Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part I. 第三十八章 克洛维在位时期——第一节
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Reign And Conversion Of Clovis.—His Victories Over The Alemanni, Burgundians, And Visigoths.—Establishment Of The French Monarchy In Gaul.—Laws Of The Barbarians.—State Of The Romans.—The Visigoths Of Spain.—Conquest Of Britain By The Saxons.
克洛维的在位与皈依。——他对阿勒曼尼人、勃艮第人与西哥特人的胜利。——法兰西王朝在高卢的建立。——蛮族的法律。——罗马人的状况。——西班牙的西哥特人。——撒克逊人征服不列颠。
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The Gauls, 1 who impatiently supported the Roman yoke, received a memorable lesson from one of the lieutenants of Vespasian, whose weighty sense has been refined and expressed by the genius of Tacitus. 2 “The protection of the republic has delivered Gaul from internal discord and foreign invasions. By the loss of national independence, you have acquired the name and privileges of Roman citizens. You enjoy, in common with yourselves, the permanent benefits of civil government; and your remote situation is less exposed to the accidental mischiefs of tyranny. Instead of exercising the rights of conquest, we have been contented to impose such tributes as are requisite for your own preservation. Peace cannot be secured without armies; and armies must be supported at the expense of the people. It is for your sake, not for our own, that we guard the barrier of the Rhine against the ferocious Germans, who have so often attempted, and who will always desire, to exchange the solitude of their woods and morasses for the wealth and fertility of Gaul. The fall of Rome would be fatal to the provinces; and you would be buried in the ruins of that mighty fabric, which has been raised by the valor and wisdom of eight hundred years. Your imaginary freedom would be insulted and oppressed by a savage master; and the expulsion of the Romans would be succeeded by the eternal hostilities of the Barbarian conquerors.” 3 This salutary advice was accepted, and this strange prediction was accomplished. In the space of four hundred years, the hardy Gauls, who had encountered the arms of Caesar, were imperceptibly melted into the general mass of citizens and subjects: the Western empire was dissolved; and the Germans, who had passed the Rhine, fiercely contended for the possession of Gaul, and excited the contempt, or abhorrence, of its peaceful and polished inhabitants. With that conscious pride which the preeminence of knowledge and luxury seldom fails to inspire, they derided the hairy and gigantic savages of the North; their rustic manners, dissonant joy, voracious appetite, and their horrid appearance, equally disgusting to the sight and to the smell. The liberal studies were still cultivated in the schools of Autun and Bordeaux; and the language of Cicero and Virgil was familiar to the Gallic youth. Their ears were astonished by the harsh and unknown sounds of the Germanic dialect, and they ingeniously lamented that the trembling muses fled from the harmony of a Burgundian lyre. The Gauls were endowed with all the advantages of art and nature; but as they wanted courage to defend them, they were justly condemned to obey, and even to flatter, the victorious Barbarians, by whose clemency they held their precarious fortunes and their lives. 4
高卢人 1 素来不甘于罗马的羁轭,却从韦帕芗麾下一位将领口中领受了一番难忘的教诲;那番话本已见识深沉,又经塔西佗的妙笔加以提炼、代为道出。2 “共和国的庇护,使高卢免于内乱与外患。你们虽失去了民族的独立,却换来了罗马公民的名分与特权。文明政府的长久之利,你们和我们一样共享;而地处偏远,反倒少受暴政偶发之祸的波及。我们并未行使征服者的种种权利,只满足于征收赋税,而这赋税恰是保全你们自身所必需。没有军队便无从确保和平,而军队又非仰赖民众供养不可。我们据守莱茵河这道屏障,抵御凶悍的日耳曼人,是为你们,而非为我们自己;那些日耳曼人屡屡图谋、且将永远觊觎,欲以自家荒僻的林莽与沼泽,换取高卢的富庶与丰饶。罗马一旦倾覆,各行省必遭灭顶之灾;这座巍峨的大厦乃八百年的勇武与智慧所筑,它若崩塌,你们也将同归于瓦砾之下。你们所幻想的自由,只会遭野蛮主子的凌辱与压迫;把罗马人赶走之后,接踵而至的,将是蛮族征服者之间无休无止的仇杀。” 3 这番忠告有益,终被采纳;这番预言离奇,竟也应验。四百年间,当年曾与恺撒兵戎相见的剽悍高卢人,不知不觉便融入了公民与臣民的芸芸众生;西罗马帝国随之瓦解;越过莱茵河的日耳曼人,为争夺高卢而彼此厮杀,令这片土地上温文尔雅、安居乐业的居民既鄙夷又厌恶。知识与奢华上的优越,往往会催生一种自负;高卢人正怀着这份自负,讥笑北方那些须发丛生、身形魁伟的野人——嘲笑他们粗鄙的举止、聒噪的喧闹、饕餮的食量,以及那副既刺眼又刺鼻、令人作呕的模样。欧坦与波尔多的学堂里,人文之学依旧传习不辍;西塞罗与维吉尔的语言,高卢青年也耳熟能详。日耳曼方言那粗厉而陌生的声响,令他们听来惊愕不已;他们还别出心裁地慨叹:颤栗的缪斯女神,早已从勃艮第竖琴的“和声”前落荒而逃。高卢人兼得技艺与天赋之种种优长,却独缺捍卫这一切的勇气;正因如此,他们只得俯首听命于得胜的蛮族,甚至对其曲意逢迎,也算咎由自取——他们朝不保夕的家业与性命,全系于蛮族的一念之仁。4
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As soon as Odoacer had extinguished the Western empire, he sought the friendship of the most powerful of the Barbarians. The new sovereign of Italy resigned to Euric, king of the Visigoths, all the Roman conquests beyond the Alps, as far as the Rhine and the Ocean: 5 and the senate might confirm this liberal gift with some ostentation of power, and without any real loss of revenue and dominion. The lawful pretensions of Euric were justified by ambition and success; and the Gothic nation might aspire, under his command, to the monarchy of Spain and Gaul. Arles and Marseilles surrendered to his arms: he oppressed the freedom of Auvergne; and the bishop condescended to purchase his recall from exile by a tribute of just, but reluctant praise. Sidonius waited before the gates of the palace among a crowd of ambassadors and suppliants; and their various business at the court of Bordeaux attested the power, and the renown, of the king of the Visigoths. The Heruli of the distant ocean, who painted their naked bodies with its coerulean color, implored his protection; and the Saxons respected the maritime provinces of a prince, who was destitute of any naval force. The tall Burgundians submitted to his authority; nor did he restore the captive Franks, till he had imposed on that fierce nation the terms of an unequal peace. The Vandals of Africa cultivated his useful friendship; and the Ostrogoths of Pannonia were supported by his powerful aid against the oppression of the neighboring Huns. The North (such are the lofty strains of the poet) was agitated or appeased by the nod of Euric; the great king of Persia consulted the oracle of the West; and the aged god of the Tyber was protected by the swelling genius of the Garonne. 6 The fortune of nations has often depended on accidents; and France may ascribe her greatness to the premature death of the Gothic king, at a time when his son Alaric was a helpless infant, and his adversary Clovis 7 an ambitious and valiant youth.
