardoned his offence, dismissed her rival, and compelled the king of the Varni to discharge with honor and fidelity the duties of a husband. 163 This gallant exploit appears to be the last naval enterprise of the Anglo-Saxons. The arts of navigation, by which they acquired the empire of Britain and of the sea, were soon neglected by the indolent Barbarians, who supinely renounced all the commercial advantages of their insular situation. Seven independent kingdoms were agitated by perpetual discord; and the British world was seldom connected, either in peace or war, with the nations of the Continent. 164
随着不列颠的沧桑剧变,学问的疆界与帝国的疆界一同收缩了。那片曾因腓尼基人的探险而消散、终又被恺撒的兵锋彻底驱散的阴云,如今重新笼罩在大西洋的海岸之上;一个罗马行省,又一次湮没在大洋中那些传说里的岛屿之间。霍诺留在位之后约一百五十年,当时最严谨的一位史家161,描述起一座遥远海岛的种种奇观:岛的东西两半,由一道古老的墙垣分隔开来,那墙乃是生与死的界线——说得更确切些,是真实与虚构的界线。东半边是一片富饶的乡土,住着开化的居民:空气宜人,水源清洁而充沛,土地则按时节奉上丰硕的出产。而在西半边,墙垣之外,空气却带着瘟疫,能致人死命;地面上爬满蛇虺;这片荒凉孤寂之地,乃是亡魂的领域——他们由活人划着实实在在的渡船,从对岸运送而来。有几户渔民,本是法兰克人的臣民,因担负着这大洋之上卡戎般的神秘职役,得以免缴贡赋。他们轮番在午夜时分被召唤而起,去谛听那些幽灵的声音,甚至是他们的名字:他能感到船上载着的分量,也觉出自己被一股不知来自何处、却无从抗拒的力量所驱使。读罢这一番痴人说梦,我们却又惊讶地读到:这座岛名叫布里提亚;它坐落在大洋之中,正对着莱茵河口,距大陆不足三十英里;岛上住着三个民族——弗里西亚人、盎格鲁人和不列颠人;还有若干盎格鲁人,曾随法兰克使团一同现身于君士坦丁堡。普罗柯比或许正是从这些使臣口中,得知了一桩离奇却也未必不可信的奇遇;这桩奇遇所彰显的,是一位英格兰女杰的胆魄,而非她的柔婉。她本已许配给瓦尔尼人的国王拉迪格——瓦尔尼人是日耳曼的一个部族,其疆域一端临大洋,一端接莱茵河;不料这负心的情郎出于权谋的算计,竟移情于自己父亲的遗孀,也就是法兰克王狄奥德贝尔特的妹妹162。这位遭遗弃的盎格鲁公主,非但不曾哀哭,反而为自己所受的羞辱复了仇。据说她那些好战的臣民,连马是何物、作何形状都茫然不知;但她仍率四百艘战船、十万大军,毅然自不列颠扬帆驶向莱茵河口。一战败北之后,拉迪格沦为阶下囚,只得向这位得胜的新娘乞怜;她慷慨地宽宥了他的过错,逐走了自己的情敌,并迫使这位瓦尔尼国王此后恪尽为夫之责,既知荣辱,又守忠信163。这一番豪迈的壮举,似乎是盎格鲁-撒克逊人最后一次海上远征。他们曾凭航海之术,赢得了不列颠的疆土与海上的霸权;然而这门技艺,不久便为怠惰的蛮族所荒弃,他们慵懒地放弃了岛国地位所带来的一切通商之利。七个各自为政的王国,被无休止的纷争搅扰不宁;而不列颠这一方天地,无论和平还是战争,都鲜与欧陆诸邦有所往来164
I have now accomplished the laborious narrative of the decline and fall of the Roman empire, from the fortunate age of Trajan and the Antonines, to its total extinction in the West, about five centuries after the Christian era. At that unhappy period, the Saxons fiercely struggled with the natives for the possession of Britain: Gaul and Spain were divided between the powerful monarchies of the Franks and Visigoths, and the dependent kingdoms of the Suevi and Burgundians: Africa was exposed to the cruel persecution of the Vandals, and the savage insults of the Moors: Rome and Italy, as far as the banks of the Danube, were afflicted by an army of Barbarian mercenaries, whose lawless tyranny was succeeded by the reign of Theodoric the Ostrogoth. All the subjects of the empire, who, by the use of the Latin language, more particularly deserved the name and privileges of Romans, were oppressed by the disgrace and calamities of foreign conquest; and the victorious nations of Germany established a new system of manners and government in the western countries of Europe. The majesty of Rome was faintly represented by the princes of Constantinople, the feeble and imaginary successors of Augustus. Yet they continued to reign over the East, from the Danube to the Nile and Tigris; the Gothic and Vandal kingdoms of Italy and Africa were subverted by the arms of Justinian; and the history of the Greek emperors may still afford a long series of instructive lessons, and interesting revolutions.
