Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part III. 第三十八章 克洛维在位时期——第三节
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When justice inexorably requires the death of a murderer, each private citizen is fortified by the assurance, that the laws, the magistrate, and the whole community, are the guardians of his personal safety. But in the loose society of the Germans, revenge was always honorable, and often meritorious: the independent warrior chastised, or vindicated, with his own hand, the injuries which he had offered or received; and he had only to dread the resentment of the sons and kinsmen of the enemy, whom he had sacrificed to his selfish or angry passions. The magistrate, conscious of his weakness, interposed, not to punish, but to reconcile; and he was satisfied if he could persuade or compel the contending parties to pay and to accept the moderate fine which had been ascertained as the price of blood. 72 The fierce spirit of the Franks would have opposed a more rigorous sentence; the same fierceness despised these ineffectual restraints; and, when their simple manners had been corrupted by the wealth of Gaul, the public peace was continually violated by acts of hasty or deliberate guilt. In every just government the same penalty is inflicted, or at least is imposed, for the murder of a peasant or a prince. But the national inequality established by the Franks, in their criminal proceedings, was the last insult and abuse of conquest. 73 In the calm moments of legislation, they solemnly pronounced, that the life of a Roman was of smaller value than that of a Barbarian. The Antrustion, 74 a name expressive of the most illustrious birth or dignity among the Franks, was appreciated at the sum of six hundred pieces of gold; while the noble provincial, who was admitted to the king’s table, might be legally murdered at the expense of three hundred pieces.
当正义无可通融地要求处死一名凶手时，每个平民百姓都因一种信念而心安：守护其人身安全的，是法律、是官长、是整个社会。然而日耳曼人的社会松散无羁，复仇却始终是件光彩的事，往往还称得上功绩。战士各自为政，无论是自己加于人的伤害，还是别人加于己的伤害，都由他亲手去惩处、去申雪；他唯一忌惮的，是那些死于他私愤或怒火之下的仇敌，其子嗣与族亲会不会前来寻仇。官长自知无力，出面干预也不为惩凶，只为调停；只要能劝说或迫使争执双方交付并接受那笔定为命价的适度罚金，他便心满意足了。72 法兰克人生性剽悍，本不会容忍更严厉的判决；也正是这份剽悍，使他们对如此软弱无力的约束不屑一顾。待到高卢的财富腐蚀了他们淳朴的习性，无论一时冲动还是蓄意为之的罪行，都不断打破地方的安宁。在任何公正的政府之下，杀死一个农夫与杀死一位王侯，所受的刑罚都相同，至少法条上是这样规定的。可法兰克人却在刑事诉讼中确立起以族属定尊卑的不平等，这可谓征服者对被征服者最后的侮辱与凌虐。73 他们在心平气和地立法之际，竟郑重宣布：一个罗马人的性命，不及一个蛮族人的性命值钱。安特鲁斯提奥（Antrustion）74——这称号在法兰克人中代表着最显赫的门第或尊位——其身价估作六百金币；而一位得以列席国王餐桌的行省贵人，杀掉他却只需依法赔付三百金币。
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Two hundred were deemed sufficient for a Frank of ordinary condition; but the meaner Romans were exposed to disgrace and danger by a trifling compensation of one hundred, or even fifty, pieces of gold. Had these laws been regulated by any principle of equity or reason, the public protection should have supplied, in just proportion, the want of personal strength. But the legislator had weighed in the scale, not of justice, but of policy, the loss of a soldier against that of a slave: the head of an insolent and rapacious Barbarian was guarded by a heavy fine; and the slightest aid was afforded to the most defenceless subjects. Time insensibly abated the pride of the conquerors and the patience of the vanquished; and the boldest citizen was taught, by experience, that he might suffer more injuries than he could inflict. As the manners of the Franks became less ferocious, their laws were rendered more severe; and the Merovingian kings attempted to imitate the impartial rigor of the Visigoths and Burgundians. 75 Under the empire of Charlemagne, murder was universally punished with death; and the use of capital punishments has been liberally multiplied in the jurisprudence of modern Europe. 76
杀死一名寻常身份的法兰克人，两百金币便算足够；至于地位低微的罗马人，性命所值不过区区一百、甚至五十金币，如此微薄的赔偿，使他们既蒙受羞辱，又身陷险境。这些法律倘若当真出于公平或理性，那么公家的保护本应恰如其分地弥补个人体力之不足。然而立法者放上天平称量的，不是正义，而是权谋：一边是损失一名士兵，一边是损失一名奴隶。于是，一个骄横贪婪的蛮族人，头颅有重罚为之护卫；而最无力自保的臣民，得到的庇护却微乎其微。岁月不知不觉地消磨了征服者的骄气，也磨尽了被征服者的隐忍；即便最胆壮的人，也从亲身经历中领悟到：自己所受的伤害，只会多于自己能加于人的。随着法兰克人的习性渐趋温和，他们的法律反倒愈发严厉；墨洛温王朝诸王也着手效仿西哥特人与勃艮第人那种不偏不倚的严明。75 到查理曼帝国治下，杀人一律处死；而近代欧洲的法学，更把死刑的适用大加扩充。76
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The civil and military professions, which had been separated by Constantine, were again united by the Barbarians. The harsh sound of the Teutonic appellations was mollified into the Latin titles of Duke, of Count, or of Praefect; and the same officer assumed, within his district, the command of the troops, and the administration of justice. 77 But the fierce and illiterate chieftain was seldom qualified to discharge the duties of a judge, which required all the faculties of a philosophic mind, laboriously cultivated by experience and study; and his rude ignorance was compelled to embrace some simple, and visible, methods of ascertaining the cause of justice. In every religion, the Deity has been invoked to confirm the truth, or to punish the falsehood of human testimony; but this powerful instrument was misapplied and abused by the simplicity of the German legislators. The party accused might justify his innocence, by producing before their tribunal a number of friendly witnesses, who solemnly declared their belief, or assurance, that he was not guilty. According to the weight of the charge, this legal number of compurgators was multiplied; seventy-two voices were required to absolve an incendiary or assassin: and when the chastity of a queen of France was suspected, three hundred gallant nobles swore, without hesitation, that the infant prince had been actually begotten by her deceased husband. 78 The sin and scandal of manifest and frequent perjuries engaged the magistrates to remove these dangerous temptations; and to supply the defects of human testimony by the famous experiments of fire and water. These extraordinary trials were so capriciously contrived, that, in some cases, guilt, and innocence in others, could not be proved without the interposition of a miracle. Such miracles were really provided by fraud and credulity; the most intricate causes were determined by this easy and infallible method, and the turbulent Barbarians, who might have disdained the sentence of the magistrate, submissively acquiesced in the judgment of God. 79
君士坦丁曾把文职与武职分立开来，蛮族入主后又将二者重新合而为一。那些拗口刺耳的条顿称号，被软化成公爵、伯爵、总督一类的拉丁头衔；同一名官员在其辖区内，既统率军队，又执掌司法。77 然而这些凶悍而不通文墨的酋长，鲜有胜任法官之职者。断案须动用一副思辨头脑的全部能力，而这副头脑须靠阅历与学问艰辛培育方成；他们既粗鄙无知，便只得采用一些简单而看得见摸得着的法子来断明是非曲直。无论哪种宗教，都曾祈求神明来证实人证之真、惩罚人证之伪；然而日耳曼立法者头脑简单，把这件有力的工具用错了地方，白白糟蹋。被告要证明自己清白，可以带一批相熟的证人到庭，由他们郑重声明相信、或者担保他无罪。罪名越重，法定的这种共誓证人便越多：要为一个纵火犯或行刺者开脱，须凑齐七十二张嘴；而当法兰西一位王后的贞洁受到怀疑时，竟有三百名豪侠贵族毫不迟疑地起誓，说那位幼小的王子确是她已故的丈夫所出。78 伪誓既屡见不鲜、又昭然若揭，其罪孽与丑闻促使官府着手革除这一危险的诱惑，改以著名的水火神判来弥补人证之不足。这类非常的裁判设计得极为反复无常，以致有时非有奇迹相助便无从证其有罪，另一些时候又非有奇迹便无从证其无辜。而这类奇迹，实则由欺诈与轻信一手炮制；再错综难解的案子，靠这套简便而万无一失的法门也能了断。桀骜不驯的蛮族人，本会对官府的判决嗤之以鼻，此刻却对上帝的裁断俯首帖服。79