奥多亚克一举灭亡西罗马帝国之后,便着手结交蛮族中最强大者。这位意大利的新主人,把阿尔卑斯山以外、远至莱茵河与大洋的一切罗马旧疆,尽数让与西哥特王欧里克;5 元老院大可煞有介事地摆出一副威权的姿态来追认这份慷慨的馈赠——反正赋税与治权本已名存实亡,此举并无半点实质损失。欧里克这些名义上的权利,凭他的雄心与战功便足以坐实;在他统率之下,哥特民族大有希望囊括西班牙与高卢,成就一统之业。阿尔勒与马赛俯首归降;他又蹂躏了奥弗涅的自由;当地主教为求结束流放、获召还乡,竟不惜屈尊纳贡——那贡品,便是一篇虽属公允、却出于勉强的颂词。西多尼乌斯与一群使节、请愿者一道,在宫门之前久候;他们各怀所求、齐集波尔多宫廷,正见证了这位西哥特王的权势与威名。来自远洋的赫鲁利人——他们赤身裸体,以海水般的蔚蓝涂满全身——前来乞求他的庇护;撒克逊人虽见他毫无水师,也不敢侵犯他沿海的行省。身材高大的勃艮第人臣服于他的权威;至于被他俘获的法兰克人,他非要那桀骜的民族接受一纸不平等的和约,方才肯放归。非洲的汪达尔人着意与他修好,以图其利;潘诺尼亚的东哥特人则赖他鼎力相助,才得以抵御邻近匈人的欺凌。据诗人那高亢的辞章所咏:北方或动荡、或安宁,全凭欧里克颔首之间;波斯大王要向这位西方的神谕请教;连台伯河那位年迈的河神,也仰仗加龙河日渐兴盛的河灵来庇护。6 列国的命运往往系于偶然;法国之所以能成就其伟业,或许正应归功于这位哥特王的英年早逝——他撒手人寰之时,其子阿拉里克尚是嗷嗷待哺的婴孩,而他的对手克洛维 7 却已是一位雄心勃勃、骁勇过人的青年。
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While Childeric, the father of Clovis, lived an exile in Germany, he was hospitably entertained by the queen, as well as by the king, of the Thuringians. After his restoration, Basina escaped from her husband’s bed to the arms of her lover; freely declaring, that if she had known a man wiser, stronger, or more beautiful, than Childeric, that man should have been the object of her preference. 8 9 Clovis was the offspring of this voluntary union; and, when he was no more than fifteen years of age, he succeeded, by his father’s death, to the command of the Salian tribe. The narrow limits of his kingdom were confined to the island of the Batavians, with the ancient dioceses of Tournay and Arras; 10 and at the baptism of Clovis the number of his warriors could not exceed five thousand. The kindred tribes of the Franks, who had seated themselves along the Belgic rivers, the Scheld, the Meuse, the Moselle, and the Rhine, were governed by their independent kings, of the Merovingian race; the equals, the allies, and sometimes the enemies of the Salic prince. But the Germans, who obeyed, in peace, the hereditary jurisdiction of their chiefs, were free to follow the standard of a popular and victorious general; and the superior merit of Clovis attracted the respect and allegiance of the national confederacy. When he first took the field, he had neither gold and silver in his coffers, nor wine and corn in his magazine; 11 but he imitated the example of Caesar, who, in the same country, had acquired wealth by the sword, and purchased soldiers with the fruits of conquest. After each successful battle or expedition, the spoils were accumulated in one common mass; every warrior received his proportionable share; and the royal prerogative submitted to the equal regulations of military law. The untamed spirit of the Barbarians was taught to acknowledge the advantages of regular discipline. 12 At the annual review of the month of March, their arms were diligently inspected; and when they traversed a peaceful territory, they were prohibited from touching a blade of grass. The justice of Clovis was inexorable; and his careless or disobedient soldiers were punished with instant death. It would be superfluous to praise the valor of a Frank; but the valor of Clovis was directed by cool and consummate prudence. 13 In all his transactions with mankind, he calculated the weight of interest, of passion, and of opinion; and his measures were sometimes adapted to the sanguinary manners of the Germans, and sometimes moderated by the milder genius of Rome, and Christianity. He was intercepted in the career of victory, since he died in the forty-fifth year of his age: but he had already accomplished, in a reign of thirty years, the establishment of the French monarchy in Gaul.
克洛维之父希尔德里克流亡日耳曼期间,图林根的国王待他甚厚,王后亦以礼相款。后来希尔德里克复位,那位王后巴西娜竟撇下丈夫的枕席,投入情郎的怀抱,还直言不讳地宣称:倘若她识得一个比希尔德里克更聪慧、更强壮、更俊美的男子,她所属意的便会是那人。8 9 克洛维便是这段两情相悦的结晶。父亲一死,年方十五的他便继承了对萨利部落的统率之权。他的王国疆界狭促,不过巴塔维人聚居的岛屿,连同图尔内与阿拉斯两处古老的教区而已;10 及至克洛维受洗之时,他麾下的武士也不会超过五千。法兰克人各同宗部落,散居于贝尔吉卡诸河两岸——斯海尔德河、默兹河、摩泽尔河与莱茵河——各自听命于本部独立的国王,皆出墨洛温家族;这些国王与萨利人的君主平起平坐,时而结盟,时而反目。不过,日耳曼人平日虽服从各自酋长世袭的裁断之权,一旦有孚众望、屡战屡胜的统帅竖起旗号,他们却尽可自由追随;而克洛维才略过人,遂赢得整个部落联盟的敬服与归心。他初次出征时,府库里既无金银,仓廪中亦无酒粮;11 但他效法恺撒的先例——当年恺撒正是在这片土地上,以刀剑攫取财富,又以征掠所得招买兵士。每逢一战告捷或一役凯旋,战利品便悉数汇为一处,每名武士按份均分;纵是国王的特权,也须俯就这军法之下人人平等的规矩。这些蛮族本性桀骜难驯,如今也渐渐领教到严明纪律的好处。12 每年三月例行阅兵,兵器都要一一细加查验;行经和平地界时,则严禁他们动一草一木。克洛维执法如山,绝不徇情;士卒但凡疏忽违命,立处死刑。法兰克人的勇武,本无须赘言称道;然而,驾驭克洛维那股勇武的,却是一份冷静而老到的审慎。13 他与人打交道,无不权衡利害、揣度情感、掂量舆论;其行事手段,时而迎合日耳曼人嗜血的习气,时而又因罗马与基督教那较为温和的风尚而有所收敛。他的凯歌之途半道而止,四十五岁便撒手人寰;但在位三十年间,他已然完成了法兰西王朝在高卢的奠基之业。
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The first exploit of Clovis was the defeat of Syagrius, the son of Aegidius; and the public quarrel might, on this occasion, be inflamed by private resentment. The glory of the father still insulted the Merovingian race; the power of the son might excite the jealous ambition of the king of the Franks. Syagrius inherited, as a patrimonial estate, the city and diocese of Soissons: the desolate remnant of the second Belgic, Rheims and Troyes, Beauvais and Amiens, would naturally submit to the count or patrician: 14 and after the dissolution of the Western empire, he might reign with the title, or at least with the authority, of king of the Romans. 15 As a Roman, he had been educated in the liberal studies of rhetoric and jurisprudence; but he was engaged by accident and policy in the familiar use of the Germanic idiom. The independent Barbarians resorted to the tribunal of a stranger, who possessed the singular talent of explaining, in their native tongue, the dictates of reason and equity. The diligence and affability of their judge rendered him popular, the impartial wisdom of his decrees obtained their voluntary obedience, and the reign of Syagrius over the Franks and Burgundians seemed to revive the original institution of civil society. 16 In the midst of these peaceful occupations, Syagrius received, and boldly accepted, the hostile defiance of Clovis; who challenged his rival in the spirit, and almost in the language, of chivalry, to appoint the day and the field 17 of battle. In the time of Caesar Soissons would have poured forth a body of fifty thousand horse and such an army might have been plentifully supplied with shields, cuirasses, and military engines, from the three arsenals or manufactures of the city. 18 But the courage and numbers of the Gallic youth were long since exhausted; and the loose bands of volunteers, or mercenaries, who marched under the standard of Syagrius, were incapable of contending with the national valor of the Franks. It would be ungenerous without some more accurate knowledge of his strength and resources, to condemn the rapid flight of Syagrius, who escaped, after the loss of a battle, to the distant court of Thoulouse. The feeble minority of Alaric could not assist or protect an unfortunate fugitive; the pusillanimous 19 Goths were intimidated by the menaces of Clovis; and the Roman king, after a short confinement, was delivered into the hands of the executioner. The Belgic cities surrendered to the king of the Franks; and his dominions were enlarged towards the East by the ample diocese of Tongres 20 which Clovis subdued in the tenth year of his reign.