至此,我终于完成了这项艰巨的叙事——从图拉真与安敦尼诸帝那幸运的时代起,直到基督纪元后约五百年、罗马帝国在西方彻底覆灭为止,记述了它的衰落与倾颓。在那不幸的年代,撒克逊人正为争夺不列颠而与土著居民激烈厮杀:高卢与西班牙,则由法兰克人与西哥特人强大的王国,以及苏维汇人与勃艮第人那些附庸的王国瓜分:非洲饱受汪达尔人的残酷迫害,又遭摩尔人野蛮的欺凌:至于罗马与意大利,直抵多瑙河两岸,则饱受一支蛮族雇佣军的荼毒,而这支军队无法无天的暴政,最终被东哥特人狄奥多里克的统治所取代。帝国的全体臣民之中,凡因使用拉丁语而尤其称得上罗马人之名、配享罗马人之特权者,无不在异族征服的屈辱与灾祸下呻吟;而日耳曼各战胜民族,则在欧洲西部诸国确立起一套全新的风俗与政制。罗马的威严,如今只由君士坦丁堡的君主们勉强撑持——他们不过是奥古斯都那些孱弱而徒具虚名的继承者罢了。然而他们仍旧统治着东方,从多瑙河一直到尼罗河与底格里斯河;意大利的哥特王国与非洲的汪达尔王国,先后被查士丁尼的武力所倾覆;而希腊诸帝的历史,也依然能提供一长串发人深省的教训,以及饶有趣味的兴亡变迁。

Notes 注释

138
Bede, who in his chronicle (p. 28) places Ambrosius under the reign of Zeno, (A.D. 474-491,) observes, that his parents had been “purpura induti;” which he explains, in his ecclesiastical history, by “regium nomen et insigne ferentibus,” (l. i. c. 16, p. 53.) The expression of Nennius (c. 44, p. 110, edit. Gale) is still more singular, “Unus de consulibus gentis Romanicae est pater meus.”
比德在其编年史(第 28 页)中,将安布罗西乌斯置于芝诺在位期间(公元 474—491 年),并说他的父母曾“purpura induti”(身披紫袍);在其教会史中,他又将此语解作“regium nomen et insigne ferentibus”(享有王者的名号与徽记,见第一卷第十六章第 53 页)。内尼乌斯的说法(第 44 章第 110 页,盖尔校订本)则更为奇特:“Unus de consulibus gentis Romanicae est pater meus.”(我父乃罗马民族的执政官之一。)
139
By the unanimous, though doubtful, conjecture of our antiquarians, Ambrosius is confounded with Natanleod, who (A.D. 508) lost his own life, and five thousand of his subjects, in a battle against Cerdic, the West Saxon, (Chron. Saxon. p. 17, 18.)