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But the trials by single combat gradually obtained superior credit and authority, among a warlike people, who could not believe that a brave man deserved to suffer, or that a coward deserved to live. 80 Both in civil and criminal proceedings, the plaintiff, or accuser, the defendant, or even the witness, were exposed to mortal challenge from the antagonist who was destitute of legal proofs; and it was incumbent on them either to desert their cause, or publicly to maintain their honor, in the lists of battle. They fought either on foot, or on horseback, according to the custom of their nation; 81 and the decision of the sword, or lance, was ratified by the sanction of Heaven, of the judge, and of the people. This sanguinary law was introduced into Gaul by the Burgundians; and their legislator Gundobald 82 condescended to answer the complaints and objections of his subject Avitus. “Is it not true,” said the king of Burgundy to the bishop, “that the event of national wars, and private combats, is directed by the judgment of God; and that his providence awards the victory to the juster cause?” By such prevailing arguments, the absurd and cruel practice of judicial duels, which had been peculiar to some tribes of Germany, was propagated and established in all the monarchies of Europe, from Sicily to the Baltic. At the end of ten centuries, the reign of legal violence was not totally extinguished; and the ineffectual censures of saints, of popes, and of synods, may seem to prove, that the influence of superstition is weakened by its unnatural alliance with reason and humanity. The tribunals were stained with the blood, perhaps, of innocent and respectable citizens; the law, which now favors the rich, then yielded to the strong; and the old, the feeble, and the infirm, were condemned, either to renounce their fairest claims and possessions, to sustain the dangers of an unequal conflict, 83 or to trust the doubtful aid of a mercenary champion. This oppressive jurisprudence was imposed on the provincials of Gaul, who complained of any injuries in their persons and property. Whatever might be the strength, or courage, of individuals, the victorious Barbarians excelled in the love and exercise of arms; and the vanquished Roman was unjustly summoned to repeat, in his own person, the bloody contest which had been already decided against his country. 84
不过，在这个尚武的民族看来，勇者不该受罚，懦夫不配苟活；因此以单人格斗定案的方式，渐渐赢得了更高的信誉与权威。80 无论民事还是刑事诉讼，原告也好、被告也好，甚至证人，只要对方拿不出法律证据，便都可能遭其提出你死我活的挑战；他们要么放弃自己的主张，要么就得在决斗场上公开捍卫自己的荣誉。他们或徒步、或骑马交战，各依本族的习俗；81 刀剑或长枪所作的裁决，则由上天、法官与民众三方共同认可。这条血腥的法律是勃艮第人带进高卢的；其立法者贡多巴德 82 还屈尊答复了臣民阿维图斯的抱怨与非难。“难道不是这样吗，”勃艮第王对主教说，“无论是民族之间的战争，还是私人之间的格斗，其胜负都由上帝的裁断来决定；难道他的天意不是把胜利判给理更直的一方吗？”靠着这类看似有理的论证，司法决斗这一荒谬而残酷的做法，本只是日耳曼某些部族所独有，如今却从西西里到波罗的海，在欧洲各君主国中广为流传、扎下根来。十个世纪过去，合法暴力的统治仍未彻底绝迹；圣徒、教宗与宗教会议的谴责统统不起作用，这似乎恰好表明：迷信一旦与理性和人道结成这种不自然的同盟，其威力反而会被削弱。法庭之上所沾染的，或许正是无辜而体面的良民之血。法律如今偏袒富人，当日则屈从于强者；年老的、孱弱的、多病的人，无非三条路可走：要么放弃自己最正当的诉求与产业，要么去承受一场实力悬殊的搏斗之凶险，83 要么把希望寄托在雇来的斗士那靠不住的援手上。高卢的行省居民，凡为人身或财产受损而申诉者，都得任凭这套欺压人的法制摆布。且不论个人的膂力或胆量如何，得胜的蛮族人到底更爱舞刀弄枪、也更娴于此道；而战败的罗马人，却被不公正地传唤出来，要以一己之身，把那场早已判他祖国落败的血腥较量再重演一遍。84
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A devouring host of one hundred and twenty thousand Germans had formerly passed the Rhine under the command of Ariovistus. One third part of the fertile lands of the Sequani was appropriated to their use; and the conqueror soon repeated his oppressive demand of another third, for the accommodation of a new colony of twenty-four thousand Barbarians, whom he had invited to share the rich harvest of Gaul. 85 At the distance of five hundred years, the Visigoths and Burgundians, who revenged the defeat of Ariovistus, usurped the same unequal proportion of two thirds of the subject lands. But this distribution, instead of spreading over the province, may be reasonably confined to the peculiar districts where the victorious people had been planted by their own choice, or by the policy of their leader. In these districts, each Barbarian was connected by the ties of hospitality with some Roman provincial. To this unwelcome guest, the proprietor was compelled to abandon two thirds of his patrimony, but the German, a shepherd and a hunter, might sometimes content himself with a spacious range of wood and pasture, and resign the smallest, though most valuable, portion, to the toil of the industrious husbandman. 86 The silence of ancient and authentic testimony has encouraged an opinion, that the rapine of the Franks was not moderated, or disguised, by the forms of a legal division; that they dispersed themselves over the provinces of Gaul, without order or control; and that each victorious robber, according to his wants, his avarice, and his strength, measured with his sword the extent of his new inheritance. At a distance from their sovereign, the Barbarians might indeed be tempted to exercise such arbitrary depredation; but the firm and artful policy of Clovis must curb a licentious spirit, which would aggravate the misery of the vanquished, whilst it corrupted the union and discipline of the conquerors. 861 The memorable vase of Soissons is a monument and a pledge of the regular distribution of the Gallic spoils. It was the duty and the interest of Clovis to provide rewards for a successful army, settlements for a numerous people; without inflicting any wanton or superfluous injuries on the loyal Catholics of Gaul. The ample fund, which he might lawfully acquire, of the Imperial patrimony, vacant lands, and Gothic usurpations, would diminish the cruel necessity of seizure and confiscation, and the humble provincials would more patiently acquiesce in the equal and regular distribution of their loss. 87
从前，曾有一支多达十二万、所过之处吞噬一切的日耳曼大军，在阿里奥维斯图斯的统领下渡过莱茵河。塞夸尼人肥沃的土地被划出三分之一归他们使用；不久这位征服者又蛮横地索要另外三分之一，用以安置他新招来的一批两万四千蛮族移民——他请这些人前来同享高卢丰饶的收成。85 事隔五百年，西哥特人与勃艮第人替阿里奥维斯图斯的败绩报了仇，也照样霸占了被征服土地三分之二这一悬殊份额。不过这种瓜分未必遍及整个行省，倒有理由认为它只限于某些特定的地区——得胜的一族或出于自愿、或依首领的部署，落脚在那里。在这些地区，每个蛮族人都凭客寓之谊与某位罗马行省居民结成主客关系。对这位不速之客，业主不得不让出祖产的三分之二；不过日耳曼人本是牧人与猎户，有时只要一大片林地牧场也就心满意足，宁可把那最小、却最值钱的一份留给勤勉的庄稼汉去耕作。86 由于古代可信的史料对此缄默无言，遂有人认为：法兰克人的劫掠既不曾有合法瓜分的形式加以节制，也不曾借此加以掩饰；他们毫无秩序、不受约束地散布到高卢各行省，每个得胜的强盗都凭自己的需求、贪欲与实力，用手中的刀剑量出自己那份新家业有多大。远离君主之时，蛮族人诚然可能受诱惑而如此任意劫掠；但克洛维手腕坚定而巧妙，势必要遏制这种放纵的气焰——它既会加深被征服者的苦难，又会败坏征服者内部的团结与纪律。861 那只令人难忘的苏瓦松花瓶，正是高卢战利品有序分配的一座丰碑，也是一份凭证。克洛维既有责任、也有利害所系，要为得胜的军队备下犒赏，为众多的族人安排定居之所，同时又不给高卢那些忠顺的大公教徒平添任何无谓而多余的伤害。帝国的产业、无主的荒地、哥特人强占的田产，都是他可以合法取得的丰厚财源；有了这些，强行夺占与没收的残酷手段便可少用几分，而卑微的行省居民，眼见自己所受的损失得以均等而有序地分摊，也就更能耐着性子接受了。87
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The wealth of the Merovingian princes consisted in their extensive domain. After the conquest of Gaul, they still delighted in the rustic simplicity of their ancestors; the cities were abandoned to solitude and decay; and their coins, their charters, and their synods, are still inscribed with the names of the villas, or rural palaces, in which they successively resided.
