Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part IV. 第二十四章 尤利安的撤退与死亡——第四节
¶
The honor, as well as interest, of Julian, forbade him to consume his time under the impregnable walls of Ctesiphon and as often as he defied the Barbarians, who defended the city, to meet him on the open plain, they prudently replied, that if he desired to exercise his valor, he might seek the army of the Great King. He felt the insult, and he accepted the advice. Instead of confining his servile march to the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris, he resolved to imitate the adventurous spirit of Alexander, and boldly to advance into the inland provinces, till he forced his rival to contend with him, perhaps in the plains of Arbela, for the empire of Asia. The magnanimity of Julian was applauded and betrayed, by the arts of a noble Persian, who, in the cause of his country, had generously submitted to act a part full of danger, of falsehood, and of shame. 77 With a train of faithful followers, he deserted to the Imperial camp; exposed, in a specious tale, the injuries which he had sustained; exaggerated the cruelty of Sapor, the discontent of the people, and the weakness of the monarchy; and confidently offered himself as the hostage and guide of the Roman march. The most rational grounds of suspicion were urged, without effect, by the wisdom and experience of Hormisdas; and the credulous Julian, receiving the traitor into his bosom, was persuaded to issue a hasty order, which, in the opinion of mankind, appeared to arraign his prudence, and to endanger his safety. He destroyed, in a single hour, the whole navy, which had been transported above five hundred miles, at so great an expense of toil, of treasure, and of blood. Twelve, or, at the most, twenty-two small vessels were saved, to accompany, on carriages, the march of the army, and to form occasional bridges for the passage of the rivers. A supply of twenty days’ provisions was reserved for the use of the soldiers; and the rest of the magazines, with a fleet of eleven hundred vessels, which rode at anchor in the Tigris, were abandoned to the flames, by the absolute command of the emperor. The Christian bishops, Gregory and Augustin, insult the madness of the Apostate, who executed, with his own hands, the sentence of divine justice. Their authority, of less weight, perhaps, in a military question, is confirmed by the cool judgment of an experienced soldier, who was himself spectator of the conflagration, and who could not disapprove the reluctant murmurs of the troops. 78 Yet there are not wanting some specious, and perhaps solid, reasons, which might justify the resolution of Julian. The navigation of the Euphrates never ascended above Babylon, nor that of the Tigris above Opis. 79 The distance of the last-mentioned city from the Roman camp was not very considerable: and Julian must soon have renounced the vain and impracticable attempt of forcing upwards a great fleet against the stream of a rapid river, 80 which in several places was embarrassed by natural or artificial cataracts. 81 The power of sails and oars was insufficient; it became necessary to tow the ships against the current of the river; the strength of twenty thousand soldiers was exhausted in this tedious and servile labor, and if the Romans continued to march along the banks of the Tigris, they could only expect to return home without achieving any enterprise worthy of the genius or fortune of their leader. If, on the contrary, it was advisable to advance into the inland country, the destruction of the fleet and magazines was the only measure which could save that valuable prize from the hands of the numerous and active troops which might suddenly be poured from the gates of Ctesiphon. Had the arms of Julian been victorious, we should now admire the conduct, as well as the courage, of a hero, who, by depriving his soldiers of the hopes of a retreat, left them only the alternative of death or conquest. 82
尤利安无论出于荣誉还是出于利害，都不容自己把光阴虚耗在固若金汤的泰西封城下。他一再向守城的蛮族挑战，要他们到旷野上与他一决高下；对方却精明地回敬道：他若想一逞武勇，尽可去寻波斯大王的大军。这话刺痛了他，他却也接受了这番劝告。他不愿再把行军拘束在幼发拉底河与底格里斯河两岸、亦步亦趋地受制于人，而决意效仿亚历山大那股敢于冒险的气概，大胆挺进内陆诸行省，直逼得对手不得不与他一决雌雄——或许就在阿贝拉的平原上，为着亚洲的霸权放手一搏。尤利安这份豪迈气度，既赢得了一位波斯贵族的赞叹，也正断送在此人的诡计之下：为了祖国，这位贵族甘愿慷慨扮演一个满是凶险、谎言与耻辱的角色。77 他带着一批忠心的随从投奔罗马大营，编出一套煞有介事的说辞，诉说自己所受的种种冤屈，把沙普尔的残暴、民众的怨愤、王朝的虚弱一一夸大其词，还信誓旦旦地表示，愿以自身充作人质，为罗马大军带路。霍尔米兹德凭其阅历与智慧，提出了种种最合乎情理的疑虑，却无济于事；轻信的尤利安把这个奸细纳入心腹，竟被说动下达了一道草率的命令——在世人看来，这道命令既暴露了他谋虑的欠周，也把自身的安危置于险地。他在一个时辰之内，把整支舰队付之一炬——这支舰队辗转运送五百多英里而来，曾耗费了何等的辛劳、财力与鲜血。只留下十二艘、至多二十二艘小船，装在车上随军而行，以备渡河时临时架桥之用。军中只留下二十天的口粮供士兵取用；其余的辎重仓储，连同停泊在底格里斯河上的一千一百艘船只，都奉皇帝的严令尽数付之一炬。基督教的两位主教格列高利与奥古斯丁，讥讽这背教者的疯狂——说他等于亲手执行了上帝加于自身的公义裁决。两位主教在军事问题上的分量或许有限，但一位久历戎行的军人所作的冷静判断，却与他们不谋而合：此人亲眼目睹了那场大火，也无法不认同士卒们那些勉强压下的怨言。78 然而，也并非没有一些说得过去、甚或相当扎实的理由，足以为尤利安的这一决断辩护。幼发拉底河的通航向来不曾上溯到巴比伦以北，底格里斯河的通航也不曾越过奥皮斯。79 奥皮斯距罗马营地本就不远；何况要驱使一支庞大舰队逆着湍急的河流硬往上游行进，80 而这条河又有好几处为天然或人工的急滩瀑布所阻，81 这本是徒劳而不可行之举，尤利安势必很快就得放弃。单凭风帆与桨橹之力远远不够，只得靠人力拉纤、逆流曳船而上；两万士兵的气力，就这样在这桩枯燥而卑贱的苦役中耗尽。倘若罗马人继续沿底格里斯河岸行军，那么等着他们的，只能是无功而返——干不成一桩配得上主帅天才与气运的大业。反之，若挥师深入内地才是上策，那么销毁舰队与辎重便是唯一的办法——否则泰西封城门之内随时可能倾巢而出的大批劲旅，转眼就会把这批宝贵的战利品攫去。假使尤利安最终得胜，我们今日所钦佩的，便不只是这位英雄的勇气，还有他的用兵之道：他断了将士退路的指望，使他们除了战死便只有征服，别无第三条路可走。82