我国好古之士虽众口一词,其推断却难免可疑:他们把安布罗西乌斯与纳坦莱奥德混为一谈;后者于公元 508 年,在一场对阵西撒克逊人塞尔迪克的战役中,连同五千名属民一同丧命(见《撒克逊编年史》第 17、18 页)。
140
As I am a stranger to the Welsh bards, Myrdhin, Llomarch, and Taliessin, my faith in the existence and exploits of Arthur principally rests on the simple and circumstantial testimony of Nennius. (Hist. Brit. c. 62, 63, p. 114.) Mr. Whitaker, (Hist. of Manchester, vol. ii. p. 31-71) had framed an interesting, and even probable, narrative of the wars of Arthur: though it is impossible to allow the reality of the round table. * Note: I presume that Gibbon means Llywarch Hen, or the Aged.—The Elegies of this Welsh prince and bard have been published by Mr. Owen; to whose works and in the Myvyrian Archaeology, slumbers much curious information on the subject of Welsh tradition and poetry. But the Welsh antiquarians have never obtained a hearing from the public; they have had no Macpherson to compensate for his corruption of their poetic legends by forcing them into popularity.—See also Mr. Sharon Turner’s Essay on the Welsh Bards.—M.
由于我对威尔士的吟游诗人米尔丁、洛马赫与塔列辛全然陌生,我之所以相信亚瑟其人及其功业确曾存在,主要凭据的是内尼乌斯那朴实而详备的记述(《不列颠史》第 62、63 章第 114 页)。惠特克先生(《曼彻斯特史》第二卷第 31—71 页)曾就亚瑟诸役编织出一段引人入胜、甚而堪称可信的叙述——尽管圆桌一事的真实性终究无从承认。* 编者按:我想吉本所指应是洛马赫·亨,即“老者洛马赫”。这位威尔士王公兼吟游诗人的挽歌,已由欧文先生刊行;在他的著作以及《米维里亚文库》之中,尚沉睡着许多关于威尔士传说与诗歌的珍奇资料。只是威尔士的好古之士从未博得公众的垂听;他们不曾有一位麦克弗森——此人固然把他们的诗歌传说篡改得面目全非,却也借此硬生生地使之风靡于世。另参沙伦·特纳先生《论威尔士吟游诗人》。—M
141
The progress of romance, and the state of learning, in the middle ages, are illustrated by Mr. Thomas Warton, with the taste of a poet, and the minute diligence of an antiquarian. I have derived much instruction from the two learned dissertations prefixed to the first volume of his History of English Poetry. * Note: These valuable dissertations should not now be read without the notes and preliminary essay of the late editor, Mr. Price, which, in point of taste and fulness of information, are worthy of accompanying and completing those of Warton.—M.
托马斯·沃顿先生以诗人的鉴赏力与好古者的细致勤勉,阐明了中世纪传奇文学的演进与学术的状况。我从他《英诗史》第一卷卷首那两篇渊博的专论中获益良多。* 编者按:如今这两篇珍贵的专论,读时不应撇开已故编者普赖斯先生所作的注释与序论;无论就鉴赏力还是资料的详尽而言,它们都足以与沃顿的专论相辅相成、相得益彰。—M
142
Hoc anno (490) Aella et Cissa obsederunt Andredes-Ceaster; et interfecerunt omnes qui id incoluerunt; adeo ut ne unus Brito ibi superstes fuerit, (Chron. Saxon. p. 15;) an expression more dreadful in its simplicity, than all the vague and tedious lamentations of the British Jeremiah.
“Hoc anno (490) Aella et Cissa obsederunt Andredes-Ceaster; et interfecerunt omnes qui id incoluerunt; adeo ut ne unus Brito ibi superstes fuerit”(此年〔490 年〕,埃拉与基萨围攻安德雷德-切斯特,将城中居民尽数杀戮,以至无一不列颠人得以幸存,见《撒克逊编年史》第 15 页);这寥寥数语的可怖,胜过不列颠的耶利米一切含糊而冗长的哀叹。
143
Andredes-Ceaster, or Anderida, is placed by Camden (Britannia, vol. i. p. 258) at Newenden, in the marshy grounds of Kent, which might be formerly covered by the sea, and on the edge of the great forest (Anderida) which overspread so large a portion of Hampshire and Sussex.