克洛维的首桩武功,是击败埃吉狄乌斯之子叙阿格里乌斯;而这一回,公仇之外,或许还有私怨在推波助澜。那做父亲的昔日荣名,至今仍是墨洛温家族的一根刺;那做儿子的现有权势,又难免撩拨起法兰克王猜忌的野心。叙阿格里乌斯承袭了苏瓦松城及其教区,视之为祖传的产业;第二贝尔吉卡行省残存的荒凉之地——兰斯与特鲁瓦、博韦与亚眠——自然也都归附于这位伯爵或贵族;14 西罗马帝国解体之后,他即便没有罗马人之王的名号,至少也握有相当于这名号的权柄。15 他本是罗马人,自幼研习修辞与法学等人文之学;却又因缘际会、加之权谋考量,惯常操用起日耳曼人的语言来。那些不受羁縻的蛮族,纷纷来到这个异邦人的法庭前求断;他有一桩罕见的本领,能以他们的母语,把情理与公道的裁断娓娓道明。这位法官勤勉而和蔼,深得众心;其判词公允睿智,令众人心悦诚服;叙阿格里乌斯君临法兰克人与勃艮第人的这段治绩,俨然重现了文明社会初创时的景象。16 正当他埋首于这些太平政务之际,克洛维送来了挑衅的战书,他却慨然应战。克洛维向这位敌手发出挑战,其气概、乃至措辞,几乎全是一派骑士风范,要对方指定决战的日期与战场。17 若在恺撒的时代,苏瓦松一地便能倾巢派出五万铁骑,而这样一支大军,尽可从城中三座兵工厂里源源领得盾牌、胸甲与各式军械。18 然而高卢青年的血勇与人数,早已消耗殆尽;追随叙阿格里乌斯旗下的,不过是些散漫的志愿兵与雇佣兵,根本敌不过法兰克人那与生俱来的悍勇。叙阿格里乌斯兵败之后,便一路奔逃,远遁图卢兹的宫廷;我们既不甚了了他当时的兵力与资财,若就此责其望风而逃,未免有失公允。阿拉里克年幼力弱,无从援助或庇护这落难的逃亡者;怯懦的哥特人 19 慑于克洛维的恫吓,终将这位罗马人的国王短暂拘押之后,交到了刽子手手中。贝尔吉卡诸城纷纷向法兰克王投降;他的疆土又朝东扩展,纳入了幅员广阔的通格伦教区,20 那是克洛维在位第十年征服的。
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The name of the Alemanni has been absurdly derived from their imaginary settlement on the banks of the Leman Lake. 21 That fortunate district, from the lake to the Avenche, and Mount Jura, was occupied by the Burgundians. 22 The northern parts of Helvetia had indeed been subdued by the ferocious Alemanni, who destroyed with their own hands the fruits of their conquest. A province, improved and adorned by the arts of Rome, was again reduced to a savage wilderness; and some vestige of the stately Vindonissa may still be discovered in the fertile and populous valley of the Aar. 23 From the source of the Rhine to its conflux with the Mein and the Moselle, the formidable swarms of the Alemanni commanded either side of the river, by the right of ancient possession, or recent victory. They had spread themselves into Gaul, over the modern provinces of Alsace and Lorraine; and their bold invasion of the kingdom of Cologne summoned the Salic prince to the defence of his Ripuarian allies.
有人竟把阿勒曼尼人的名号,牵强附会地说成源自他们臆想中在莱芒湖畔的聚居地。21 其实那片得天独厚的地区——自湖畔延伸至阿旺什与汝拉山——向来是勃艮第人的居地。22 赫尔维蒂亚北部倒确曾被凶悍的阿勒曼尼人征服,可他们却亲手把征服得来的成果毁于一旦。一处经罗马技艺开发、装点得井然有序的行省,就此重又沦为荒莽之地;如今在阿勒河那片富庶而人烟稠密的河谷里,仍能寻见昔日巍峨的温多尼萨留下的些许残迹。23 自莱茵河源头,直到它与美因河、摩泽尔河交汇之处,阿勒曼尼人成群结队、来势汹汹,或凭世代占据之权,或恃新近克敌之威,掌控着大河两岸。他们已蔓延进高卢,遍布于今日阿尔萨斯与洛林一带;及至悍然入侵科隆王国,才招来萨利人的君主,前去卫护他那些里普阿尔盟友。
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Clovis encountered the invaders of Gaul in the plain of Tolbiac, about twenty-four miles from Cologne; and the two fiercest nations of Germany were mutually animated by the memory of past exploits, and the prospect of future greatness. The Franks, after an obstinate struggle, gave way; and the Alemanni, raising a shout of victory, impetuously pressed their retreat. But the battle was restored by the valor, and the conduct, and perhaps by the piety, of Clovis; and the event of the bloody day decided forever the alternative of empire or servitude. The last king of the Alemanni was slain in the field, and his people were slaughtered or pursued, till they threw down their arms, and yielded to the mercy of the conqueror. Without discipline it was impossible for them to rally: they had contemptuously demolished the walls and fortifications which might have protected their distress; and they were followed into the heart of their forests by an enemy not less active, or intrepid, than themselves. The great Theodoric congratulated the victory of Clovis, whose sister Albofleda the king of Italy had lately married; but he mildly interceded with his brother in favor of the suppliants and fugitives, who had implored his protection. The Gallic territories, which were possessed by the Alemanni, became the prize of their conqueror; and the haughty nation, invincible, or rebellious, to the arms of Rome, acknowledged the sovereignty of the Merovingian kings, who graciously permitted them to enjoy their peculiar manners and institutions, under the government of official, and, at length, of hereditary, dukes. After the conquest of the Western provinces, the Franks alone maintained their ancient habitations beyond the Rhine. They gradually subdued, and civilized, the exhausted countries, as far as the Elbe, and the mountains of Bohemia; and the peace of Europe was secured by the obedience of Germany. 24
克洛维在托尔比亚克平原上迎战这些高卢的入侵者——此地距科隆约二十四英里;日耳曼两支最凶悍的民族,一想起往昔的赫赫战功,又展望日后的煌煌伟业,双方无不斗志昂扬。法兰克人苦战一番,终于溃退;阿勒曼尼人爆发出胜利的呐喊,气势汹汹地追杀过来。然而克洛维凭其勇武、其指挥,或许还凭其虔诚,重整了战局;这血战一日的胜负,从此一举定下了称霸抑或为奴的分野。阿勒曼尼人的末代国王阵亡疆场,其部众或遭屠戮,或被追杀,直到丢盔弃甲,向征服者乞降求生。他们素无纪律,根本无从重整旗鼓;那些本可在危难时护他们一命的城墙工事,早被他们不屑一顾地拆毁;如今敌人尾随而至,一路杀入他们林莽的腹地,其剽悍勇猛丝毫不逊于他们自己。伟大的狄奥多里克向克洛维的这场大捷道贺——这位意大利之王新近才娶了克洛维之妹阿尔博弗莱达;不过,他也温言为那些乞求他庇护的降者与逃亡者,向这位妻舅求情。阿勒曼尼人先前占据的高卢领土,尽归征服者所有;这个高傲的民族,当年面对罗马的兵锋要么不可战胜、要么屡叛不服,如今却承认了墨洛温列王的宗主之权。列王开恩,准许他们保留自身独特的习俗与制度,先是由委任的公爵管辖,最终则由世袭的公爵治理。西部诸行省被征服之后,唯有法兰克人依旧守着他们在莱茵河彼岸的古老家园。他们逐步征服并开化了那些残破的地域,远至易北河与波希米亚群山一带;日耳曼既已归顺,欧洲的和平便有了保障。24
¶
Till the thirtieth year of his age, Clovis continued to worship the gods of his ancestors. 25 His disbelief, or rather disregard, of Christianity, might encourage him to pillage with less remorse the churches of a hostile territory: but his subjects of Gaul enjoyed the free exercise of religious worship; and the bishops entertained a more favorable hope of the idolater, than of the heretics. The Merovingian prince had contracted a fortunate alliance with the fair Clotilda, the niece of the king of Burgundy, who, in the midst of an Arian court, was educated in the profession of the Catholic faith. It was her interest, as well as her duty, to achieve the conversion 26 of a Pagan husband; and Clovis insensibly listened to the voice of love and religion. He consented (perhaps such terms had been previously stipulated) to the baptism of his eldest son; and though the sudden death of the infant excited some superstitious fears, he was persuaded, a second time, to repeat the dangerous experiment. In the distress of the battle of Tolbiac, Clovis loudly invoked the God of Clotilda and the Christians; and victory disposed him to hear, with respectful gratitude, the eloquent 27 Remigius, 28 bishop of Rheims, who forcibly displayed the temporal and spiritual advantages of his conversion. The king declared himself satisfied of the truth of the Catholic faith; and the political reasons which might have suspended his public profession, were removed by the devout or loyal acclamations of the Franks, who showed themselves alike prepared to follow their heroic leader to the field of battle, or to the baptismal font. The important ceremony was performed in the cathedral of Rheims, with every circumstance of magnificence and solemnity that could impress an awful sense of religion on the minds of its rude proselytes. 