¶
The cumbersome train of artillery and wagons, which retards the operations of a modern army, were in a great measure unknown in the camps of the Romans. 83 Yet, in every age, the subsistence of sixty thousand men must have been one of the most important cares of a prudent general; and that subsistence could only be drawn from his own or from the enemy’s country. Had it been possible for Julian to maintain a bridge of communication on the Tigris, and to preserve the conquered places of Assyria, a desolated province could not afford any large or regular supplies, in a season of the year when the lands were covered by the inundation of the Euphrates, 84 and the unwholesome air was darkened with swarms of innumerable insects. 85 The appearance of the hostile country was far more inviting. The extensive region that lies between the River Tigris and the mountains of Media, was filled with villages and towns; and the fertile soil, for the most part, was in a very improved state of cultivation. Julian might expect, that a conqueror, who possessed the two forcible instruments of persuasion, steel and gold, would easily procure a plentiful subsistence from the fears or avarice of the natives. But, on the approach of the Romans, the rich and smiling prospect was instantly blasted. Wherever they moved, the inhabitants deserted the open villages, and took shelter in the fortified towns; the cattle was driven away; the grass and ripe corn were consumed with fire; and, as soon as the flames had subsided which interrupted the march of Julian, he beheld the melancholy face of a smoking and naked desert. This desperate but effectual method of defence can only be executed by the enthusiasm of a people who prefer their independence to their property; or by the rigor of an arbitrary government, which consults the public safety without submitting to their inclinations the liberty of choice. On the present occasion the zeal and obedience of the Persians seconded the commands of Sapor; and the emperor was soon reduced to the scanty stock of provisions, which continually wasted in his hands. Before they were entirely consumed, he might still have reached the wealthy and unwarlike cities of Ecbatana or Susa, by the effort of a rapid and well-directed march; 86 but he was deprived of this last resource by his ignorance of the roads, and by the perfidy of his guides. The Romans wandered several days in the country to the eastward of Bagdad; the Persian deserter, who had artfully led them into the snare, escaped from their resentment; and his followers, as soon as they were put to the torture, confessed the secret of the conspiracy. The visionary conquests of Hyrcania and India, which had so long amused, now tormented, the mind of Julian. Conscious that his own imprudence was the cause of the public distress, he anxiously balanced the hopes of safety or success, without obtaining a satisfactory answer, either from gods or men. At length, as the only practicable measure, he embraced the resolution of directing his steps towards the banks of the Tigris, with the design of saving the army by a hasty march to the confines of Corduene; a fertile and friendly province, which acknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. The desponding troops obeyed the signal of the retreat, only seventy days after they had passed the Chaboras, with the sanguine expectation of subverting the throne of Persia. 87
拖累近代军队行动的那种笨重的炮队与辎重车列，在罗马人的营中大体是见不到的。83 然而无论哪个时代，六万大军的给养，总是一位持重统帅最要紧的操心事之一；而这份给养的来源，不外乎本国或敌国两处。即便尤利安能在底格里斯河上保住一座联络的桥梁、守住已征服的亚述各地，一个满目疮痍的行省也供不出大量而稳定的补给——何况正当这个时节，土地尽为幼发拉底河的泛滥所淹没，84 污浊的空气里更有无数虫豸成群，遮天蔽日。85 相比之下，敌方那片土地的景象要诱人得多。底格里斯河与米底群山之间的这一大片地方，村镇星罗棋布；沃野膏腴，大半都已开垦得井井有条。尤利安满可以指望：一个征服者，手握钢铁与黄金这两样最有力的劝服利器，无论凭土著的畏惧还是贪婪，都能轻易弄到充足的粮秣。可是，罗马人一逼近，那片富庶而明媚的景象顿时化为乌有。无论他们走到哪里，居民都弃了无险可守的村落，躲进设防的城镇；牲畜被赶走，牧草与熟透的庄稼付之一炬；等到那阻断尤利安行军的大火渐渐熄灭，展现在他眼前的，只是一片仍在冒烟、寸草不留的凄凉荒野。这种玉石俱焚却行之有效的守御之法，唯有两种情形才办得到：要么是一个宁舍家产、不失独立的民族，出于满腔热忱而甘愿如此；要么是一个专断的政权，一味以公共安危为念、铁腕行事，根本不容百姓有选择的自由。就眼下而言，波斯人的热忱与顺从，正好配合了沙普尔的号令；不多时，罗马皇帝便只剩下那点可怜的存粮，还在他手里一天天见底。趁存粮尚未耗尽，他本还来得及凭一场快速而方向得当的急行军，抵达埃克巴塔纳或苏萨——那两座富庶而不谙兵事的城市；86 无奈他既不识道路，向导又心怀叵测，连这最后一条出路也断了。罗马人在巴格达以东一带徘徊了好几天；那个巧施诡计、把他们诱入圈套的波斯降人，早已逃脱了他们的愤怒；而他的随从一经拷问，便招出了整个阴谋的内情。征服许尔卡尼亚与印度的种种幻梦，曾长久地慰藉着尤利安的心，如今却反过来折磨着他。他明白眼下全军的困厄正是自己失于审慎所致；他焦灼地在“保全”与“成功”这两种指望之间反复掂量，却无论求诸神明还是求诸凡人，都得不到一个称心的答案。最后，作为唯一可行之策，他打定主意折向底格里斯河岸，想靠一场急行军赶到卡尔杜埃内边境，以保全全军——那是一处富饶而亲善的行省，向来承认罗马的宗主之权。将士们满腔沮丧，听从了撤退的号令——而此时，距他们当初怀着倾覆波斯王座的满心热望渡过哈布尔河，才不过七十天。87