墨洛温诸王的财富，全在于他们那广袤的领地。征服高卢之后，他们依旧眷恋祖辈那种田园般的质朴：城市任其冷落荒废，而他们的钱币、诏书与宗教会议记录上，至今仍刻着一处处别墅、也就是乡间行宫的名字，那正是他们先后驻跸之地。
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One hundred and sixty of these palaces, a title which need not excite any unseasonable ideas of art or luxury, were scattered through the provinces of their kingdom; and if some might claim the honors of a fortress, the far greater part could be esteemed only in the light of profitable farms. The mansion of the long-haired kings was surrounded with convenient yards and stables, for the cattle and the poultry; the garden was planted with useful vegetables; the various trades, the labors of agriculture, and even the arts of hunting and fishing, were exercised by servile hands for the emolument of the sovereign; his magazines were filled with corn and wine, either for sale or consumption; and the whole administration was conducted by the strictest maxims of private economy. 88 This ample patrimony was appropriated to supply the hospitable plenty of Clovis and his successors; and to reward the fidelity of their brave companions who, both in peace and war, were devoted to their personal service. Instead of a horse, or a suit of armor, each companion, according to his rank, or merit, or favor, was invested with a benefice, the primitive name, and most simple form, of the feudal possessions. These gifts might be resumed at the pleasure of the sovereign; and his feeble prerogative derived some support from the influence of his liberality. 881 But this dependent tenure was gradually abolished 89 by the independent and rapacious nobles of France, who established the perpetual property, and hereditary succession, of their benefices; a revolution salutary to the earth, which had been injured, or neglected, by its precarious masters. 90 Besides these royal and beneficiary estates, a large proportion had been assigned, in the division of Gaul, of allodial and Salic lands: they were exempt from tribute, and the Salic lands were equally shared among the male descendants of the Franks. 91
这类“行宫”共有一百六十座，散布在王国各行省——不过这名号不该引人对什么艺术或奢华生出不合时宜的联想；其中固然有几座配称得上城堡，绝大多数却只能算是些能生利的田庄罢了。这些长发之王的宅邸，四周是便利的院落与畜栏，用来圈养牲口家禽；园圃里种着实用的蔬菜；各色手艺、农事劳作，乃至渔猎之技，无不由奴仆之手操持，供君主坐收其利；他的仓廪里堆满粮食与酒，或供出售，或供自用；而整片产业的经营，都遵着最精细的私家理财之道来打理。88 这份丰厚的祖业，专用来支撑克洛维及其继承者那份待客的丰盛排场，也用来酬报勇武伙从们的忠诚——这些人无论平时还是战时，都一心侍奉君主左右。每个伙从所得的，不再是一匹马或一副甲胄，而是按其身份、功勋或恩宠，受封一块采邑——这正是封建领地最初的名目、也是其最简单的形态。这类赏赐，君主可随其心意随时收回；而他那点微弱的特权，也多少靠着慷慨施与的影响力得到些支撑。881 然而这种附属性的领有关系，终究被法兰西那些桀骜贪婪的贵族逐步废除，89 他们把采邑变成了永久的产业，可以世代承袭。这场变革对土地本身倒是有益的——毕竟此前那些朝不保夕的主人，只会糟蹋它、荒废它。90 除这些王室领地与采邑之外，在瓜分高卢时还划出了一大部分自主地与萨利克地：这两种土地都免纳贡赋，其中萨利克地更是由法兰克人的男性子孙均分承继。91
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In the bloody discord and silent decay of the Merovingian line, a new order of tyrants arose in the provinces, who, under the appellation of Seniors, or Lords, usurped a right to govern, and a license to oppress, the subjects of their peculiar territory. Their ambition might be checked by the hostile resistance of an equal: but the laws were extinguished; and the sacrilegious Barbarians, who dared to provoke the vengeance of a saint or bishop, 92 would seldom respect the landmarks of a profane and defenceless neighbor. The common or public rights of nature, such as they had always been deemed by the Roman jurisprudence, 93 were severely restrained by the German conquerors, whose amusement, or rather passion, was the exercise of hunting. The vague dominion which Man has assumed over the wild inhabitants of the earth, the air, and the waters, was confined to some fortunate individuals of the human species. Gaul was again overspread with woods; and the animals, who were reserved for the use or pleasure of the lord, might ravage with impunity the fields of his industrious vassals. The chase was the sacred privilege of the nobles and their domestic servants. Plebeian transgressors were legally chastised with stripes and imprisonment; 94 but in an age which admitted a slight composition for the life of a citizen, it was a capital crime to destroy a stag or a wild bull within the precincts of the royal forests. 95
在墨洛温一系血腥的内讧与悄然的衰败之中，各行省里崛起了一批新的暴主。他们冠以“seniors”即领主之名，僭取了统治之权，也僭得了压迫之便，去辖制自己那一方领地上的臣民。他们的野心，或许会因势均力敌者的对抗而受到牵制；但法律既已荡然无存，连圣徒或主教的复仇都敢招惹的亵渎之徒，92 又岂会把一个无权无势的凡俗邻人的地界放在眼里。那些自然赋予的公共权利，罗马法一向视之为人人共有，93 如今却被日耳曼征服者严加限制——打猎是他们的消遣，更确切地说，是他们的痴迷。人类原本笼统地宣称自己主宰着大地、天空与水中的一切野生生灵，如今这份支配权却被收拢到人类中少数幸运者的手里。高卢重又林莽遍地；而那些留作领主取用或取乐的野兽，糟蹋起勤勉佃户的田地来，竟可以不受任何追究。狩猎乃是贵族及其家仆的神圣特权。平民若敢触犯，依法要受鞭笞与监禁；94 然而在那样一个杀死一名平民只需赔上区区一笔便可了事的时代，若在王家林苑的范围内猎杀一头牡鹿或野牛，却是杀头的死罪。95
¶
According to the maxims of ancient war, the conqueror became the lawful master of the enemy whom he had subdued and spared: 96 and the fruitful cause of personal slavery, which had been almost suppressed by the peaceful sovereignty of Rome, was again revived and multiplied by the perpetual hostilities of the independent Barbarians. The Goth, the Burgundian, or the Frank, who returned from a successful expedition, dragged after him a long train of sheep, of oxen, and of human captives, whom he treated with the same brutal contempt. The youths of an elegant form and an ingenuous aspect were set apart for the domestic service; a doubtful situation, which alternately exposed them to the favorable or cruel impulse of passion. The useful mechanics and servants (smiths, carpenters, tailors, shoemakers, cooks, gardeners, dyers, and workmen in gold and silver, &c.) employed their skill for the use, or profit, of their master. But the Roman captives, who were destitute of art, but capable of labor, were condemned, without regard to their former rank, to tend the cattle and cultivate the lands of the Barbarians. The number of the hereditary bondsmen, who were attached to the Gallic estates, was continually increased by new supplies; and the servile people, according to the situation and temper of their lords, was sometimes raised by precarious indulgence, and more frequently depressed by capricious despotism. 97 An absolute power of life and death was exercised by these lords; and when they married their daughters, a train of useful servants, chained on the wagons to prevent their escape, was sent as a nuptial present into a distant country. 98 The majesty of the Roman laws protected the liberty of each citizen, against the rash effects of his own distress or despair. But the subjects of the Merovingian kings might alienate their personal freedom; and this act of legal suicide, which was familiarly practised, is expressed in terms most disgraceful and afflicting to the dignity of human nature. 99 The example of the poor, who purchased life by the sacrifice of all that can render life desirable, was gradually imitated by the feeble and the devout, who, in times of public disorder, pusillanimously crowded to shelter themselves under the battlements of a powerful chief, and around the shrine of a popular saint. Their submission was accepted by these temporal or spiritual patrons; and the hasty transaction irrecoverably fixed their own condition, and that of their latest posterity. From the reign of Clovis, during five successive centuries, the laws and manners of Gaul uniformly tended to promote the increase, and to confirm the duration, of personal servitude. Time and violence almost obliterated the intermediate ranks of society; and left an obscure and narrow interval between the noble and the slave. This arbitrary and recent division has been transformed by pride and prejudice into a national distinction, universally established by the arms and the laws of the Merovingians. The nobles, who claimed their genuine or fabulous descent from the independent and victorious Franks, have asserted and abused the indefeasible right of conquest over a prostrate crowd of slaves and plebeians, to whom they imputed the imaginary disgrace of Gallic or Roman extraction.