29 The new Constantine was immediately baptized, with three thousand of his warlike subjects; and their example was imitated by the remainder of the gentle Barbarians, who, in obedience to the victorious prelate, adored the cross which they had burnt, and burnt the idols which they had formerly adored. 30 The mind of Clovis was susceptible of transient fervor: he was exasperated by the pathetic tale of the passion and death of Christ; and, instead of weighing the salutary consequences of that mysterious sacrifice, he exclaimed, with indiscreet fury, “Had I been present at the head of my valiant Franks, I would have revenged his injuries.” 31 But the savage conqueror of Gaul was incapable of examining the proofs of a religion, which depends on the laborious investigation of historic evidence and speculative theology. He was still more incapable of feeling the mild influence of the gospel, which persuades and purifies the heart of a genuine convert. His ambitious reign was a perpetual violation of moral and Christian duties: his hands were stained with blood in peace as well as in war; and, as soon as Clovis had dismissed a synod of the Gallican church, he calmly assassinated all the princes of the Merovingian race. 32 Yet the king of the Franks might sincerely worship the Christian God, as a Being more excellent and powerful than his national deities; and the signal deliverance and victory of Tolbiac encouraged Clovis to confide in the future protection of the Lord of Hosts. Martin, the most popular of the saints, had filled the Western world with the fame of those miracles which were incessantly performed at his holy sepulchre of Tours. His visible or invisible aid promoted the cause of a liberal and orthodox prince; and the profane remark of Clovis himself, that St.Martin was an expensive friend, 33 need not be interpreted as the symptom of any permanent or rational scepticism. But earth, as well as heaven, rejoiced in the conversion of the Franks. On the memorable day when Clovis ascended from the baptismal font, he alone, in the Christian world, deserved the name and prerogatives of a Catholic king. The emperor Anastasius entertained some dangerous errors concerning the nature of the divine incarnation; and the Barbarians of Italy, Africa, Spain, and Gaul, were involved in the Arian heresy. The eldest, or rather the only, son of the church, was acknowledged by the clergy as their lawful sovereign, or glorious deliverer; and the armies of Clovis were strenuously supported by the zeal and fervor of the Catholic faction. 34
直到三十岁,克洛维始终供奉着祖先的神明。25 他并不信奉基督教,或者不如说漠然置之,这或许使他劫掠敌境的教堂时少几分愧疚;但他治下的高卢子民却可自由礼拜;而在众主教眼里,这位崇拜偶像的异教君主,反倒比那些异端更有指望。这位墨洛温君主缔结了一桩美满的姻缘,娶了美丽的克洛蒂尔达——勃艮第国王的侄女;她虽长于阿里乌斯派的宫廷之中,所受的却是大公教信仰的教养。促成异教丈夫的皈依,26 既是她的本分,也合乎她的心愿;克洛维则不知不觉地倾听起爱情与信仰的声音。他答应让长子受洗(这些条件或许早已约定在先);那婴孩虽骤然夭折,勾起了几分迷信的惊惧,他仍被说动,第二次重行这桩凶险的尝试。托尔比亚克之战陷入危局时,克洛维高声呼求克洛蒂尔达和基督徒们的上帝;及至得胜,他便怀着敬重与感激,愿意聆听兰斯主教、能言善辩的 27 雷米吉乌斯 28 陈词——后者力陈皈依在今世与来世的种种好处。国王宣称自己已确信大公教信仰之真;至于那些原本可能令他迟迟不肯公开表明信仰的政治顾虑,也在法兰克人虔诚而效忠的欢呼声中一扫而空——他们表明,无论是追随这位英雄领袖奔赴沙场,还是走向洗礼的圣水盆,他们都同样甘之如饴。这场大典在兰斯主教座堂举行,凡能令这群粗野的新皈依者心生敬畏、感受宗教威严的排场与庄严,一样不缺。29 这位新的君士坦丁当即受洗,随他一同领洗的,还有三千名骁勇的臣民;其余那些温顺的蛮族也纷纷效尤,遵从这位得胜的主教之命,转而膜拜他们曾一把火烧掉的十字架,又烧掉他们从前膜拜的偶像。30 克洛维这人,一时的热忱倒是容易被激起:基督受难与死难的凄惨故事令他勃然大怒;他非但不去掂量那神秘牺牲所带来的救赎之效,反倒鲁莽地咆哮道:“我若当时率我勇猛的法兰克人在场,定要为他所受的凌辱雪耻报仇!” 31 然而这位野蛮的高卢征服者,压根无从考究一种宗教的种种凭据——那须得对史实一一钩沉、对玄奥的神学反复思辨方能明了。至于福音那潜移默化的温和感召——它能劝化并涤净真心皈依者的灵魂——他就更无从体味了。他这野心勃勃的治世,无非是对道德与基督徒本分的连番践踏:无论战时平时,他的双手都染满鲜血;他前脚刚遣散一场高卢教会的宗教会议,后脚便不动声色地将墨洛温家族的诸位王公斩尽杀绝。32 不过,这位法兰克王倒也可能真心崇奉基督徒的上帝,视其为一位比本族神明更高卓、更强大的存在;而托尔比亚克那场化险为夷的大捷,也鼓舞着克洛维日后一心仰赖万军之主的庇佑。圣马丁乃诸圣中最受尊崇者,他在图尔的圣墓不断显现神迹,声名早已传遍西方世界。无论显灵与否,他都佑助着这位慷慨而正统的君主;至于克洛维本人那句不敬的调侃——说圣马丁是个花销不菲的朋友,33 却也不必解作什么根深蒂固或出于理性的怀疑。然而,法兰克人的皈依,不惟上天欢喜,人间亦为之雀跃。在克洛维走出洗礼圣水盆的那个值得铭记的日子,放眼整个基督教世界,唯有他一人配得上“大公教君主”的名号与特权。皇帝阿纳斯塔修斯在神性道成肉身的问题上,抱持着若干危险的谬见;而意大利、非洲、西班牙与高卢的蛮族,则统统陷于阿里乌斯派的异端之中。这位教会的长子——或者不如说是独子——被教士们奉为合法的君主、光荣的解救者;克洛维的大军,更得大公教一派的热忱与狂热鼎力相助。34
¶
Under the Roman empire, the wealth and jurisdiction of the bishops, their sacred character, and perpetual office, their numerous dependants, popular eloquence, and provincial assemblies, had rendered them always respectable, and sometimes dangerous. Their influence was augmented with the progress of superstition; and the establishment of the French monarchy may, in some degree, be ascribed to the firm alliance of a hundred prelates, who reigned in the discontented, or independent, cities of Gaul. The slight foundations of the Armorican republic had been repeatedly shaken, or overthrown; but the same people still guarded their domestic freedom; asserted the dignity of the Roman name; and bravely resisted the predatory inroads, and regular attacks, of Clovis, who labored to extend his conquests from the Seine to the Loire. Their successful opposition introduced an equal and honorable union. The Franks esteemed the valor of the Armoricans 35 and the Armoricans were reconciled by the religion of the Franks. The military force which had been stationed for the defence of Gaul, consisted of one hundred different bands of cavalry or infantry; and these troops, while they assumed the title and privileges of Roman soldiers, were renewed by an incessant supply of the Barbarian youth. The extreme fortifications, and scattered fragments of the empire, were still defended by their hopeless courage. But their retreat was intercepted, and their communication was impracticable: they were abandoned by the Greek princes of Constantinople, and they piously disclaimed all connection with the Arian usurpers of Gaul. They accepted, without shame or reluctance, the generous capitulation, which was proposed by a Catholic