¶
As long as the Romans seemed to advance into the country, their march was observed and insulted from a distance, by several bodies of Persian cavalry; who, showing themselves sometimes in loose, and sometimes in close order, faintly skirmished with the advanced guards. These detachments were, however, supported by a much greater force; and the heads of the columns were no sooner pointed towards the Tigris than a cloud of dust arose on the plain. The Romans, who now aspired only to the permission of a safe and speedy retreat, endeavored to persuade themselves, that this formidable appearance was occasioned by a troop of wild asses, or perhaps by the approach of some friendly Arabs. They halted, pitched their tents, fortified their camp, passed the whole night in continual alarms; and discovered at the dawn of day, that they were surrounded by an army of Persians. This army, which might be considered only as the van of the Barbarians, was soon followed by the main body of cuirassiers, archers, and elephants, commanded by Meranes, a general of rank and reputation. He was accompanied by two of the king’s sons, and many of the principal satraps; and fame and expectation exaggerated the strength of the remaining powers, which slowly advanced under the conduct of Sapor himself. As the Romans continued their march, their long array, which was forced to bend or divide, according to the varieties of the ground, afforded frequent and favorable opportunities to their vigilant enemies. The Persians repeatedly charged with fury; they were repeatedly repulsed with firmness; and the action at Maronga, which almost deserved the name of a battle, was marked by a considerable loss of satraps and elephants, perhaps of equal value in the eyes of their monarch. These splendid advantages were not obtained without an adequate slaughter on the side of the Romans: several officers of distinction were either killed or wounded; and the emperor himself, who, on all occasions of danger, inspired and guided the valor of his troops, was obliged to expose his person, and exert his abilities. The weight of offensive and defensive arms, which still constituted the strength and safety of the Romans, disabled them from making any long or effectual pursuit; and as the horsemen of the East were trained to dart their javelins, and shoot their arrows, at full speed, and in every possible direction, 88 the cavalry of Persia was never more formidable than in the moment of a rapid and disorderly flight. But the most certain and irreparable loss of the Romans was that of time. The hardy veterans, accustomed to the cold climate of Gaul and Germany, fainted under the sultry heat of an Assyrian summer; their vigor was exhausted by the incessant repetition of march and combat; and the progress of the army was suspended by the precautions of a slow and dangerous retreat, in the presence of an active enemy. Every day, every hour, as the supply diminished, the value and price of subsistence increased in the Roman camp. 89 Julian, who always contented himself with such food as a hungry soldier would have disdained, distributed, for the use of the troops, the provisions of the Imperial household, and whatever could be spared, from the sumpter-horses, of the tribunes and generals. But this feeble relief served only to aggravate the sense of the public distress; and the Romans began to entertain the most gloomy apprehensions that, before they could reach the frontiers of the empire, they should all perish, either by famine, or by the sword of the Barbarians. 90
只要罗马人看似仍在向内地推进，就总有几支波斯骑兵远远盯着他们行军，不时前来骚扰挑衅：这些骑兵时而散成松散的队形，时而聚作密集的阵势，与罗马前卫有一搭没一搭地小股交锋。不过，这些游骑背后另有一支大得多的兵力作后盾；罗马纵队的先头刚一掉转方向、朝底格里斯河而去，平原上便腾起一片尘云。此刻的罗马人，一心只盼能安然迅速地脱身撤退，便竭力说服自己：那骇人的动静，多半是一群野驴闹出来的，或者是某支友善的阿拉伯人正赶来。他们停下脚步，支起营帐，加固营垒，整整一夜在接连不断的警报中度过；直到天光破晓，才发觉自己已被一支波斯大军团团围住。这支军队还只能算是蛮族的前锋；紧随其后的，是由重甲骑兵、弓箭手与战象组成的主力，统率者乃是一位有声望、有地位的将领梅拉内斯。随他一同前来的，还有波斯王的两个儿子和多位显要的总督；而其余大军由沙普尔亲自率领、正缓缓开来，其声势又经传闻与揣测夸大了几分。罗马人继续行军，那道长长的行列不得不随地势起伏而时时弯折、时时分断，这就一再给了警觉的敌人可乘之机。波斯人一次次凶猛冲杀，又一次次被罗马人坚定地击退；马隆加一役几乎称得上是一场正式会战，波斯折损了不少总督与战象——在波斯王眼里，这两样东西的分量或许不相上下。这些辉煌的战果，罗马一方也付出了相当的伤亡：好几位显要的军官非死即伤；就连皇帝本人——每逢险境，他总是激励并引领着将士的勇武——这一回也不得不亲身犯险，倾力施展本领。罗马人的力量与安全，仍旧系于那身沉重的攻防甲械；可正是这份沉重，使他们无法追得长久、追得有效。东方的骑手个个训练有素，能在全速奔驰中朝任意方向掷标枪、放冷箭；88 因此波斯骑兵最可怕的时刻，恰恰是他们仓皇溃逃、乱作一团之际。然而罗马人最确凿、也最无从挽回的损失，是时间。那些久经沙场的老兵，惯于高卢与日耳曼的寒冷气候，如今却在亚述夏日的酷暑下昏倒；行军与鏖战没完没了地反复，把他们的精力耗得精光；何况身边始终有一个虎视眈眈的强敌，全军只能步步为营、缓慢而凶险地后撤，行程因此一再迟滞。在罗马营中，随着存粮一天天、一刻刻减少，粮食的身价也一天天、一刻刻水涨船高。89 尤利安一向甘于粗食，那些饭食便是饥肠辘辘的士兵也未必看得上；如今他把御膳所备的口粮，连同各位军事保民官与将领驮马上一切匀得出来的存粮，统统分发给士卒。可这点微薄的救济，反倒更让人痛感全军的窘迫；罗马人心头开始笼罩起最阴郁的忧惧：只怕还没能撤到帝国边境，他们就要么饿死，要么死在蛮族刀下，无一幸免。90