按古代战争的通则，征服者既已制服敌人，又饶其不死，便成了这敌人合法的主人；96 人身奴役之源本已因罗马太平之治而几近断绝，如今却被各自为战、征伐不休的蛮族重新催发，愈演愈盛。哥特人也好，勃艮第人或法兰克人也好，凡出征得胜而归，身后总拖着长长一串绵羊、牛只与人类俘虏——对这些俘虏，他一样是野蛮而轻蔑地对待。体态俊美、面容纯真的少年男女，被挑出来充作家内侍役；这是个吉凶难卜的处境，主人情欲一起，时而怜爱有加，时而残暴相向，全在两可之间。有一技之长的匠人与仆役——铁匠、木匠、裁缝、鞋匠、厨子、园丁、染工、金银匠等等——则以各自的手艺供主人使用或牟利。至于那些没有手艺、却还能出力气的罗马俘虏，则不论其从前身份高低，一概被罚去为蛮族放牧牲口、耕种田地。依附于高卢各庄园、身份世代相传的农奴，其数目靠不断的新来源持续增加；这群供人驱使的奴隶，命运随主人的处境与脾性而定：偶尔因一时的宽纵而地位稍升，更多时候则被反复无常的专横压得抬不起头。97 这些领主对奴隶操着生杀予夺的绝对之权；每逢嫁女，还会把一队有用的仆役用锁链拴在大车上、以防逃跑，当作陪嫁送往遥远的他乡。98 罗马法威严庄重，护佑着每个公民的自由，纵使他因困厄或绝望而一时孟浪，也不致因此丧失自由。然而墨洛温诸王治下的臣民，却可以把自己的人身自由转让出去；这种无异于合法自尽的举动竟习以为常，其契约措辞对人性尊严之侮辱与刺痛，无以复加。99 穷人为求活命，不惜舍弃一切使生命值得留恋的东西；这一榜样，孱弱者与虔信者也渐渐起而仿效——每逢世道大乱，他们便怯懦地挤到某位有权势的豪酋的城垛之下、某位广受崇拜的圣徒的圣龛周围，寻求庇护。这些俗世的或属灵的保护人，接纳了他们的归附；而这仓促的一笔交易，便一去不可挽回地定死了他们自己、连同其世世代代后裔的身份。自克洛维在位起，前后五个世纪，高卢的法律与风习无一例外地都在助长人身奴役的蔓延、并使之世代延续。岁月与暴力几乎抹平了社会的中间阶层，在贵族与奴隶之间只留下一道模糊而狭窄的间隔。这种既专断、又晚近的划分，经傲慢与偏见的一番改造，竟成了以族属论高下的分野，并由墨洛温人的武力与法律普遍确立下来。那些贵族，自称是独立而常胜的法兰克人的后裔——这血统或真或假——他们对匍匐脚下的一大群奴隶与平民，一面主张、一面滥用着不容剥夺的征服者之权，还硬把出身高卢或罗马这一子虚乌有的耻辱扣在这群人头上。
¶
The general state and revolutions of France, a name which was imposed by the conquerors, may be illustrated by the particular example of a province, a diocese, or a senatorial family. Auvergne had formerly maintained a just preeminence among the independent states and cities of Gaul. The brave and numerous inhabitants displayed a singular trophy; the sword of Caesar himself, which he had lost when he was repulsed before the walls of Gergovia. 100 As the common offspring of Troy, they claimed a fraternal alliance with the Romans; 101 and if each province had imitated the courage and loyalty of Auvergne, the fall of the Western empire might have been prevented or delayed. They firmly maintained the fidelity which they had reluctantly sworn to the Visigoths, out when their bravest nobles had fallen in the battle of Poitiers, they accepted, without resistance, a victorious and Catholic sovereign. This easy and valuable conquest was achieved and possessed by Theodoric, the eldest son of Clovis: but the remote province was separated from his Austrasian dominions, by the intermediate kingdoms of Soissons, Paris, and Orleans, which formed, after their father’s death, the inheritance of his three brothers. The king of Paris, Childebert, was tempted by the neighborhood and beauty of Auvergne. 102 The Upper country, which rises towards the south into the mountains of the Cevennes, presented a rich and various prospect of woods and pastures; the sides of the hills were clothed with vines; and each eminence was crowned with a villa or castle. In the Lower Auvergne, the River Allier flows through the fair and spacious plain of Limagne; and the inexhaustible fertility of the soil supplied, and still supplies, without any interval of repose, the constant repetition of the same harvests. 103 On the false report, that their lawful sovereign had been slain in Germany, the city and diocese of Auvergne were betrayed by the grandson of Sidonius Apollinaris. Childebert enjoyed this clandestine victory; and the free subjects of Theodoric threatened to desert his standard, if he indulged his private resentment, while the nation was engaged in the Burgundian war. But the Franks of Austrasia soon yielded to the persuasive eloquence of their king. “Follow me,” said Theodoric, “into Auvergne; I will lead you into a province, where you may acquire gold, silver, slaves, cattle, and precious apparel, to the full extent of your wishes. I repeat my promise; I give you the people and their wealth as your prey; and you may transport them at pleasure into your own country.” By the execution of this promise, Theodoric justly forfeited the allegiance of a people whom he devoted to destruction. His troops, reenforced by the fiercest Barbarians of Germany, 104 spread desolation over the fruitful face of Auvergne; and two places only, a strong castle and a holy shrine, were saved or redeemed from their licentious fury. The castle of Meroliac 105 was seated on a lofty rock, which rose a hundred feet above the surface of the plain; and a large reservoir of fresh water was enclosed, with some arable lands, within the circle of its fortifications. The Franks beheld with envy and despair this impregnable fortress; but they surprised a party of fifty stragglers; and, as they were oppressed by the number of their captives, they fixed, at a trifling ransom, the alternative of life or death for these wretched victims, whom the cruel Barbarians were prepared to massacre on the refusal of the garrison. Another detachment penetrated as far as Brivas, or Brioude, where the inhabitants, with their valuable effects, had taken refuge in the sanctuary of St. Julian. The doors of the church resisted the assault; but a daring soldier entered through a window of the choir, and opened a passage to his companions. The clergy and people, the sacred and the profane spoils, were rudely torn from the altar; and the sacrilegious division was made at a small distance from the town of Brioude. But this act of impiety was severely chastised by the devout son of Clovis. He punished with death the most atrocious offenders; left their secret accomplices to the vengeance of St. Julian; released the captives; restored the plunder; and extended the rights of sanctuary five miles round the sepulchre of the holy martyr. 106