hero; and this spurious, or legitimate, progeny of the Roman legions, was distinguished in the succeeding age by their arms, their ensigns, and their peculiar dress and institutions. But the national strength was increased by these powerful and voluntary accessions; and the neighboring kingdoms dreaded the numbers, as well as the spirit, of the Franks. The reduction of the Northern provinces of Gaul, instead of being decided by the chance of a single battle, appears to have been slowly effected by the gradual operation of war and treaty and Clovis acquired each object of his ambition, by such efforts, or such concessions, as were adequate to its real value. His savage character, and the virtues of Henry IV., suggest the most opposite ideas of human nature; yet some resemblance may be found in the situation of two princes, who conquered France by their valor, their policy, and the merits of a seasonable conversion. 36
在罗马帝国治下,主教们坐拥财富与裁判之权,身份神圣,职位终身,门下徒众众多,又长于打动人心的辩才,还掌握着行省的教务会议——凡此种种,使他们向来令人敬重,有时甚至令人忌惮。随着迷信日盛,他们的势力也水涨船高;法兰西王朝之所以得以奠立,某种程度上还得归功于上百位高级教士的坚定结盟——正是这些人,主宰着高卢那些心怀不满或自立门户的城邦。阿摩里卡共和国根基本就浅薄,屡遭动摇乃至倾覆;可那里的民众依旧守护着乡土的自由,维护着罗马之名的尊严,奋勇抵挡克洛维的劫掠侵扰与正规进攻——克洛维正竭力把征服的疆界从塞纳河推进到卢瓦尔河。他们抵抗成功,遂促成了一场平等而体面的联合。法兰克人敬重阿摩里卡人的勇武,35 阿摩里卡人也因法兰克人所奉的宗教而与之释怨言和。原先驻守高卢、专司防务的军队,由一百支各不相同的骑兵或步兵队伍组成;这些兵士虽顶着罗马士兵的名号、享着罗马士兵的特权,其兵员却靠源源不断补入的蛮族青年来更替补充。帝国那些边远的要塞与零星残存的据点,仍靠着他们明知无望却依旧不减的勇气苦苦支撑。然而他们退路已断、音信难通:君士坦丁堡那些希腊君主早已弃他们于不顾,而他们出于虔信,又不肯与高卢那些信奉阿里乌斯派的僭主有半点瓜葛。于是他们既不觉羞耻,也不加推拒,便接受了一位大公教英雄开出的宽厚归降条件;这批罗马军团或真或伪的后裔,在此后的年代里,仍以他们的兵器、旗号,以及独特的服饰与制度而自成一格、引人注目。这些兵强马壮者既是自愿归附,法兰克人的国力便更为壮大;四邻列国既惧其兵众之多,亦畏其锐气之盛。高卢北部诸行省的征服,似乎并非取决于一役成败的侥幸,而是靠着征战与议和交替施为、循序渐进,才慢慢达成的;克洛维每逐一桩野心所向的目标,其所付出的气力或所作出的让步,无不与该目标的实际价值相称。他那野蛮的秉性,与亨利四世的种种美德,恰是人性中两个截然相反的写照;然而这两位君主的处境却不无相似之处:他们都凭着勇武、权谋,以及一场适时皈依之功,征服了法国。36
¶
The kingdom of the Burgundians, which was defined by the course of two Gallic rivers, the Saone and the Rhone, extended from the forest of Vosges to the Alps and the sea of Marscilles. 37 The sceptre was in the hands of Gundobald. That valiant and ambitious prince had reduced the number of royal candidates by the death of two brothers, one of whom was the father of Clotilda; 38 but his imperfect prudence still permitted Godegisel, the youngest of his brothers, to possess the dependent principality of Geneva. The Arian monarch was justly alarmed by the satisfaction, and the hopes, which seemed to animate his clergy and people after the conversion of Clovis; and Gundobald convened at Lyons an assembly of his bishops, to reconcile, if it were possible, their religious and political discontents. A vain conference was agitated between the two factions. The Arians upbraided the Catholics with the worship of three Gods: the Catholics defended their cause by theological distinctions; and the usual arguments, objections, and replies were reverberated with obstinate clamor; till the king revealed his secret apprehensions, by an abrupt but decisive question, which he addressed to the orthodox bishops. “If you truly profess the Christian religion, why do you not restrain the king of the Franks? He has declared war against me, and forms alliances with my enemies for my destruction. A sanguinary and covetous mind is not the symptom of a sincere conversion: let him show his faith by his works.” The answer of Avitus, bishop of Vienna, who spoke in the name of his brethren, was delivered with the voice and countenance of an angel. “We are ignorant of the motives and intentions of the king of the Franks: but we are taught by Scripture, that the kingdoms which abandon the divine law are frequently subverted; and that enemies will arise on every side against those who have made God their enemy. Return, with thy people, to the law of God, and he will give peace and security to thy dominions.” The king of Burgundy, who was not prepared to accept the condition which the Catholics considered as essential to the treaty, delayed and dismissed the ecclesiastical conference; after reproaching his bishops, that Clovis, their friend and proselyte, had privately tempted the allegiance of his brother. 39
勃艮第人的王国,以两条高卢河流——索恩河与罗讷河——的流向为界,自孚日森林一直伸展到阿尔卑斯山与马赛的海滨。37 其王杖执于贡多巴德之手。这位骁勇而野心勃勃的君主,杀掉两个兄弟,以此削减了觊觎王位者的数目——其中一人便是克洛蒂尔达之父;38 但他谋算终究欠周,仍容许幼弟戈德吉塞尔保有日内瓦这块附庸的领地。克洛维皈依之后,这位阿里乌斯派君主治下的教士与百姓仿佛都为之欢欣鼓舞、满怀期盼,他不免为之忧心,也在情理之中;于是贡多巴德在里昂召集主教会议,指望着能尽量化解他们在宗教与政治上的种种不满。两派之间争辩一场,却是徒劳无功。阿里乌斯派指责大公教徒崇拜三位神明;大公教徒则搬出种种神学上的辨析来为自家立场申辩;于是老一套的论证、诘难与答辩,你来我往,众口喧腾,僵持不下;最后国王向正统派主教突然抛出一个断然的问题,才道破了他心底的隐忧。“你们若果真信奉基督教,为何不去约束法兰克王?他已向我宣战,还与我的仇敌结盟,欲置我于死地。嗜血而贪婪之心,绝非真心皈依的表征;让他拿行为来证明他的信仰吧。”维埃纳主教阿维图斯代表众同道作答,其声容俨然天使一般。“法兰克王究竟意欲何为、心存何念,我们无从知晓;但《圣经》教导我们:凡背弃神圣律法的国度,往往难逃倾覆;与上帝为敌者,四面八方都会有仇敌兴起攻击他。愿陛下率领子民重归上帝的律法,上帝便会赐您的国土以太平与安宁。”大公教徒视为立约根本的那个条件,勃艮第王并不打算接受,于是他一再拖延,终将这场教会会议草草解散;散会前他还斥责自家的主教,说克洛维——他们的朋友兼皈依者——曾暗地里勾引他的兄弟背弃对他的效忠。39
Notes 注释
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In this chapter I shall draw my quotations from the Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, Paris, 1738-1767, in eleven volumes in folio. By the labor of Dom Bouquet, and the other Benedictines, all the original testimonies, as far as A.D. 1060, are disposed in chronological order, and illustrated with learned notes. Such a national work, which will be continued to the year 1500, might provoke our emulation.
本章的引文,我一概取自 Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France(巴黎,1738—1767 年,对开本共十一卷)。经布凯修士及其他本笃会修士之力,凡公元 1060 年以前的原始史料,皆按年代顺序编排,并附以博洽的注释。这样一部民族史著(其编纂尚将续至 1500 年),足以激起我们仿效之心。
2
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Tacit. Hist. iv. 73, 74, in tom. i. p. 445. To abridge Tacitus would indeed be presumptuous; but I may select the general ideas which he applies to the present state and future revelations of Gaul.
Tacit. Hist. iv. 73, 74,见 tom. i. p. 445。删削塔西佗诚然是狂妄之举;但我不妨择取他就高卢当时状况及未来变局所发的大略之见。
3
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Eadem semper causa Germanis transcendendi in Gallias libido atque avaritiae et mutandae sedis amor; ut relictis paludibus et solitudinibus, suis, fecundissimum hoc solum vosque ipsos possiderent.... Nam pulsis Romanis quid aliud quam bella omnium inter se gentium exsistent?