¶
While Julian struggled with the almost insuperable difficulties of his situation, the silent hours of the night were still devoted to study and contemplation. Whenever he closed his eyes in short and interrupted slumbers, his mind was agitated with painful anxiety; nor can it be thought surprising, that the Genius of the empire should once more appear before him, covering with a funeral veil his head, and his horn of abundance, and slowly retiring from the Imperial tent. The monarch started from his couch, and stepping forth to refresh his wearied spirits with the coolness of the midnight air, he beheld a fiery meteor, which shot athwart the sky, and suddenly vanished. Julian was convinced that he had seen the menacing countenance of the god of war; 91 the council which he summoned, of Tuscan Haruspices, 92 unanimously pronounced that he should abstain from action; but on this occasion, necessity and reason were more prevalent than superstition; and the trumpets sounded at the break of day. The army marched through a hilly country; and the hills had been secretly occupied by the Persians. Julian led the van with the skill and attention of a consummate general; he was alarmed by the intelligence that his rear was suddenly attacked. The heat of the weather had tempted him to lay aside his cuirass; but he snatched a shield from one of his attendants, and hastened, with a sufficient reenforcement, to the relief of the rear-guard. A similar danger recalled the intrepid prince to the defence of the front; and, as he galloped through the columns, the centre of the left was attacked, and almost overpowered by the furious charge of the Persian cavalry and elephants. This huge body was soon defeated, by the well-timed evolution of the light infantry, who aimed their weapons, with dexterity and effect, against the backs of the horsemen, and the legs of the elephants. The Barbarians fled; and Julian, who was foremost in every danger, animated the pursuit with his voice and gestures. His trembling guards, scattered and oppressed by the disorderly throng of friends and enemies, reminded their fearless sovereign that he was without armor; and conjured him to decline the fall of the impending ruin. As they exclaimed, 93 a cloud of darts and arrows was discharged from the flying squadrons; and a javelin, after razing the skin of his arm, transpierced the ribs, and fixed in the inferior part of the liver. Julian attempted to draw the deadly weapon from his side; but his fingers were cut by the sharpness of the steel, and he fell senseless from his horse. His guards flew to his relief; and the wounded emperor was gently raised from the ground, and conveyed out of the tumult of the battle into an adjacent tent. The report of the melancholy event passed from rank to rank; but the grief of the Romans inspired them with invincible valor, and the desire of revenge. The bloody and obstinate conflict was maintained by the two armies, till they were separated by the total darkness of the night. The Persians derived some honor from the advantage which they obtained against the left wing, where Anatolius, master of the offices, was slain, and the præfect Sallust very narrowly escaped. But the event of the day was adverse to the Barbarians. They abandoned the field; their two generals, Meranes and Nohordates, 94 fifty nobles or satraps, and a multitude of their bravest soldiers; and the success of the Romans, if Julian had survived, might have been improved into a decisive and useful victory.
尤利安一面与处境中那几乎无法克服的重重艰险苦苦周旋，一面仍把夜阑人静的时辰用于读书与沉思。每当他阖眼、断断续续地浅眠片刻，心头总被痛苦的焦虑搅得不宁；也难怪帝国的守护神会再一次现身在他面前——用一幅丧幕蒙住自己的头颅与那只丰饶之角，缓缓退出御帐。皇帝从榻上惊起，走到帐外，想借午夜的凉气舒缓一下疲惫的心神，却望见一颗火流星划过夜空，倏忽间又消失不见。尤利安确信自己所见正是战神那张威吓的面孔；91 他召来伊特鲁里亚占卜官议事，92 众人异口同声，说他应当按兵不动；然而这一回，形势所迫与理智终究压倒了迷信，于是号角在破晓时分吹响。大军行经一片丘陵地带，而波斯人早已暗中占据了那些山丘。尤利安以一位老练统帅的娴熟与专注亲率前锋；忽有急报传来，说后队骤然遇袭，令他大惊。天气炎热，早诱得他卸下了胸甲；此刻他一把从侍从手中夺过一面盾牌，带着一支足够的援兵，急急奔去救援后卫。前方又告危急，把这位无所畏惧的君主召回去守卫正面；正当他策马穿行于各纵队之间，左翼的中段遭到波斯骑兵与战象的猛攻，几乎被冲垮。所幸轻步兵及时变阵，手法利落而奏效，专攻骑手的后背与战象的腿脚，很快就击溃了这一大群人马。蛮族溃逃了；尤利安一如每逢险境总冲在最前，以呼喊与手势激励众人追击。他的卫士们心惊胆战，又被敌我混杂、乱成一团的人潮冲散、挤压，一面提醒这位无畏的君主：他身上并无甲胄；一面苦苦哀求他躲开那眼看就要压顶而下的灭顶之灾。正当他们疾呼之际，93 溃逃的敌骑射出一阵箭矢标枪，遮天蔽日；一支标枪擦破了他手臂的皮肉，穿透肋骨，深深扎进肝脏下部。尤利安伸手想把这致命的兵器从肋间拔出，锋利的钢刃却割破了他的手指，他随即人事不省，跌落马下。卫士们飞奔来救，轻轻把受伤的皇帝从地上扶起，抬出激战的喧嚣，送进近旁的一顶营帐。噩耗一队一队地传开；然而悲痛非但没有击垮罗马人，反倒激起他们无坚不摧的勇气与复仇的渴望。两军血战不休、僵持胶着，直到夜幕彻底降临，才把双方分开。波斯人在左翼占得上风，总算挣回几分体面：诸司大臣阿纳托利乌斯在此阵亡，大区长官撒路斯提乌斯也险些丧命，仅以身免。但这一天的结局，终究于蛮族不利。他们弃了战场，丢下两员大将梅拉内斯与诺霍尔达特斯、94 五十名贵族或总督，以及无数最骁勇的士卒；倘若尤利安不死，罗马人这场胜势，本可扩大为一场决定性而受用无穷的大捷。