安德雷德-切斯特,或称安德里达,卡姆登(《不列颠志》第一卷第 258 页)将其定位于肯特沼泽地带的纽恩登——此地昔日或曾没于海水之下——并位于那片广袤森林(安德里达)的边缘;这片森林曾覆盖汉普郡与苏塞克斯的大片土地。
144
Dr. Johnson affirms, that few English words are of British extraction. Mr. Whitaker, who understands the British language, has discovered more than three thousand, and actually produces a long and various catalogue, (vol. ii. p. 235-329.) It is possible, indeed, that many of these words may have been imported from the Latin or Saxon into the native idiom of Britain. * Note: Dr. Prichard’s very curious researches, which connect the Celtic, as well as the Teutonic languages with the Indo-European class, make it still more difficult to decide between the Celtic or Teutonic origin of English words.—See Prichard on the Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations Oxford, 1831.—M.
约翰逊博士断言,英语中源自不列颠语的词汇寥寥无几。通晓不列颠语的惠特克先生却发现了三千余个,并当真开列出一份冗长而繁杂的清单(第二卷第 235—329 页)。诚然,这些词汇中确有许多,或是自拉丁语、撒克逊语输入不列颠本土语言的。* 编者按:普里查德博士极为奇特的研究,将凯尔特诸语与条顿诸语一同归入印欧语系;这就使得英语词汇究竟源出凯尔特还是条顿,愈发难以断定。—参见 Prichard on the Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, Oxford, 1831。—M
145
In the beginning of the seventh century, the Franks and the Anglo-Saxons mutually understood each other’s language, which was derived from the same Teutonic root, (Bede, l. i. c. 25, p. 60.)
七世纪初,法兰克人与盎格鲁-撒克逊人彼此的语言尚能互通,因为二者同出于条顿语这一语根(比德,第一卷第二十五章第 60 页)。
146
After the first generation of Italian, or Scottish, missionaries, the dignities of the church were filled with Saxon proselytes.
待到第一代意大利或苏格兰传教士之后,教会的各项圣职便都由皈依的撒克逊人充任了。
147
Carte’s History of England, vol. i. p. 195. He quotes the British historians; but I much fear, that Jeffrey of Monmouth (l. vi. c. 15) is his only witness.
卡特《英格兰史》第一卷第 195 页。他征引了不列颠诸史家;但我颇为担心,蒙茅斯的杰弗里(第六卷第十五章)恐怕是他唯一的凭证。
148
Bede, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. i. c. 15, p. 52. The fact is probable, and well attested: yet such was the loose intermixture of the German tribes, that we find, in a subsequent period, the law of the Angli and Warini of Germany, (Lindenbrog. Codex, p. 479-486.)
比德《教会史》第一卷第十五章第 52 页。此事大致可信,且有确凿佐证:然而日耳曼诸部族之间混杂无常,以至在稍后的时期,我们竟见到一部日耳曼的《盎格鲁人与瓦里尼人法》(林登布罗格《法典集》第 479—486 页)。
149
See Dr. Henry’s useful and laborious History of Great Britain, vol. ii. p. 388.
参见亨利博士那部实用而费力的《大不列颠史》第二卷第 388 页。
150
Quicquid (says John of Tinemouth) inter Tynam et Tesam fluvios extitit, sola eremi vastitudo tunc temporis fuit, et idcirco nullius ditioni servivit, eo quod sola indomitorum et sylvestrium animalium spelunca et habitatio fuit, (apud Carte, vol. i. p. 195.) From bishop Nicholson (English Historical Library, p. 65, 98) I understand that fair copies of John of Tinemouth’s ample collections are preserved in the libraries of Oxford, Lambeth, &c.
“Quicquid (says John of Tinemouth) inter Tynam et Tesam fluvios extitit, sola eremi vastitudo tunc temporis fuit, et idcirco nullius ditioni servivit, eo quod sola indomitorum et sylvestrium animalium spelunca et habitatio fuit”(蒂恩茅斯的约翰说:凡泰恩河与蒂斯河之间的一切土地,其时尽是荒野旷莽,故不属于任何人的治下,因为那里唯有野兽与山林走兽的巢穴栖居其间,见卡特书第一卷第 195 页)。据尼科尔森主教(《英格兰史籍指南》第 65、98 页)所言,蒂恩茅斯的约翰那卷帙浩繁的辑录,尚有精抄本存于牛津、兰贝斯等地的图书馆中。
151
See the mission of Wilfrid, &c., in Bede, Hist. Eccles. l. iv. c. 13, 16, p. 155, 156, 159.