Eadem semper causa Germanis transcendendi in Gallias libido atque avaritiae et mutandae sedis amor; ut relictis paludibus et solitudinibus, suis, fecundissimum hoc solum vosque ipsos possiderent.... Nam pulsis Romanis quid aliud quam bella omnium inter se gentium exsistent?(此即上文所引塔西佗那番话的拉丁原文。)
4
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Sidonius Apollinaris ridicules, with affected wit and pleasantry, the hardships of his situation, (Carm. xii. in tom. i. p. 811.)
西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯以故作诙谐、佯装打趣的口吻,嘲讽自己处境的种种艰辛(Carm. xii.,见 tom. i. p. 811)。
5
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See Procopius de Bell. Gothico, l. i. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 81. The character of Grotius inclines me to believe, that he has not substituted the Rhine for the Rhone (Hist. Gothorum, p. 175) without the authority of some Ms.
参见 Procopius de Bell. Gothico, l. i. c. 12,见 tom. ii. p. 81。格劳秀斯为人严谨,故我倾向于相信:他把罗讷河改作莱茵河(Hist. Gothorum, p. 175),必是依据了某种手稿,而非擅改。
6
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Sidonius, l. viii. epist. 3, 9, in tom. i. p. 800. Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 47 p. 680) justifies, in some measure, this portrait of the Gothic hero.
西多尼乌斯《书信集》第八卷第 3、9 封,见 tom. i. p. 800。约达尼斯(de Rebus Geticis, c. 47, p. 680)在某种程度上印证了这幅哥特英雄的画像。
7
↩
I use the familiar appellation of Clovis, from the Latin Chlodovechus, or Chlodovoeus. But the Ch expresses only the German aspiration, and the true name is not different from Lewis, (Mem. de ‘Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 68.)
我采用克洛维(Clovis)这一通行的称呼,它源自拉丁文的 Chlodovechus 或 Chlodovoeus。但其中的 Ch 不过表示日耳曼语的送气音,这名字的本来面目与 Lewis(路易)实无二致(Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 68)。
8
↩
Greg. l. ii. c. 12, in tom. i. p. 168. Basina speaks the language of nature; the Franks, who had seen her in their youth, might converse with Gregory in their old age; and the bishop of Tours could not wish to defame the mother of the first Christian king.
Greg. l. ii. c. 12,见 tom. i. p. 168。巴西娜说的是率性直白之言;那些年轻时见过她的法兰克人,到了晚年或许还能与格雷戈里攀谈;而这位图尔主教,也断不会存心去诋毁头一位基督徒国王的母亲。
9
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The Abbe Dubos (Hist. Critique de l’Etablissement de la Monarchie Francoise dans les Gaules, tom. i. p. 630-650) has the merit of defining the primitive kingdom of Clovis, and of ascertaining the genuine number of his subjects.
杜博神父(Hist. Critique de l’Etablissement de la Monarchie Francoise dans les Gaules, tom. i. p. 630-650)的功劳,在于厘定了克洛维最初的王国范围,并考实了他属民的确切数目。
10
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Ecclesiam incultam ac negligentia civium Paganorum praetermis sam, veprium densitate oppletam, &c. Vit. St. Vedasti, in tom. iii. p. 372. This description supposes that Arras was possessed by the Pagans many years before the baptism of Clovis.
Ecclesiam incultam ac negligentia civium Paganorum praetermissam, veprium densitate oppletam, &c.(Vit. St. Vedasti,见 tom. iii. p. 372)。这段描述意味着,早在克洛维受洗之前许多年,阿拉斯便已落入异教徒之手。
11
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Gregory of Tours (l v. c. i. tom. ii. p. 232) contrasts the poverty of Clovis with the wealth of his grandsons. Yet Remigius (in tom. iv. p. 52) mentions his paternas opes, as sufficient for the redemption of captives.
图尔的格雷戈里(l. v. c. i.,tom. ii. p. 232)拿克洛维的贫寒与其孙辈的富有相对照。不过雷米吉乌斯(tom. iv. p. 52)却提到他有祖传家资(paternas opes),足以用来赎回俘虏。
12
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See Gregory, (l. ii. c. 27, 37, in tom. ii. p. 175, 181, 182.) The famous story of the vase of Soissons explains both the power and the character of Clovis. As a point of controversy, it has been strangely tortured by Boulainvilliers Dubos, and the other political antiquarians.
参见格雷戈里(l. ii. c. 27, 37,见 tom. ii. p. 175, 181, 182)。苏瓦松花瓶那则著名的故事,既道出了克洛维的权势,也刻画了他的性情。作为一桩聚讼纷纭的公案,它被布兰维利耶、杜博以及其他钻研政治的古物学家们,牵强附会地曲解得不成样子。
13
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The duke of Nivernois, a noble statesman, who has managed weighty and delicate negotiations, ingeniously illustrates (Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 147-184) the political system of Clovis.
尼韦尔内公爵是一位出身高贵的政治家,曾主持过种种重大而微妙的交涉;他别具慧眼地阐明了克洛维的政治谋略(Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 147-184)。
14
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M. Biet (in a Dissertation which deserved the prize of the Academy of Soissons, p. 178-226,) has accurately defined the nature and extent of the kingdom of Syagrius and his father; but he too readily allows the slight evidence of Dubos (tom. ii. p. 54-57) to deprive him of Beauvais and Amiens.
比耶先生(其论文曾荣获苏瓦松学院奖,p. 178-226)精确界定了叙阿格里乌斯及其父之王国的性质与疆域;但他过于轻信杜博(tom. ii. p. 54-57)那点薄弱的证据,竟把博韦与亚眠从这王国中划了出去。
15
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I may observe that Fredegarius, in his epitome of Gregory of Tours, (tom. ii. p. 398,) has prudently substituted the name of Patricius for the incredible title of Rex Romanorum.
我不妨指出:弗雷德加里乌斯在其所撰图尔的格雷戈里节本中(tom. ii. p. 398),审慎地以 Patricius(贵族)之名,取代了 Rex Romanorum(罗马人之王)这一令人难以置信的头衔。
16
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Sidonius, (l. v. Epist. 5, in tom. i. p. 794,) who styles him the Solon, the Amphion, of the Barbarians, addresses this imaginary king in the tone of friendship and equality. From such offices of arbitration, the crafty Dejoces had raised himself to the throne of the Medes, (Herodot. l. i. c. 96-100.)
西多尼乌斯(l. v. Epist. 5,见 tom. i. p. 794)称他为“蛮族的梭伦、蛮族的安菲翁”,并以朋友加平辈的口吻致书这位徒有虚名的国王。当年狡黠的德伊俄刻斯,正是凭着这类仲裁调停之职,一步步登上了米底人的王座(Herodot. l. i. c. 96-100)。
17
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Campum sibi praeparari jussit. M. Biet (p. 226-251) has diligently ascertained this field of battle, at Nogent, a Benedictine abbey, about ten miles to the north of Soissons. The ground was marked by a circle of Pagan sepulchres; and Clovis bestowed the adjacent lands of Leully and Coucy on the church of Rheims.
Campum sibi praeparari jussit(他下令为自己备好战场)。比耶先生(p. 226-251)悉心考定这处战场就在诺让——苏瓦松以北约十英里处的一座本笃会隐修院。那片地上环立着一圈异教徒的坟冢;克洛维后来将邻近的勒伊与库西两地赐予了兰斯教会。
18
↩
See Caesar. Comment. de Bell. Gallic. ii. 4, in tom. i. p. 220, and the Notitiae, tom. i. p. 126. The three Fabricae of Soissons were, Seutaria, Balistaria, and Clinabaria. The last supplied the complete armor of the heavy cuirassiers.
参见 Caesar. Comment. de Bell. Gallic. ii. 4,见 tom. i. p. 220,以及《百官志》(Notitiae),tom. i. p. 126。苏瓦松的三座兵工厂(Fabricae)分别是 Seutaria(盾牌坊)、Balistaria(弩机坊)与 Clinabaria(重甲坊);最后一座专供重装铁甲骑兵的整套铠甲。
19
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The epithet must be confined to the circumstances; and history cannot justify the French prejudice of Gregory, (l. ii. c. 27, in tom. ii. p. 175,) ut Gothorum pavere mos est.