¶
The first words that Julian uttered, after his recovery from the fainting fit into which he had been thrown by loss of blood, were expressive of his martial spirit. He called for his horse and arms, and was impatient to rush into the battle. His remaining strength was exhausted by the painful effort; and the surgeons, who examined his wound, discovered the symptoms of approaching death. He employed the awful moments with the firm temper of a hero and a sage; the philosophers who had accompanied him in this fatal expedition, compared the tent of Julian with the prison of Socrates; and the spectators, whom duty, or friendship, or curiosity, had assembled round his couch, listened with respectful grief to the funeral oration of their dying emperor. 95 “Friends and fellow-soldiers, the seasonable period of my departure is now arrived, and I discharge, with the cheerfulness of a ready debtor, the demands of nature. I have learned from philosophy, how much the soul is more excellent than the body; and that the separation of the nobler substance should be the subject of joy, rather than of affliction. I have learned from religion, that an early death has often been the reward of piety; 96 and I accept, as a favor of the gods, the mortal stroke that secures me from the danger of disgracing a character, which has hitherto been supported by virtue and fortitude. I die without remorse, as I have lived without guilt. I am pleased to reflect on the innocence of my private life; and I can affirm with confidence, that the supreme authority, that emanation of the Divine Power, has been preserved in my hands pure and immaculate. Detesting the corrupt and destructive maxims of despotism, I have considered the happiness of the people as the end of government. Submitting my actions to the laws of prudence, of justice, and of moderation, I have trusted the event to the care of Providence. Peace was the object of my counsels, as long as peace was consistent with the public welfare; but when the imperious voice of my country summoned me to arms, I exposed my person to the dangers of war, with the clear foreknowledge (which I had acquired from the art of divination) that I was destined to fall by the sword. I now offer my tribute of gratitude to the Eternal Being, who has not suffered me to perish by the cruelty of a tyrant, by the secret dagger of conspiracy, or by the slow tortures of lingering disease. He has given me, in the midst of an honorable career, a splendid and glorious departure from this world; and I hold it equally absurd, equally base, to solicit, or to decline, the stroke of fate. This much I have attempted to say; but my strength fails me, and I feel the approach of death. I shall cautiously refrain from any word that may tend to influence your suffrages in the election of an emperor. My choice might be imprudent or injudicious; and if it should not be ratified by the consent of the army, it might be fatal to the person whom I should recommend. I shall only, as a good citizen, express my hopes, that the Romans may be blessed with the government of a virtuous sovereign.” After this discourse, which Julian pronounced in a firm and gentle tone of voice, he distributed, by a military testament, 97 the remains of his private fortune; and making some inquiry why Anatolius was not present, he understood, from the answer of Sallust, that Anatolius was killed; and bewailed, with amiable inconsistency, the loss of his friend. At the same time he reproved the immoderate grief of the spectators; and conjured them not to disgrace, by unmanly tears, the fate of a prince, who in a few moments would be united with heaven, and with the stars. 98 The spectators were silent; and Julian entered into a metaphysical argument with the philosophers Priscus and Maximus, on the nature of the soul. The efforts which he made, of mind as well as body, most probably hastened his death. His wound began to bleed with fresh violence; his respiration was embarrassed by the swelling of the veins; he called for a draught of cold water, and, as soon as he had drank it, expired without pain, about the hour of midnight. Such was the end of that extraordinary man, in the thirty-second year of his age, after a reign of one year and about eight months, from the death of Constantius. In his last moments he displayed, perhaps with some ostentation, the love of virtue and of fame, which had been the ruling passions of his life. 99