“法兰西”这名字是征服者强加的；这个国家总的状况与历次变乱，不妨借一个行省、一个教区或一个元老家族的具体事例来加以说明。奥弗涅从前在高卢诸独立邦国与城市之中，一向名正言顺地居于前列。当地居民勇武而众多，还夸示着一件独一无二的战利品：恺撒本人的佩剑——那是他在格尔戈维亚城下被击退时丢失的。100 他们自认与罗马人同是特洛伊的后裔，因而主张两者有兄弟之盟；101 假使每个行省都能效仿奥弗涅的勇气与忠诚，西罗马帝国的覆亡或许本可避免、或至少延缓。他们当初虽是勉强向西哥特人立下效忠之誓，却始终恪守不渝；然而待到本地最勇猛的贵族在普瓦捷一役中尽数阵亡，他们便不再抵抗，接受了一位得胜的、信奉大公教的君主。这场轻易而又值钱的征服，是克洛维的长子狄奥多里克达成并占有的；只是这处偏远的行省与他的奥斯特拉西亚领地之间，隔着苏瓦松、巴黎、奥尔良三个王国——父亲死后，这三国分别归了他的三个弟弟继承。奥弗涅既近在咫尺，又风光旖旎，撩动了巴黎王希尔德贝尔特的心。102 上奥弗涅一带地势朝南渐高，直入塞文山脉，林木与牧场丰饶多姿，尽收眼底；山坡上披满葡萄藤，每一处高地的顶上都矗立着一座别墅或城堡。在下奥弗涅，阿列河穿过利马涅那片秀美而开阔的平原；土壤肥力取之不竭，当年供得出、如今仍供得出同样的收成，一茬接一茬，中间不容一刻歇息。103 有谣传说他们的合法君主已在日耳曼阵亡；西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯的孙子便凭这条假消息，出卖了奥弗涅的城市与教区。希尔德贝尔特坐享了这桩暗中得来的胜利；而狄奥多里克麾下的自由臣民则放话威胁：若他在举国正忙于勃艮第战事之际，只顾发泄私愤，他们便要弃他的旗号而去。不过，奥斯特拉西亚的法兰克人不久便折服于国王那番动人的口才。“随我进奥弗涅去，”狄奥多里克说，“我要把你们带进一个行省，在那里，金子、银子、奴隶、牲口、华贵的衣饰，你们要多少便有多少。我把话再说一遍：我把那里的人连同他们的财富都交给你们当猎物，你们尽可随心所欲，把他们运回自己的家乡去。”这诺言一旦兑现，狄奥多里克把一族本已归顺的百姓推向毁灭，也就理所当然地失掉了他们对他的效忠。他的军队又有日耳曼最凶悍的蛮族前来增援，104 把富饶的奥弗涅大地弄得满目疮痍；唯有两处得以从他们肆无忌惮的暴虐中保全或赎救下来：一座坚固的城堡，一座神圣的圣龛。梅罗利亚克堡 105 坐落在一块高耸的巨岩之上，岩顶高出平原地面约百英尺；城防的圈围之内，还纳入了一大池淡水和若干可耕之地。法兰克人望着这座固若金汤的堡垒，又眼馋又绝望；不过他们逮住了一小队五十来个掉队的人。俘虏一多，反倒成了累赘，于是他们给这些可怜的牺牲品开出一笔微不足道的赎金，作为生死之间的抉择：守军若不肯出这点钱，这帮残忍的蛮族便打算把人统统杀掉。另有一支分队一直打到了布里瓦斯——也就是布里乌德——当地居民早已带着值钱的财物，躲进了圣尤利安的圣所避难。教堂的大门顶住了攻打；却有一名胆大的兵士从唱诗席的一扇窗户钻了进去，为同伙打开了一条通路。神职人员与百姓、神圣的与凡俗的财物，统统被粗暴地从祭坛旁拖走；而这亵渎神明的分赃，就在离布里乌德镇不远处进行。不过，克洛维这位虔诚的儿子严惩了这桩不敬神明的行径。他将罪大恶极者处以死刑；至于那些暗中的从犯，则留交圣尤利安去报应；他释放了俘虏，归还了掳掠之物，还把避难权的范围扩展到这位神圣殉道者墓地周围五英里之内。106
Notes 注释
72
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In the heroic times of Greece, the guilt of murder was expiated by a pecuniary satisfaction to the family of the deceased, (Feithius Antiquitat. Homeric. l. ii. c. 8.) Heineccius, in his preface to the Elements of Germanic Law, favorably suggests, that at Rome and Athens homicide was only punished with exile. It is true: but exile was a capital punishment for a citizen of Rome or Athens.
在希腊的英雄时代，杀人之罪只须向死者家属作金钱赔偿便可抵消（Feithius Antiquitat. Homeric. l. ii. c. 8.）。海涅克丘斯在《日耳曼法要义》的序言中，倾向于认为在罗马与雅典，杀人不过以流放论处。此话不假；但对一个罗马或雅典公民而言，流放就等于极刑。
73
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This proportion is fixed by the Salic (tit. xliv. in tom. iv. p. 147) and the Ripuarian (tit. vii. xi. xxxvi. in tom. iv. p. 237, 241) laws: but the latter does not distinguish any difference of Romans. Yet the orders of the clergy are placed above the Franks themselves, and the Burgundians and Alemanni between the Franks and the Romans.
这一比例由《萨利克法》（tit. xliv. in tom. iv. p. 147）与《里普阿尔法》（tit. vii. xi. xxxvi. in tom. iv. p. 237, 241）所定；不过后者对罗马人并不加以区别。然而各级神职人员的地位被排在法兰克人自己之上，勃艮第人与阿勒曼尼人则列于法兰克人与罗马人之间。
74
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The Antrustiones, qui in truste Dominica sunt, leudi, fideles, undoubtedly represent the first order of Franks; but it is a question whether their rank was personal or hereditary. The Abbe de Mably (tom. i. p. 334-347) is not displeased to mortify the pride of birth (Esprit, l. xxx. c. 25) by dating the origin of the French nobility from the reign Clotaire II. (A.D. 615.)
安特鲁斯提奥（Antrustiones, qui in truste Dominica sunt, leudi, fideles，即隶属王室扈从的封臣、忠仆）无疑代表着法兰克人的第一等级；但其身份究竟是终身的还是世袭的，尚有疑问。马布利神父（tom. i. p. 334-347）把法兰西贵族的起源定在克洛泰尔二世在位之时（公元 615 年），借此挫一挫门第的傲气（针对《论法的精神》第三十卷第二十五章）——他倒也乐得如此。
75
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See the Burgundian laws, (tit. ii. in tom. iv. p. 257,) the code of the Visigoths, (l. vi. tit. v. in tom. p. 384,) and the constitution of Childebert, not of Paris, but most evidently of Austrasia, (in tom. iv. p. 112.) Their premature severity was sometimes rash, and excessive. Childebert condemned not only murderers but robbers; quomodo sine lege involavit, sine lege moriatur; and even the negligent judge was involved in the same sentence. The Visigoths abandoned an unsuccessful surgeon to the family of his deceased patient, ut quod de eo facere voluerint habeant potestatem, (l. xi. tit. i. in tom. iv. p. 435.)
参见《勃艮第法》（tit. ii. in tom. iv. p. 257）、《西哥特法典》（l. vi. tit. v. in tom. p. 384），以及希尔德贝尔特的敕令——这位希尔德贝尔特并非巴黎王，而分明是奥斯特拉西亚的那一位（in tom. iv. p. 112）。他们这种操之过急的严苛，有时未免鲁莽而失之过分。希尔德贝尔特不但严惩凶手，连强盗也一并严办：quomodo sine lege involavit, sine lege moriatur（他既目无法纪地劫掠，便当目无法纪地处死）；甚至连玩忽职守的法官也一同判处。西哥特人则把一名手术失败的外科医生交给死者家属处置，ut quod de eo facere voluerint habeant potestatem（任凭他们如何发落）（l. xi. tit. i. in tom. iv. p. 435）。
76
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See, in the sixth volume of the works of Heineccius, the Elementa Juris Germanici, l. ii. p. 2, No. 261, 262, 280-283. Yet some vestiges of these pecuniary compositions for murder have been traced in Germany as late as the sixteenth century.
参见海涅克丘斯著作第六卷所收《日耳曼法要义》（Elementa Juris Germanici, l. ii. p. 2, No. 261, 262, 280-283）。不过这种以金钱抵偿杀人之罪的做法，其残迹在日耳曼一直到十六世纪仍可寻见。
77
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The whole subject of the Germanic judges, and their jurisdiction, is copiously treated by Heineccius, (Element. Jur. Germ. l. iii. No. 1-72.) I cannot find any proof that, under the Merovingian race, the scabini, or assessors, were chosen by the people. * Note: The question of the scabini is treated at considerable length by Savigny. He questions the existence of the scabini anterior to Charlemagne. Before this time the decision was by an open court of the freemen, the boni Romische Recht, vol. i. p. 195. et seq.—M.
关于日耳曼法官及其审判权的全部问题，海涅克丘斯有详尽的论述（Element. Jur. Germ. l. iii. No. 1-72）。我找不到任何证据能表明在墨洛温王朝治下，那些 scabini（陪审官）是由民众推选的。* 按：关于 scabini 的问题，萨维尼有相当长篇的论述。他怀疑在查理曼之前是否存在 scabini。在此之前，裁决出自自由民公开的法庭，即由 boni（正直的自由民）作出。见 Romische Recht, vol. i. p. 195 及以下。—M
78
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Gregor. Turon. l. viii. c. 9, in tom. ii. p. 316. Montesquieu observes, (Esprit des Loix. l. xxviii. c. 13,) that the Salic law did not admit these negative proofs so universally established in the Barbaric codes. Yet this obscure concubine (Fredegundis,) who became the wife of the grandson of Clovis, must have followed the Salic law.