这一贬称只可就事论事,不宜一概而论;史实并不足以支持格雷戈里那种偏袒法兰克人的成见(l. ii. c. 27,见 tom. ii. p. 175)——ut Gothorum pavere mos est(仿佛胆怯乃哥特人的惯常习性)。
20
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Dubos has satisfied me (tom. i. p. 277-286) that Gregory of Tours, his transcribers, or his readers, have repeatedly confounded the German kingdom of Thuringia, beyond the Rhine, and the Gallic city of Tongria, on the Meuse, which was more anciently the country of the Eburones, and more recently the diocese of Liege.
杜博(tom. i. p. 277-286)已使我信服:图尔的格雷戈里,或是他的誊抄者、读者们,一再把莱茵河彼岸的日耳曼图林根王国,与默兹河畔的高卢城市通格伦相混淆——后者上古是厄布罗内斯人的地界,晚近则成了列日教区。
21
↩
Populi habitantes juxta Lemannum lacum, Alemanni dicuntur. Servius, ad Virgil. Georgic. iv. 278. Don Bouquet (tom. i. p. 817) has only alleged the more recent and corrupt text of Isidore of Seville.
Populi habitantes juxta Lemannum lacum, Alemanni dicuntur(居于莱芒湖畔的民族,称为阿勒曼尼人)。塞尔维乌斯注维吉尔《农事诗》第四卷第 278 行。布凯修士(tom. i. p. 817)所援引的,不过是塞维利亚的伊西多尔那更晚出、且已讹误的文本罢了。
22
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Gregory of Tours sends St. Lupicinus inter illa Jurensis deserti secreta, quae, inter Burgundiam Alamanniamque sita, Aventicae adja cent civitati, in tom. i. p. 648. M. de Watteville (Hist. de la Confederation Helvetique, tom. i. p. 9, 10) has accurately defined the Helvetian limits of the Duchy of Alemannia, and the Transjurane Burgundy. They were commensurate with the dioceses of Constance and Avenche, or Lausanne, and are still discriminated, in modern Switzerland, by the use of the German, or French, language.
图尔的格雷戈里把圣卢皮基努斯送往 inter illa Jurensis deserti secreta, quae, inter Burgundiam Alamanniamque sita, Aventicae adjacent civitati(汝拉荒野的隐僻深处,那地方夹在勃艮第与阿勒曼尼亚之间,与阿旺什城相毗邻),见 tom. i. p. 648。瓦特维尔先生(Hist. de la Confederation Helvetique, tom. i. p. 9, 10)精确界定了阿勒曼尼亚公国与汝拉山彼岸的勃艮第在赫尔维蒂亚境内的边界。二者恰与康斯坦茨及阿旺什(即洛桑)两教区相当,时至今日,在近代瑞士仍可凭德语或法语的使用而区分开来。
23
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See Guilliman de Rebus Helveticis, l i. c. 3, p. 11, 12. Within the ancient walls of Vindonissa, the castle of Hapsburgh, the abbey of Konigsfield, and the town of Bruck, have successively risen. The philosophic traveller may compare the monuments of Roman conquest of feudal or Austrian tyranny, of monkish superstition, and of industrious freedom. If he be truly a philosopher, he will applaud the merit and happiness of his own times.
参见 Guilliman de Rebus Helveticis, l. i. c. 3, p. 11, 12。在温多尼萨的古城墙内,哈布斯堡城堡、柯尼希斯费尔登隐修院与布鲁克镇先后拔地而起。好沉思的旅人不妨在此比照种种遗迹:罗马征服的丰碑、封建或奥地利暴政的印记、僧侣迷信的产物,以及勤勉自由的成果。他若果真是位哲人,便当为自己所处时代的功业与幸福击节称庆。
24
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Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. 30, 37, in tom. ii. p. 176, 177, 182,) the Gesta Francorum, (in tom. ii. p. 551,) and the epistle of Theodoric, (Cassiodor. Variar. l. ii. c. 41, in tom. iv. p. 4,) represent the defeat of the Alemanni. Some of their tribes settled in Rhaetia, under the protection of Theodoric; whose successors ceded the colony and their country to the grandson of Clovis. The state of the Alemanni under the Merovingian kings may be seen in Mascou (Hist. of the Ancient Germans, xi. 8, &c. Annotation xxxvi.) and Guilliman, (de Reb. Helvet. l. ii. c. 10-12, p. 72-80.)
图尔的格雷戈里(l. ii. 30, 37,见 tom. ii. p. 176, 177, 182)、《法兰克人史》(Gesta Francorum,见 tom. ii. p. 551),以及狄奥多里克的书信(Cassiodor. Variar. l. ii. c. 41,见 tom. iv. p. 4),都记述了阿勒曼尼人的败绩。他们有些部落迁居雷提亚,受狄奥多里克庇护;狄奥多里克的继承者后来把这块殖民地连同其国土,一并让给了克洛维之孙。阿勒曼尼人在墨洛温列王治下的境况,可参见马斯科夫(《古代日耳曼人史》第十一卷第 8 节及第三十六条注释等)与吉利曼(de Reb. Helvet. l. ii. c. 10-12, p. 72-80)。
25
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Clotilda, or rather Gregory, supposes that Clovis worshipped the gods of Greece and Rome. The fact is incredible, and the mistake only shows how completely, in less than a century, the national religion of the Franks had been abolished and even forgotten
克洛蒂尔达——或者不如说格雷戈里——想当然地以为克洛维供奉的是希腊与罗马的神明。这实在荒诞不经;而这一误解恰恰表明:不到一个世纪,法兰克人本族的宗教便已荡然无存,甚至被人忘得一干二净。
26
↩
Gregory of Tours relates the marriage and conversion of Clovis, (l. ii. c. 28-31, in tom. ii. p. 175-178.) Even Fredegarius, or the nameless Epitomizer, (in tom. ii. p. 398-400,) the author of the Gesta Francorum, (in tom. ii. p. 548-552,) and Aimoin himself, (l. i. c. 13, in tom. iii. p. 37-40,) may be heard without disdain. Tradition might long preserve some curious circumstances of these important transactions.
图尔的格雷戈里记述了克洛维的婚事与皈依(l. ii. c. 28-31,见 tom. ii. p. 175-178)。即便是弗雷德加里乌斯(或那位佚名的节本作者,见 tom. ii. p. 398-400)、《法兰克人史》的作者(见 tom. ii. p. 548-552),乃至埃莫因本人(l. i. c. 13,见 tom. iii. p. 37-40),也不妨姑且一听,未必值得鄙弃。这些重大事件的若干奇特细节,或许经由口耳相传而长久留存了下来。
27
↩
A traveller, who returned from Rheims to Auvergne, had stolen a copy of his declamations from the secretary or bookseller of the modest archbishop, (Sidonius Apollinar. l. ix. epist. 7.) Four epistles of Remigius, which are still extant, (in tom. iv. p. 51, 52, 53,) do not correspond with the splendid praise of Sidonius.
有位从兰斯返回奥弗涅的旅人,曾从这位谦逊大主教的秘书或书商那里偷得一份他讲词的抄本(Sidonius Apollinar. l. ix. epist. 7)。雷米吉乌斯尚存于世的四封书信(见 tom. iv. p. 51, 52, 53),却与西多尼乌斯那番华美的赞誉并不相称。
28
↩
Hincmar, one of the successors of Remigius, (A.D. 845-882,) had composed his life, (in tom. iii. p. 373-380.) The authority of ancient MSS. of the church of Rheims might inspire some confidence, which is destroyed, however, by the selfish and audacious fictions of Hincmar. It is remarkable enough, that Remigius, who was consecrated at the age of twenty-two, (A.D. 457,) filled the episcopal chair seventy-four years, (Pagi Critica, in Baron tom. ii. p. 384, 572.)
安克马尔是雷米吉乌斯的继任者之一(公元 845—882 年),曾为他作传(见 tom. iii. p. 373-380)。兰斯教会古抄本的权威,本可令人多几分信任,怎奈安克马尔那些出于私心、大胆杜撰的虚构,把这份信任毁得一干二净。颇堪注意的是,雷米吉乌斯二十二岁受祝圣(公元 457 年),竟在主教之位上一坐便是七十四年(Pagi Critica,见 Baron. tom. ii. p. 384, 572)。
29
↩
A phial (the Sainte Ampoulle of holy, or rather celestial, oil,) was brought down by a white dove, for the baptism of Clovis; and it is still used and renewed, in the coronation of the kings of France. Hincmar (he aspired to the primacy of Gaul) is the first author of this fable, (in tom. iii. p. 377,) whose slight foundations the Abbe de Vertot (Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. ii. p. 619-633) has undermined, with profound respect and consummate dexterity.