尤利安因失血而昏厥，苏醒过来后开口所说的头几句话，仍透着一股尚武的血性。他索要坐骑与兵器，急不可耐地要冲回战阵。这一番痛苦的挣扎，把他所剩无几的气力也耗尽了；替他查验伤口的医士，看出了死期将至的征兆。面对这可畏的时刻，他保持着英雄兼哲人那份镇定自持；随他踏上这趟致命远征的哲学家们，把尤利安的营帐比作苏格拉底的牢狱；而那些或出于职责、或出于情谊、或出于好奇而聚在他榻前的人，则怀着敬肃的悲戚，静听这位垂死皇帝的临终致辞。95 “诸位朋友，诸位袍泽，我离世的时辰恰逢其时，如今已经到来；我要像一个甘心还债的人那样，欣然偿付造化向我索取的一切。我从哲学中懂得：灵魂远比肉体高贵；那更高贵的本体一旦挣脱肉体，本该是一件可喜之事，而非可悲之事。我又从宗教中懂得：早死往往正是虔敬所得的赏赐；96 因此，这致命的一击，我把它当作诸神的恩典欣然领受——它使我免于蒙受玷污名节的风险，而这名节，我一向是靠德行与刚毅撑持至今的。我死而无憾，一如我生而无咎。回想自己私生活的清白，我深感欣慰；我更能问心无愧地断言：那至高的权柄，那由神圣之力流溢而出者，在我手中始终保持得纯洁无瑕。我一向厌弃专制那套腐败而祸国的信条，把百姓的福祉视为治理的宗旨。我使自己的一举一动都服从审慎、公正与节制的准则，至于成败结局，则一概托付给天意去照看。只要和平与公众福祉两不相悖，和平便是我一切决策的目标；然而一旦祖国以不容抗拒的声音召我执戈，我便挺身赴战、亲蹈兵险——尽管我凭占卜之术早已清楚预知：我命中注定要死于刀剑。如今我要向那永恒之神献上我的谢忱：他不曾让我丧命于暴君的酷虐、阴谋者暗藏的匕首，或缠绵痼疾的漫漫折磨。他让我在荣耀的事业正盛之时，得以辉煌而光荣地辞别人世；而对命运的这一击，无论是乞求它降临，还是躲避它降临，我都视为同样荒唐、同样卑怯。这些话我勉力说到这里；可我气力不济了，已感到死亡在步步逼近。在推选新君一事上，凡可能左右诸位投票的话，我都要谨慎地闭口不言。我所属意的人选，或许并不稳妥、并不明智；万一得不到全军一致的认可，反倒可能害了我所举荐的那个人。我只以一个良善公民的身份，表达这样一个心愿：愿罗马人有福，得享一位有德之君的善治。”这番话，尤利安以坚定而温和的语气说完之后，便立下一份军中遗嘱，97 把自己私产的余财分派停当；他问起阿纳托利乌斯为何不在跟前，从撒路斯提乌斯口中得知此人已经阵亡，便为痛失挚友而悲叹不已——这般前后不一，倒显出他可亲的一面。与此同时，他又责备旁人过度的悲伤，恳请他们不要用软弱的眼泪，去玷辱一位君主的结局——再过片刻，这位君主便要与上天、与群星合而为一了。98 众人默然无语；尤利安则与哲学家普里斯库斯、马克西穆斯展开了一场关于灵魂本性的玄学辩论。他这般既劳神又劳形，多半反倒加速了自己的死亡。他的伤口重又剧烈地淌起血来，血管肿胀，呼吸也随之窒滞；他要来一口凉水，饮罢便毫无痛苦地咽了气，时值午夜前后。这位非凡人物就此谢世，终年三十二岁；自君士坦提乌斯死后算起，他在位一年零约八个月。在生命的最后一刻，他仍显露出对德行与声名的挚爱——这原是主宰他一生的两股激情，只是这番显露，或许不无几分做作。99
¶
The triumph of Christianity, and the calamities of the empire, may, in some measure, be ascribed to Julian himself, who had neglected to secure the future execution of his designs, by the timely and judicious nomination of an associate and successor. But the royal race of Constantius Chlorus was reduced to his own person; and if he entertained any serious thoughts of investing with the purple the most worthy among the Romans, he was diverted from his resolution by the difficulty of the choice, the jealousy of power, the fear of ingratitude, and the natural presumption of health, of youth, and of prosperity. His unexpected death left the empire without a master, and without an heir, in a state of perplexity and danger, which, in the space of fourscore years, had never been experienced, since the election of Diocletian. In a government which had almost forgotten the distinction of pure and noble blood, the superiority of birth was of little moment; the claims of official rank were accidental and precarious; and the candidates, who might aspire to ascend the vacant throne could be supported only by the consciousness of personal merit, or by the hopes of popular favor. But the situation of a famished army, encompassed on all sides by a host of Barbarians, shortened the moments of grief and deliberation. In this scene of terror and distress, the body of the deceased prince, according to his own directions, was decently embalmed; and, at the dawn of day, the generals convened a military senate, at which the commanders of the legions, and the officers both of cavalry and infantry, were invited to assist. Three or four hours of the night had not passed away without some secret cabals; and when the election of an emperor was proposed, the spirit of faction began to agitate the assembly. Victor and Arinthæus collected the remains of the court of Constantius; the friends of Julian attached themselves to the Gallic chiefs, Dagalaiphus and Nevitta; and the most fatal consequences might be apprehended from the discord of two factions, so opposite in their character and interest, in their maxims of government, and perhaps in their religious principles. The superior virtues of Sallust could alone reconcile their divisions, and unite their suffrages; and the venerable præfect would immediately have been declared the successor of Julian, if he himself, with sincere and modest firmness, had not alleged his age and infirmities, so unequal to the weight of the diadem. The generals, who were surprised and perplexed by his refusal, showed some disposition to adopt the salutary advice of an inferior officer, 100 that they should act as they would have acted in the absence of the emperor; that they should exert their abilities to extricate the army from the present distress; and, if they were fortunate enough to reach the confines of Mesopotamia, they should proceed with united and deliberate counsels in the election of a lawful sovereign. While they debated, a few voices saluted Jovian, who was no more than first 