Gregor. Turon. l. viii. c. 9, in tom. ii. p. 316。孟德斯鸠指出（《论法的精神》第二十八卷第十三章），《萨利克法》并不采纳蛮族各法典中如此普遍确立的这类消极证明。然而这位出身微贱的姘妇（弗蕾德贡德），后来成了克洛维之孙的妻子，想必是遵照《萨利克法》的。
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Muratori, in the Antiquities of Italy, has given two Dissertations (xxxvii. xxxix.) on the judgments of God. It was expected that fire would not burn the innocent; and that the pure element of water would not allow the guilty to sink into its bosom.
穆拉托里在《意大利古迹》中，就上帝的裁断写了两篇专论（xxxvii. xxxix.）。人们指望火不会烧灼无辜者，而纯净的水这一元素也不会容许有罪者沉入自己的怀中。
80
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Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. c. 17) has condescended to explain and excuse “la maniere de penser de nos peres,” on the subject of judicial combats. He follows this strange institution from the age of Gundobald to that of St. Lewis; and the philosopher is some times lost in the legal antiquarian.
孟德斯鸠（《论法的精神》第二十八卷第十七章）屈尊为“我们先辈的思维方式”（la maniere de penser de nos peres）就司法决斗一事作了解释和辩护。他追溯这一奇特制度，从贡多巴德的时代一直讲到圣路易的时代；而这位哲人有时竟迷失在了法律考古学家的角色里。
81
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In a memorable duel at Aix-la-Chapelle, (A.D. 820,) before the emperor Lewis the Pious, his biographer observes, secundum legem propriam, utpote quia uterque Gothus erat, equestri pugna est, (Vit. Lud. Pii, c. 33, in tom. vi. p. 103.) Ermoldus Nigellus, (l. iii. 543-628, in tom. vi. p. 48-50,) who describes the duel, admires the ars nova of fighting on horseback, which was unknown to the Franks.
公元 820 年，在亚琛，当着虔诚者路易皇帝的面进行过一场令人难忘的决斗。皇帝的传记作者写道，secundum legem propriam, utpote quia uterque Gothus erat, equestri pugna est（依各自的法律，因两人皆为哥特人，故以骑战决斗）（Vit. Lud. Pii, c. 33, in tom. vi. p. 103）。埃尔莫尔杜斯·尼盖卢斯（l. iii. 543-628, in tom. vi. p. 48-50）描述了这场决斗，对这种骑马交锋的 ars nova（新式战法）赞叹不已——这在法兰克人是闻所未闻的。
82
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In his original edict, published at Lyons, (A.D. 501,) establishes and justifies the use of judicial combat, (Les Burgund. tit. xlv. in tom. ii. p. 267, 268.) Three hundred years afterwards, Agobard, bishop of Lyons, solicited Lewis the Pious to abolish the law of an Arian tyrant, (in tom. vi. p. 356-358.) He relates the conversation of Gundobald and Avitus.
他在公元 501 年于里昂颁布的原始敕令中，确立并论证了司法决斗之应用（Les Burgund. tit. xlv. in tom. ii. p. 267, 268）。三百年后，里昂主教阿戈巴尔德恳请虔诚者路易废除这条由一位阿里乌斯派暴君所立的法律（in tom. vi. p. 356-358）。他记述了贡多巴德与阿维图斯的那番对话。
83
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“Accidit, (says Agobard,) ut non solum valentes viribus, sed etiam infirmi et senes lacessantur ad pugnam, etiam pro vilissimis rebus. Quibus foralibus certaminibus contingunt homicidia injusta; et crudeles ac perversi eventus judiciorum.” Like a prudent rhetorician, he suppresses the legal privilege of hiring champions.
“Accidit（阿戈巴尔德说），ut non solum valentes viribus, sed etiam infirmi et senes lacessantur ad pugnam, etiam pro vilissimis rebus. Quibus foralibus certaminibus contingunt homicidia injusta; et crudeles ac perversi eventus judiciorum.”（结果是：不但身强力壮者，连体弱者与年迈者也会为最微不足道的事被逼上决斗场。这类法庭上的搏斗酿成不义的杀戮，也酿成残忍而乖谬的判决。）他像个精明的修辞家，只字不提可以合法雇请斗士这一特权。
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Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, xxviii. c. 14,) who understands why the judicial combat was admitted by the Burgundians, Ripuarians, Alemanni, Bavarians, Lombards, Thuringians, Frisons, and Saxons, is satisfied (and Agobard seems to countenance the assertion) that it was not allowed by the Salic law. Yet the same custom, at least in case of treason, is mentioned by Ermoldus, Nigellus (l. iii. 543, in tom. vi. p. 48,) and the anonymous biographer of Lewis the Pious, (c. 46, in tom. vi. p. 112,) as the “mos antiquus Francorum, more Francis solito,” &c., expressions too general to exclude the noblest of their tribes.
孟德斯鸠（《论法的精神》第二十八卷第十四章）明白勃艮第人、里普阿尔人、阿勒曼尼人、巴伐利亚人、伦巴第人、图林根人、弗里斯人与撒克逊人为何采纳司法决斗，他认定（阿戈巴尔德似乎也赞同此说）《萨利克法》并不允许这种做法。然而至少在叛国罪的情形下，埃尔莫尔杜斯·尼盖卢斯（l. iii. 543, in tom. vi. p. 48）与虔诚者路易那位佚名传记作者（c. 46, in tom. vi. p. 112）都提到过同样的习俗，称之为“mos antiquus Francorum, more Francis solito”（法兰克人的古老习俗、法兰克人惯常的做法）等等——这些说法过于笼统，未必能把他们诸部族中最高贵者排除在外。
85
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Caesar de Bell. Gall. l. i. c. 31, in tom. i. p. 213.
恺撒《高卢战记》第一卷第三十一章（Caesar de Bell. Gall. l. i. c. 31, in tom. i. p. 213）。
86
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The obscure hints of a division of lands occasionally scattered in the laws of the Burgundians, (tit. liv. No. 1, 2, in tom. iv. p. 271, 272,) and Visigoths, (l. x. tit. i. No. 8, 9, 16, in tom. iv. p. 428, 429, 430,) are skillfully explained by the president Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 7, 8, 9.) I shall only add, that among the Goths, the division seems to have been ascertained by the judgment of the neighborhood, that the Barbarians frequently usurped the remaining third; and that the Romans might recover their right, unless they were barred by a prescription of fifty years.
《勃艮第法》（tit. liv. No. 1, 2, in tom. iv. p. 271, 272）与《西哥特法》（l. x. tit. i. No. 8, 9, 16, in tom. iv. p. 428, 429, 430）中偶有几处含糊地提到土地的瓜分，孟德斯鸠院长（《论法的精神》第三十卷第七、八、九章）对此作了巧妙的解说。我只想补充：在哥特人中，瓜分似乎是由邻里公断来确定的；蛮族常常连剩下的三分之一也一并强占；而罗马人只要未受五十年时效之限，仍可讨回自己的权利。
861
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Sismondi (Hist des Francais, vol. i. p. 197) observes, they were not a conquering people, who had emigrated with their families, like the Goths or Burgundians. The women, the children, the old, had not followed Clovis: they remained in their ancient possessions on the Waal and the Rhine. The adventurers alone had formed the invading force, and they always considered themselves as an army, not as a colony. Hence their laws retained no traces of the partition of the Roman properties. It is curious to observe the recoil from the national vanity of the French historians of the last century. M. Sismondi compares the position of the Franks with regard to the conquered people with that of the Dey of Algiers and his corsair troops to the peaceful inhabitants of that province: M. Thierry (Lettres sur l’Histoire de France, p. 117) with that of the Turks towards the Raias or Phanariotes, the mass of the Greeks.—M.