关于威尔弗里德的传教等事,见比德《教会史》第四卷第十三、十六章,第 155、156、159 页。
152
From the concurrent testimony of Bede (l. ii. c. 1, p. 78) and William of Malmsbury, (l. iii. p. 102,) it appears, that the Anglo-Saxons, from the first to the last age, persisted in this unnatural practice. Their youths were publicly sold in the market of Rome.
据比德(第二卷第一章第 78 页)与马姆斯伯里的威廉(第三卷第 102 页)互相印证的记述可知,盎格鲁-撒克逊人自始至终都固守着这一悖乎天性的陋习。他们的青年,曾被公然贩卖于罗马的市场之上。
153
According to the laws of Ina, they could not be lawfully sold beyond the seas.
按伊尼的法律,他们不得被合法地贩卖到海外。
154
The life of a Wallus, or Cambricus, homo, who possessed a hyde of land, is fixed at 120 shillings, by the same laws (of Ina, tit. xxxii. in Leg. Anglo-Saxon. p. 20) which allowed 200 shillings for a free Saxon, 1200 for a Thane, (see likewise Leg. Anglo-Saxon. p. 71.) We may observe, that these legislators, the West Saxons and Mercians, continued their British conquests after they became Christians. The laws of the four kings of Kent do not condescend to notice the existence of any subject Britons.
一名拥有一海得(hyde)土地的“Wallus”(威尔士人)或“Cambricus homo”(坎布里亚人),其命价被同一部法律(伊尼法第三十二条,见《盎格鲁-撒克逊法》第 20 页)定为一百二十先令;而这部法律给一名自由撒克逊人定的是二百先令,给一名塞恩定的则是一千二百先令(另见《盎格鲁-撒克逊法》第 71 页)。我们不妨留意:这些立法者,即西撒克逊人与麦西亚人,在皈依基督教之后,仍继续着对不列颠人的征服。而肯特四位国王的法律,则根本不屑于提及任何不列颠臣民的存在。
155
See Carte’s Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 278.
参见卡特《英格兰史》第一卷第 278 页。
156
At the conclusion of his history, (A.D. 731,) Bede describes the ecclesiastical state of the island, and censures the implacable, though impotent, hatred of the Britons against the English nation, and the Catholic church, (l. v. c. 23, p. 219.)
比德在其史著的末尾(公元 731 年),描述了该岛教会的状况,并谴责不列颠人对英格兰民族及大公教会那种虽无力却难以化解的仇恨(第五卷第二十三章第 219 页)。
157
Mr. Pennant’s Tour in Wales (p. 426-449) has furnished me with a curious and interesting account of the Welsh bards. In the year 1568, a session was held at Caerwys by the special command of Queen Elizabeth, and regular degrees in vocal and instrumental music were conferred on fifty-five minstrels. The prize (a silver harp) was adjudged by the Mostyn family.
彭南特先生的《威尔士游记》(第 426—449 页)为我提供了一份关于威尔士吟游诗人的奇特而有趣的记述。1568 年,奉伊丽莎白女王的特旨,卡厄韦斯曾召开一次品评大会,为五十五名乐师正式授予声乐与器乐的品级。奖品(一具银竖琴)则由莫斯廷家族评定颁授。
158
Regio longe lateque diffusa, milite, magis quam credibile sit, referta. Partibus equidem in illis miles unus quinquaginta generat, sortitus more barbaro denas aut amplius uxores. This reproach of William of Poitiers (in the Historians of France, tom. xi. p. 88) is disclaimed by the Benedictine editors.
“Regio longe lateque diffusa, milite, magis quam credibile sit, referta. Partibus equidem in illis miles unus quinquaginta generat, sortitus more barbaro denas aut amplius uxores.”(此地绵延辽阔,兵员之众多得令人难以置信。在那些地方,一名战士竟能生养五十人,因为他依蛮族的习俗娶了十名甚或更多的妻室。)普瓦捷的威廉这一番指责(见《法兰西史家集》第十一卷第 88 页),本笃会的编者们并不认同。
159
Giraldus Cambrensis confines this gift of bold and ready eloquence to the Romans, the French, and the Britons. The malicious Welshman insinuates that the English taciturnity might possibly be the effect of their servitude under the Normans.