101 of the domestics, with the names of Emperor and Augustus. The tumultuary acclamation 10111 was instantly repeated by the guards who surrounded the tent, and passed, in a few minutes, to the extremities of the line. The new prince, astonished with his own fortune was hastily invested with the Imperial ornaments, and received an oath of fidelity from the generals, whose favor and protection he so lately solicited. The strongest recommendation of Jovian was the merit of his father, Count Varronian, who enjoyed, in honorable retirement, the fruit of his long services. In the obscure freedom of a private station, the son indulged his taste for wine and women; yet he supported, with credit, the character of a Christian 102 and a soldier. Without being conspicuous for any of the ambitious qualifications which excite the admiration and envy of mankind, the comely person of Jovian, his cheerful temper, and familiar wit, had gained the affection of his fellow-soldiers; and the generals of both parties acquiesced in a popular election, which had not been conducted by the arts of their enemies. The pride of this unexpected elevation was moderated by the just apprehension, that the same day might terminate the life and reign of the new emperor. The pressing voice of necessity was obeyed without delay; and the first orders issued by Jovian, a few hours after his predecessor had expired, were to prosecute a march, which could alone extricate the Romans from their actual distress. 103
基督教的得势与帝国的祸难，在某种程度上，尤利安本人也难辞其咎：他没有及时而明智地指定一位共治者兼继承人，以确保自己的种种谋划日后仍能推行。然而君士坦提乌斯·克洛鲁斯的皇室血脉，如今只剩他一人；即便他当真动过念头，要把紫袍加于罗马人中最配得上的那位身上，也终究被几件事岔开了心思：人选之难定、权力之易生猜忌、忘恩负义之可虑，再加上他仗着自己身强、年少、时运正盛，自然而然地以为来日方长。他这一死出人意料，撇下的帝国既无君主、又无嗣子，陷入一片惶惑与危局——这般光景，自戴克里先被推举登位以来的八十年间，还不曾有过。在这样一个几乎已淡忘了血统纯正与高贵之别的政权里，出身的高下无足轻重；凭官阶而生的名分又既偶然又靠不住；因此，凡有意问鼎这张空悬御座的人，所能倚仗的，无非是自知才德过人的底气，或是博取众望的指望。可眼下这支军队忍饥挨饿，四面被蛮族大军围困，哀恸与筹议的工夫都不得不缩到最短。在这一片惊惶与困厄之中，众人依照亡故君主的遗命，为其遗体作了体面的防腐处理；天一破晓，将领们便召开一场军事会议，请来各军团的指挥官以及骑、步两军的军官一同与议。那一夜三四个钟头里，暗地里免不了几番私相勾结；及至有人提议推选新君，党争之风便开始在会场上搅动起来。维克托与阿林塞乌斯纠合起君士坦提乌斯旧廷的残余势力；尤利安的亲信则依附于两位高卢将领达加莱弗斯与涅维塔。这两派人无论性情、利害，还是治国的主张，乃至宗教的信念，都针锋相对；一旦失和，其后果之惨烈，实在令人担忧。唯有撒路斯提乌斯那超群的德望，才足以调和双方的分歧、聚拢众人的推戴；这位德高望重的长官本可当场被拥立为尤利安的继任者，只是他态度真诚谦逊却又不容动摇，推说自己年迈体衰，实在担不起这顶王冠的分量。他这一推辞，令将领们又惊又窘；一名下级军官进言相劝，所言颇有见地，100 他们竟颇有几分愿意采纳：眼下不妨就当皇帝不在时那样行事，各尽所能，先把大军从当前的困境中解救出来；倘能侥幸抵达美索不达米亚边境，再从长计议、同心协力去推选一位合法的君主。正当众人争议不下，几个人忽然向约维安高呼起“皇帝”与“奥古斯都”的尊号——而此人不过是御前侍卫队的首领罢了。101 这声乱哄哄的欢呼，10111 环护营帐的卫兵们立刻跟着喊了起来，不出几分钟便传遍了整条战线的两端。这位新君对自己的这份际遇也惊愕不已；人们匆匆给他披上帝王的服饰，方才还在向那些将领乞求垂青与庇护的他，此刻反过来接受了他们效忠的誓言。约维安最过硬的一项凭借，是他父亲瓦罗尼阿努斯伯爵的功劳——此人早已光荣引退，安享着长年效力所得的酬报。身处平民境地那种默默无闻的自在里，这做儿子的纵情于酒色；然而作为一名基督徒102与军人，他倒也不曾堕了名声。约维安身上并没有那些足以招人艳羡妒忌的雄图大才，但他仪表堂堂、性情开朗、谈吐诙谐而不拘礼，因而深得同袍的喜爱；这一场出自军心的推举，既非对立一方施诡计操纵而成，两派将领也就都默然认可了。这场意外擢升所带来的荣耀，却被一层不无道理的忧惧冲淡了：只怕这位新帝的性命与治世，会在同一天里一并终结。形势的催逼容不得片刻迟疑；前任皇帝断气才几个钟头，约维安便下达了他的头道命令：继续行军——唯有如此，才能把罗马人从眼前的困境中解救出来。103
Notes 注释
77
↩
The arts of this new Zopyrus (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iv. p. 115, 116) may derive some credit from the testimony of two abbreviators, (Sextus Rufus and Victor,) and the casual hints of Libanius (Orat. Parent. c. 134, p. 357) and Ammianus, (xxiv. 7.) The course of genuine history is interrupted by a most unseasonable chasm in the text of Ammianus.
这个新“佐皮鲁斯”的诡计（纳齐安的格列高利，Orat. iv. p. 115, 116），或可从两位节略史家（塞克斯图斯·鲁弗斯与维克托）的记载，以及利巴尼乌斯（Orat. Parent. c. 134, p. 357）与阿米阿努斯（xxiv. 7）随口提及的只言片语中，获得几分佐证。可惜阿米阿努斯的文本恰在此处出现了一段极不凑巧的残缺，真实历史的脉络就此中断。
78
↩
See Ammianus, (xxiv. 7,) Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis, c. 132, 133, p. 356, 357,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 183,) Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 26) Gregory, (Orat. iv. p. 116,) and Augustin, (de Civitate Dei, l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 21.) Of these Libanius alone attempts a faint apology for his hero; who, according to Ammianus, pronounced his own condemnation by a tardy and ineffectual attempt to extinguish the flames.
参看阿米阿努斯（xxiv. 7）、利巴尼乌斯（Orat. Parentalis, c. 132, 133, p. 356, 357）、佐西莫斯（l. iii. p. 183）、佐纳拉斯（tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 26）、格列高利（Orat. iv. p. 116）以及奥古斯丁（de Civitate Dei, l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 21）。这几人当中，唯有利巴尼乌斯勉力为他所推崇的英雄稍作辩解；而据阿米阿努斯记载，尤利安曾迟迟地、又徒劳无功地试图扑灭那场大火，这一举动无异于给自己定了罪。
79
↩
Consult Herodotus, (l. i. c. 194,) Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 1074,) and Tavernier, (part i. l. ii. p. 152.)
可查阅希罗多德（l. i. c. 194）、斯特拉波（l. xvi. p. 1074）与塔韦尼耶（part i. l. ii. p. 152）。
80
↩
A celeritate Tigris incipit vocari, ita appellant Medi sagittam. Plin. Hist. Natur. vi. 31.