西斯蒙迪（Hist. des Francais, vol. i. p. 197）指出，法兰克人并不像哥特人或勃艮第人那样，是举家迁徙的征服民族。妇女、孩童与老人并未跟随克洛维前来，而是留在瓦尔河与莱茵河一带他们世代的产业上。前来入侵的队伍全由冒险者组成，他们始终自视为一支军队，而非一批移民。因此他们的法律里，没有留下瓜分罗马人产业的任何痕迹。上个世纪的法国史家满怀民族虚荣，如今风气反转，读来颇有意思。西斯蒙迪先生把法兰克人对被征服者的地位，比作阿尔及尔的德伊及其海盗部众对那一行省安分居民的地位；梯埃里先生（Lettres sur l’Histoire de France, p. 117）则把它比作土耳其人对拉雅或法纳尔人——即广大希腊民众——的地位。—M
87
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It is singular enough that the president de Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 7) and the Abbe de Mably (Observations, tom i. p. 21, 22) agree in this strange supposition of arbitrary and private rapine. The Count de Boulainvilliers (Etat de la France, tom. i. p. 22, 23) shows a strong understanding through a cloud of ignorance and prejudice. Note: Sismondi supposes that the Barbarians, if a farm were conveniently situated, would show no great respect for the laws of property; but in general there would have been vacant land enough for the lots assigned to old or worn-out warriors, (Hist. des Francais, vol. i. p. 196.)—M.
颇为奇特的是，孟德斯鸠院长（《论法的精神》第三十卷第七章）与马布利神父（Observations, tom. i. p. 21, 22）竟一致认可这种关于任意的、私人劫掠的怪论。布兰维利耶伯爵（Etat de la France, tom. i. p. 22, 23）虽然见识为一团无知与偏见所笼罩，却仍透出过人的悟性。按：西斯蒙迪推想，蛮族若遇到一处位置便利的田庄，对财产法未必会很尊重；但一般说来，划给年老或残废战士的份地，总有足够的空地可供分配（Hist. des Francais, vol. i. p. 196）。—M
88
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See the rustic edict, or rather code, of Charlemagne, which contains seventy distinct and minute regulations of that great monarch (in tom. v. p. 652-657.) He requires an account of the horns and skins of the goats, allows his fish to be sold, and carefully directs, that the larger villas (Capitaneoe) shall maintain one hundred hens and thirty geese; and the smaller (Mansionales) fifty hens and twelve geese. Mabillon (de Re Diplomatica) has investigated the names, the number, and the situation of the Merovingian villas.
参见查理曼那道关于田庄的敕令——或者不如说是一部法典——其中载有这位伟大君主七十条具体而细致的规定（in tom. v. p. 652-657）。他要求呈报山羊的角与皮，准许出售他的鱼，还细心地指令：较大的田庄（Capitaneæ）须养一百只母鸡、三十只鹅，较小的（Mansionales）则养五十只母鸡、十二只鹅。马比荣（de Re Diplomatica）考订过墨洛温时代各田庄的名称、数目与位置。
881
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The resumption of benefices at the pleasure of the sovereign, (the general theory down to his time,) is ably contested by Mr. Hallam; “for this resumption some delinquency must be imputed to the vassal.” Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 162. The reader will be interested by the singular analogies with the beneficial and feudal system of Europe in a remote part of the world, indicated by Col. Tod in his splendid work on Raja’sthan, vol. ii p. 129, &c.—M.
关于君主可随其心意收回采邑之说（在他之前，这一直是通行的看法），哈勒姆先生作了有力的反驳：“若要收回，总须归咎于封臣有某种失职之处。”（Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 162）托德上校在其论拉贾斯坦的煌煌巨著（vol. ii. p. 129 及以下）中指出，世界一处遥远的角落，竟有与欧洲采邑及封建制度惊人相似的例子，读者对此当会颇感兴趣。—M
89
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From a passage of the Burgundian law (tit. i. No. 4, in tom. iv. p. 257) it is evident, that a deserving son might expect to hold the lands which his father had received from the royal bounty of Gundobald. The Burgundians would firmly maintain their privilege, and their example might encourage the Beneficiaries of France.
从《勃艮第法》的一段文字（tit. i. No. 4, in tom. iv. p. 257）可以清楚看出：一个有德行的儿子，有望保有其父从贡多巴德的王家恩赐中所得的土地。勃艮第人会坚决维护自己这项特权，而他们的先例或许也鼓舞了法兰西那些受封采邑者。
90
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The revolutions of the benefices and fiefs are clearly fixed by the Abbe de Mably. His accurate distinction of times gives him a merit to which even Montesquieu is a stranger.
采邑与封地的历次变革，马布利神父作了清晰的厘定。他对各个时期的准确区分，是一项连孟德斯鸠都不曾具备的长处。
91
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See the Salic law, (tit. lxii. in tom. iv. p. 156.) The origin and nature of these Salic lands, which, in times of ignorance, were perfectly understood, now perplex our most learned and sagacious critics. * Note: No solution seems more probable, than that the ancient lawgivers of the Salic Franks prohibited females from inheriting the lands assigned to the nation, upon its conquest of Gaul, both in compliance with their ancient usages, and in order to secure the military service of every proprietor. But lands subsequently acquired by purchase or other means, though equally bound to the public defence, were relieved from the severity of this rule, and presumed not to belong to the class of Sallic. Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 145. Compare Sismondi, vol. i. p. 196.—M.
参见《萨利克法》（tit. lxii. in tom. iv. p. 156）。这类萨利克地的由来与性质，在蒙昧的年代本是一清二楚的，如今反倒把我们最博学、最精明的评注家难住了。* 按：最可能的解释莫过于此：萨利克法兰克人的古代立法者禁止女性继承部族在征服高卢时所分得的土地，一来是遵循其古老习俗，二来是为确保每个地主都尽军役之责。但日后经买卖或其他途径取得的土地，虽同样负有保卫公众之责，却可免受这一严规的束缚，被认定不属于萨利克地之列。见 Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 145。参较 Sismondi, vol. i. p. 196。—M
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Many of the two hundred and six miracles of St. Martin (Greg Turon. in Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum, tom. xi. p. 896-932) were repeatedly performed to punish sacrilege. Audite haec omnes (exclaims the bishop of Tours) protestatem habentes, after relating, how some horses ran mad, that had been turned into a sacred meadow.
圣马丁的两百零六桩神迹（Greg. Turon. in Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum, tom. xi. p. 896-932）中，有许多是一再显现出来以惩罚亵渎之罪的。图尔的主教在讲述几匹被放进圣草地的马如何发起狂来之后，高声疾呼：Audite haec omnes protestatem habentes（凡握有权柄者，都听着！）。
93
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Heinec. Element. Jur. German. l. ii. p. 1, No. 8.
Heinec. Element. Jur. German. l. ii. p. 1, No. 8。
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Jonas, bishop of Orleans, (A.D. 821-826. Cave, Hist. Litteraria, p. 443,) censures the legal tyranny of the nobles. Pro feris, quas cura hominum non aluit, sed Deus in commune mortalibus ad utendum concessit, pauperes a potentioribus spoliantur, flagellantur, ergastulis detruduntur, et multa alia patiuntur. Hoc enim qui faciunt, lege mundi se facere juste posse contendant. De Institutione Laicorum, l. ii. c. 23, apud Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1348.
奥尔良主教约纳斯（公元 821—826 年在任。见 Cave, Hist. Litteraria, p. 443）谴责贵族这种合法的暴政。Pro feris, quas cura hominum non aluit, sed Deus in commune mortalibus ad utendum concessit, pauperes a potentioribus spoliantur, flagellantur, ergastulis detruduntur, et multa alia patiuntur. Hoc enim qui faciunt, lege mundi se facere juste posse contendant.（为了那些非人力所饲养、而是上帝赐予众生共用的野兽，穷人竟遭权势者抢掠、鞭打、投入苦役牢，还要忍受种种别的苦楚。而干这些事的人，还硬说依世俗之法自己做得公道。）见 De Institutione Laicorum, l. ii. c. 23, apud Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1348。
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On a mere suspicion, Chundo, a chamberlain of Gontram, king of Burgundy, was stoned to death, (Greg. Turon. l. x. c. 10, in tom. ii. p. 369.) John of Salisbury (Policrat. l. i. c. 4) asserts the rights of nature, and exposes the cruel practice of the twelfth century. See Heineccius, Elem. Jur. Germ. l. ii. p. 1, No. 51-57.