有一只小瓶(即盛着圣油——或不如说天赐之油——的“圣瓶”,Sainte Ampoulle),由一只白鸽衔了下来,供克洛维受洗之用;直至今日,法国历代国王加冕时仍沿用此物并不断续注新油。安克马尔(他一心觊觎高卢首席主教之位)乃这则无稽之谈的始作俑者(见 tom. iii. p. 377);而韦尔托神父(Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. ii. p. 619-633)则以极其恭敬的态度和炉火纯青的手法,把它那点站不住脚的依据一一拆穿。
30
↩
Mitis depone colla, Sicamber: adora quod incendisti, incende quod adorasti. Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 31, in tom. ii. p. 177.
Mitis depone colla, Sicamber: adora quod incendisti, incende quod adorasti(西坎伯尔人啊,温顺地俯下你的颈项吧:膜拜你曾焚烧之物,焚烧你曾膜拜之物)。Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 31,见 tom. ii. p. 177。
31
↩
Si ego ibidem cum Francis meis fuissem, injurias ejus vindicassem. This rash expression, which Gregory has prudently concealed, is celebrated by Fredegarius, (Epitom. c. 21, in tom. ii. p. 400,) Ai moin, (l. i. c. 16, in tom. iii. p. 40,) and the Chroniques de St. Denys, (l. i. c. 20, in tom. iii. p. 171,) as an admirable effusion of Christian zeal.
Si ego ibidem cum Francis meis fuissem, injurias ejus vindicassem(我若当时率我的法兰克人在场,定要为他所受的凌辱雪耻)。这句鲁莽之言,格雷戈里审慎地略去未记,弗雷德加里乌斯(Epitom. c. 21,见 tom. ii. p. 400)、埃莫因(l. i. c. 16,见 tom. iii. p. 40)与《圣德尼编年史》(Chroniques de St. Denys,l. i. c. 20,见 tom. iii. p. 171),却争相传颂,视之为基督教热忱的一次可钦可佩的迸发。
32
↩
Gregory, (l. ii. c. 40-43, in tom. ii. p. 183-185,) after coolly relating the repeated crimes, and affected remorse, of Clovis, concludes, perhaps undesignedly, with a lesson, which ambition will never hear. “His ita transactis obiit.”
格雷戈里(l. ii. c. 40-43,见 tom. ii. p. 183-185)不动声色地叙述了克洛维一桩桩罪行及其惺惺作态的悔意之后,或许是无心插柳,竟以一句野心之徒永远听不进的教训收尾:His ita transactis obiit(这一切了结之后,他便死了)。
33
↩
After the Gothic victory, Clovis made rich offerings to St. Martin of Tours. He wished to redeem his war-horse by the gift of one hundred pieces of gold, but the enchanted steed could not remove from the stable till the price of his redemption had been doubled. This miracle provoked the king to exclaim, Vere B. Martinus est bonus in auxilio, sed carus in negotio. (Gesta Francorum, in tom. ii. p. 554, 555.)
战胜哥特人之后,克洛维向图尔的圣马丁献上丰厚的祭礼。他本想以一百枚金币赎回自己的战马,可那匹被施了法的坐骑却怎么也挪不出马厩,直到赎金加倍方才作罢。这桩神迹惹得国王脱口而出:Vere B. Martinus est bonus in auxilio, sed carus in negotio(圣马丁相助时着实是好,做起买卖来却价钱不菲)。(Gesta Francorum,见 tom. ii. p. 554, 555。)
34
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See the epistle from Pope Anastasius to the royal convert, (in Com. iv. p. 50, 51.) Avitus, bishop of Vienna, addressed Clovis on the same subject, (p. 49;) and many of the Latin bishops would assure him of their joy and attachment.
参见教宗阿纳斯塔修斯致这位皈依之王的书信(见 tom. iv. p. 50, 51)。维埃纳主教阿维图斯也就同一题目致书克洛维(p. 49);此外还有许多拉丁教会的主教,纷纷向他表达欣喜与归附之忱。
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Instead of an unknown people, who now appear on the text of Procopious, Hadrian de Valois has restored the proper name of the easy correction has been almost universally approved. Yet an unprejudiced reader would naturally suppose, that Procopius means to describe a tribe of Germans in the alliance of Rome; and not a confederacy of Gallic cities, which had revolted from the empire. * Note: Compare Hallam’s Europe during the Middle Ages, vol i. p. 2, Daru, Hist. de Bretagne vol. i. p. 129—M.
普罗柯比的文本中如今出现的是一个来历不明的民族;阿德里安·德瓦卢瓦却把它还原成了正确的名字(即阿摩里卡人),这一轻而易举的校正几乎得到了众口一致的认可。然而,不抱成见的读者自然会以为,普罗柯比意在描述一支与罗马结盟的日耳曼部落,而非一个背叛帝国、揭竿而起的高卢城市联盟。* 按:可对照哈勒姆《中世纪的欧洲》第一卷第 2 页,以及达吕 Hist. de Bretagne 第一卷第 129 页。—M
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This important digression of Procopius (de Bell. Gothic. l. i. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 29-36) illustrates the origin of the French monarchy. Yet I must observe, 1. That the Greek historian betrays an inexcusable ignorance of the geography of the West. 2. That these treaties and privileges, which should leave some lasting traces, are totally invisible in Gregory of Tours, the Salic laws, &c.
普罗柯比这段重要的题外话(de Bell. Gothic. l. i. c. 12,见 tom. ii. p. 29-36)阐明了法兰西王朝的由来。不过我必须指出:其一,这位希腊史家暴露出他对西方地理不可原谅的无知;其二,这些理应留下若干长久痕迹的条约与特权,在图尔的格雷戈里的著作、萨利克法等文献中却全然无迹可寻。
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Regnum circa Rhodanum aut Ararim cum provincia Massiliensi retinebant. Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 32, in tom. ii. p. 178. The province of Marseilles, as far as the Durance, was afterwards ceded to the Ostrogoths; and the signatures of twenty-five bishops are supposed to represent the kingdom of Burgundy, A.D. 519. (Concil. Epaon, in tom. iv. p. 104, 105.) Yet I would except Vindonissa. The bishop, who lived under the Pagan Alemanni, would naturally resort to the synods of the next Christian kingdom. Mascou (in his four first annotations) has explained many circumstances relative to the Burgundian monarchy.
Regnum circa Rhodanum aut Ararim cum provincia Massiliensi retinebant(他们保有环绕罗讷河或索恩河、连同马赛行省的这片王国)。Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 32,见 tom. ii. p. 178。马赛行省远及迪朗斯河一带,后来割让给了东哥特人;据信有二十五位主教的签名,可代表公元 519 年的勃艮第王国(Concil. Epaon,见 tom. iv. p. 104, 105)。不过我要把温多尼萨除外:那里的主教既生活在异教的阿勒曼尼人治下,自然会前往邻近那个基督教王国参加宗教会议。马斯科夫(在其头四条注释中)就勃艮第王国的诸多情形作了阐说。
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Mascou, (Hist. of the Germans, xi. 10,) who very reasonably distracts the testimony of Gregory of Tours, has produced a passage from Avitus (epist. v.) to prove that Gundobald affected to deplore the tragic event, which his subjects affected to applaud.
马斯科夫(《日耳曼人史》第十一卷第 10 节)很有道理地对图尔的格雷戈里的证词存疑,他引出阿维图斯的一段文字(epist. v.),以证明贡多巴德对那桩惨剧佯装痛惜,而他的臣民则佯装称快。
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See the original conference, (in tom. iv. p. 99-102.) Avitus, the principal actor, and probably the secretary of the meeting, was bishop of Vienna. A short account of his person and works may be fouud in Dupin, (Bibliothèque Ecclesiastique, tom. v. p. 5-10.)
参见这场会议的原始记录(见 tom. iv. p. 99-102)。阿维图斯是其中的主角,或许还兼任会议的记录,他是维埃纳的主教。关于其人其作的简要介绍,可见迪潘 Bibliothèque Ecclesiastique, tom. v. p. 5-10。