威尔士的杰拉尔德把这种大胆而敏捷的口才,只归于罗马人、法兰西人与不列颠人。这位居心不良的威尔士人暗讽道:英格兰人之所以寡言少语,或许正是他们在诺曼人治下沦为奴仆的结果。
160
The picture of Welsh and Armorican manners is drawn from Giraldus, (Descript. Cambriae, c. 6-15, inter Script. Camden. p. 886-891,) and the authors quoted by the Abbe de Vertot, (Hist. Critique tom. ii. p. 259-266.)
关于威尔士与阿摩里卡风习的描绘,取自杰拉尔德(《威尔士志》第 6—15 章,见卡姆登所辑《史家丛编》第 886—891 页),以及韦尔托神父所征引的诸家(《批判史》第二卷第 259—266 页)。
161
See Procopius de Bell. Gothic. l. iv. c. 20, p. 620-625. The Greek historian is himself so confounded by the wonders which he relates, that he weakly attempts to distinguish the islands of Britia and Britain, which he has identified by so many inseparable circumstances.
参见普罗柯比《哥特战记》第四卷第二十章第 620—625 页。这位希腊史家被自己所叙述的种种奇观弄得晕头转向,竟软弱无力地试图把布里提亚岛与不列颠岛区分开来——而他明明以那么多密不可分的情节,把二者认作了同一座岛。
162
Theodebert, grandson of Clovis, and king of Austrasia, was the most powerful and warlike prince of the age; and this remarkable adventure may be placed between the years 534 and 547, the extreme terms of his reign. His sister Theudechildis retired to Sens, where she founded monasteries, and distributed alms, (see the notes of the Benedictine editors, in tom. ii. p. 216.) If we may credit the praises of Fortunatus, (l. vi. carm. 5, in tom. ii. p. 507,) Radiger was deprived of a most valuable wife.
狄奥德贝尔特是克洛维之孙、奥斯特拉西亚之王,乃当世最强大、最好战的君主;这桩非凡的奇遇,大约可置于公元 534 至 547 年之间,即他在位的起讫之年。他的妹妹特乌德希尔迪斯隐退到桑斯,在那里创建修道院,并施济穷人(参见本笃会编者的注释,第二卷第 216 页)。倘若可以相信福图纳图斯的赞辞(第六卷第五首诗,见第二卷第 507 页),那么拉迪格失去的,实在是一位极为难得的贤妻。
163
Perhaps she was the sister of one of the princes or chiefs of the Angles, who landed in 527, and the following years, between the Humber and the Thames, and gradually founded the kingdoms of East Anglia and Mercia. The English writers are ignorant of her name and existence: but Procopius may have suggested to Mr. Rowe the character and situation of Rodogune in the tragedy of the Royal Convert.
她或许是盎格鲁人某位王公或酋长的妹妹;这些人于公元 527 年及其后数年间,在亨伯河与泰晤士河之间登陆,逐渐建立起东盎格利亚与麦西亚两个王国。英格兰的作家对她的姓名与存在一无所知;但普罗柯比或许曾为罗先生笔下《皈依的君主》一剧中罗多古娜的性格与处境,提供了原型。
164
In the copious history of Gregory of Tours, we cannot find any traces of hostile or friendly intercourse between France and England except in the marriage of the daughter of Caribert, king of Paris, quam regis cujusdam in Cantia filius matrimonio copulavit, (l. ix. c. 28, in tom. ii. p. 348.) The bishop of Tours ended his history and his life almost immediately before the conversion of Kent.
在图尔的格雷戈里那部内容丰赡的史著中,除了巴黎王卡里贝尔之女的婚事之外,我们再找不到法兰西与英格兰之间任何敌对或友好往来的痕迹——“quam regis cujusdam in Cantia filius matrimonio copulavit”(她嫁给了肯特某位国王之子,见第九卷第二十八章,第二卷第 348 页)。这位图尔主教在肯特皈依基督教前不久,便结束了他的史著,也结束了他的生命。