仅凭一点嫌疑，勃艮第王贡特兰的内侍琼多便被乱石砸死（Greg. Turon. l. x. c. 10, in tom. ii. p. 369）。索尔兹伯里的约翰（Policrat. l. i. c. 4）申明自然的权利，揭露了十二世纪这种残酷的做法。参见海涅克丘斯《日耳曼法要义》第二卷第1页第51—57条。
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The custom of enslaving prisoners of war was totally extinguished in the thirteenth century, by the prevailing influence of Christianity; but it might be proved, from frequent passages of Gregory of Tours, &c., that it was practised, without censure, under the Merovingian race; and even Grotius himself, (de Jure Belli et Pacis l. iii. c. 7,) as well as his commentator Barbeyrac, have labored to reconcile it with the laws of nature and reason.
把战俘变为奴隶的习俗，到十三世纪因基督教势力的普及而彻底绝迹；但从图尔的格雷戈里等人的许多段落可以证明，在墨洛温王朝治下，这种做法曾行之而无人非议；甚至连格劳秀斯本人（de Jure Belli et Pacis, l. iii. c. 7）及其注释者巴尔贝拉克，也都费尽心思要把它与自然法及理性调和起来。
97
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The state, professions, &c., of the German, Italian, and Gallic slaves, during the middle ages, are explained by Heineccius, (Element Jur. Germ. l. i. No. 28-47,) Muratori, (Dissertat. xiv. xv.,) Ducange, (Gloss. sub voce Servi,) and the Abbe de Mably, (Observations, tom. ii. p. 3, &c., p. 237, &c.) Note: Compare Hallam, vol. i. p. 216.—M.
中世纪日耳曼、意大利与高卢奴隶的境况、职业等等，海涅克丘斯（Element. Jur. Germ. l. i. No. 28-47）、穆拉托里（Dissertat. xiv. xv.）、杜康热（Gloss. sub voce Servi）与马布利神父（Observations, tom. ii. p. 3 及以下、p. 237 及以下）均有说明。按：可参较哈勒姆，vol. i. p. 216。—M
98
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Gregory of Tours (l. vi. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 289) relates a memorable example, in which Chilperic only abused the private rights of a master. Many families which belonged to his domus fiscales in the neighborhood of Paris, were forcibly sent away into Spain.
图尔的格雷戈里（l. vi. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 289）讲了一桩令人难忘的事例，其中希尔佩里克不过是滥用了主人的私权而已。巴黎近郊隶属于他 domus fiscales（王室田产）的许多户人家，被强行遣送到了西班牙。
99
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Licentiam habeatis mihi qualemcunque volueritis disciplinam ponere; vel venumdare, aut quod vobis placuerit de me facere Marculf. Formul. l. ii. 28, in tom. iv. p. 497. The Formula of Lindenbrogius, (p. 559,) and that of Anjou, (p. 565,) are to the same effect Gregory of Tours (l. vii. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 311) speak of many person who sold themselves for bread, in a great famine.
Licentiam habeatis mihi qualemcunque volueritis disciplinam ponere; vel venumdare, aut quod vobis placuerit de me facere（任凭你们随意处置我、责罚我，或将我卖掉，或对我为所欲为）。见 Marculf. Formul. l. ii. 28, in tom. iv. p. 497。林登布罗吉乌斯所辑的契式（p. 559）与安茹的契式（p. 565）也是同样的意思。图尔的格雷戈里（l. vii. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 311）提到在一场大饥荒中，有许多人为换取面包而卖身。
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When Caesar saw it, he laughed, (Plutarch. in Caesar. in tom. i. p. 409:) yet he relates his unsuccessful siege of Gergovia with less frankness than we might expect from a great man to whom victory was familiar. He acknowledges, however, that in one attack he lost forty-six centurions and seven hundred men, (de Bell. Gallico, l. vi. c. 44-53, in tom. i. p. 270-272.)
恺撒见了它，只是一笑（Plutarch. in Caesar. in tom. i. p. 409）；然而他叙述自己围攻格尔戈维亚失利一事，坦率程度还不及我们对一位胜仗打惯了的伟人所期望的。不过他承认，在一次进攻中损失了四十六名百夫长、七百名士兵（de Bell. Gallico, l. vi. c. 44-53, in tom. i. p. 270-272）。
101
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Audebant se quondam fatres Latio dicere, et sanguine ab Iliaco populos computare, (Sidon. Apollinar. l. vii. epist. 7, in tom i. p. 799.) I am not informed of the degrees and circumstances of this fabulous pedigree.
Audebant se quondam fatres Latio dicere, et sanguine ab Iliaco populos computare（他们从前竟敢自称是拉丁姆的兄弟，把自己这一族的血脉上溯到伊利昂）（Sidon. Apollinar. l. vii. epist. 7, in tom. i. p. 799）。至于这条荒诞不经的家谱究竟传了几代、有何原委，我便不得而知了。
102
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Either the first, or second, partition among the sons of Clovis, had given Berry to Childebert, (Greg. Turon. l. iii. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 192.) Velim (said he) Arvernam Lemanem, quae tanta jocunditatis gratia refulgere dicitur, oculis cernere, (l. iii. c. p. 191.) The face of the country was concealed by a thick fog, when the king of Paris made his entry into Clermen.
克洛维诸子之间的头一次、或第二次瓜分，把贝里给了希尔德贝尔特（Greg. Turon. l. iii. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 192）。Velim（他说）Arvernam Lemanem, quae tanta jocunditatis gratia refulgere dicitur, oculis cernere（我真想亲眼看看那据说以无限秀丽著称、熠熠生辉的奥弗涅利马涅）（l. iii. c. p. 191）。巴黎王进入克莱蒙时，乡野的面貌正为一场浓雾所遮蔽。
103
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For the description of Auvergne, see Sidonius, (l. iv. epist. 21, in tom. i. p. 703,) with the notes of Savaron and Sirmond, (p. 279, and 51, of their respective editions.) Boulainvilliers, (Etat de la France, tom. ii. p. 242-268,) and the Abbe de la Longuerue, (Description de la France, part i. p. 132-139.)
关于奥弗涅的描述，参见西多尼乌斯（l. iv. epist. 21, in tom. i. p. 703）以及萨瓦龙与西尔蒙的注释（分别见各自版本的第279页与第51页）；又见布兰维利耶（Etat de la France, tom. ii. p. 242-268）与隆格吕神父（Description de la France, part i. p. 132-139）。
104
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Furorem gentium, quae de ulteriore Rheni amnis parte venerant, superare non poterat, (Greg. Turon. l. iv. c. 50, in tom. ii. 229.) was the excuse of another king of Austrasia (A.D. 574) for the ravages which his troops committed in the neighborhood of Paris.
Furorem gentium, quae de ulteriore Rheni amnis parte venerant, superare non poterat（他压制不住那些来自莱茵河彼岸的部族的狂暴）（Greg. Turon. l. iv. c. 50, in tom. ii. 229）——这是另一位奥斯特拉西亚王（公元 574 年）为其军队在巴黎近郊肆行劫掠所作的辩解。
105
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From the name and situation, the Benedictine editors of Gregory of Tours (in tom. ii. p. 192) have fixed this fortress at a place named Castel Merliac, two miles from Mauriac, in the Upper Auvergne. In this description, I translate infra as if I read intra; the two are perpetually confounded by Gregory, or his transcribed and the sense must always decide.
图尔的格雷戈里的本笃会编订者（in tom. ii. p. 192）根据名称与方位，把这座堡垒定在上奥弗涅、距莫里亚克两英里、名叫 Castel Merliac（梅利亚克堡）的地方。在这段描述里，我把 infra 当作 intra 来译；这两个词在格雷戈里（或其抄写者）笔下总是混用不分，其意究竟如何，须每每凭文义来判定。
106
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See these revolutions, and wars, of Auvergne, in Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 37, in tom. ii. p. 183, and l. iii. c. 9, 12, 13, p. 191, 192, de Miraculis St. Julian. c. 13, in tom. ii. p. 466.) He frequently betrays his extraordinary attention to his native country.
关于奥弗涅的这些变乱与战争，见图尔的格雷戈里（l. ii. c. 37, in tom. ii. p. 183，及 l. iii. c. 9, 12, 13, p. 191, 192；de Miraculis St. Julian. c. 13, in tom. ii. p. 466）。他屡屡流露出对自己故乡异乎寻常的关切。