A celeritate Tigris incipit vocari, ita appellant Medi sagittam.（意为：底格里斯河因水流湍疾而得名，米底人即以此语称“箭”。）Plin. Hist. Natur. vi. 31.
81
↩
One of these dikes, which produces an artificial cascade or cataract, is described by Tavernier (part i. l. ii. p. 226) and Thevenot, (part ii. l. i. p. 193.) The Persians, or Assyrians, labored to interrupt the navigation of the river, (Strabo, l. xv. p. 1075. D’Anville, l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 98, 99.)
其中一道拦河堰形成了人工的瀑布或急滩，塔韦尼耶（part i. l. ii. p. 226）与泰夫诺（part ii. l. i. p. 193）都有描述。波斯人（或亚述人）曾着意阻断这条河的通航（Strabo, l. xv. p. 1075；D’Anville, l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 98, 99）。
82
↩
Recollect the successful and applauded rashness of Agathocles and Cortez, who burnt their ships on the coast of Africa and Mexico.
不妨回想阿加索克利斯与科尔特斯那两桩既冒失又成功、备受称道的壮举：他们分别在非洲与墨西哥的海岸焚毁了自己的船只。
83
↩
See the judicious reflections of the author of the Essai sur la Tactique, tom. ii. p. 287-353, and the learned remarks of M. Guichardt Nouveaux Mémoires Militaires, tom. i. p. 351-382, on the baggage and subsistence of the Roman armies.
关于罗马军队的辎重与给养，可参看《Essai sur la Tactique》一书作者颇具卓识的评述（tom. ii. p. 287-353），以及吉夏尔先生（M. Guichardt）在《Nouveaux Mémoires Militaires》（tom. i. p. 351-382）中博洽的论说。
84
↩
The Tigris rises to the south, the Euphrates to the north, of the Armenian mountains. The former overflows in March, the latter in July. These circumstances are well explained in the Geographical Dissertation of Foster, inserted in Spelman’s Expedition of Cyras, vol. ii. p. 26.
底格里斯河发源于亚美尼亚群山之南，幼发拉底河则发源于其北。前者在三月泛滥，后者在七月泛滥。福斯特的《地理论考》对此有详明的解说，该文收入斯佩尔曼所辑《居鲁士远征记》（Spelman’s Expedition of Cyrus），vol. ii. p. 26。
85
↩
Ammianus (xxiv. 8) describes, as he had felt, the inconveniency of the flood, the heat, and the insects. The lands of Assyria, oppressed by the Turks, and ravaged by the Curds or Arabs, yield an increase of ten, fifteen, and twenty fold, for the seed which is cast into the ground by the wretched and unskillful husbandmen. Voyage de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 279, 285.
阿米阿努斯（xxiv. 8）以亲身体验，描述了洪水、酷热与虫害带来的种种苦楚。亚述的土地饱受土耳其人的压榨、又遭库尔德人或阿拉伯人的蹂躏，可即便由那些困苦而拙于农事的庄稼人随手把种子撒进地里，仍能收获十倍、十五倍乃至二十倍的产量。Voyage de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 279, 285.
86
↩
Isidore of Charax (Mansion. Parthic. p. 5, 6, in Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. ii.) reckons 129 schæni from Seleucia, and Thevenot, (part i. l. i. ii. p. 209-245,) 128 hours of march from Bagdad to Ecbatana, or Hamadan. These measures cannot exceed an ordinary parasang, or three Roman miles.
卡拉克斯的伊西多尔（Mansion. Parthic. p. 5, 6，见 Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. ii）算出自塞琉西亚起为一百二十九斯凯尼(schœnus)，泰夫诺（part i. l. i. ii. p. 209-245）则算出自巴格达至埃克巴塔纳（即哈马丹）为一百二十八小时的路程。这两种量度都不会超过通常的一帕拉桑(parasang)，即三罗马英里。
87
↩
The march of Julian from Ctesiphon is circumstantially, but not clearly, described by Ammianus, (xxiv. 7, 8,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 134, p. 357,) and Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 183.) The two last seem ignorant that their conqueror was retreating; and Libanius absurdly confines him to the banks of the Tigris.
尤利安自泰西封起的这段行军，阿米阿努斯（xxiv. 7, 8）、利巴尼乌斯（Orat. Parent. c. 134, p. 357）与佐西莫斯（l. iii. p. 183）都有详尽却不甚清晰的记述。后两人似乎压根不知道他们心目中的征服者其实是在撤退；利巴尼乌斯更荒唐地把他的行踪一味局限在底格里斯河两岸。
88
↩
Chardin, the most judicious of modern travellers, describes (tom. ii. p. 57, 58, &c., edit. in 4to.) the education and dexterity of the Persian horsemen. Brissonius (de Regno Persico, p. 650 651, &c.,) has collected the testimonies of antiquity.
近代旅行家中最有见识的夏尔丹，描述过波斯骑手所受的训练及其娴熟身手（tom. ii. p. 57, 58 等，四开本）。布里松尼乌斯（de Regno Persico, p. 650, 651 等）则汇集了古代文献中的相关记载。
89
↩
In Mark Antony’s retreat, an attic chœnix sold for fifty drachmæ, or, in other words, a pound of flour for twelve or fourteen shillings barley bread was sold for its weight in silver. It is impossible to peruse the interesting narrative of Plutarch, (tom. v. p. 102-116,) without perceiving that Mark Antony and Julian were pursued by the same enemies, and involved in the same distress.
马克·安东尼撤退之际，一阿提卡科厄尼克斯(chœnix)的粮食卖到五十德拉克马——换言之，一磅面粉便值十二到十四先令，大麦面包更是按等重的白银论价。读普鲁塔克那段引人入胜的记述（tom. v. p. 102-116），谁都不难看出：马克·安东尼与尤利安所遭遇的是同样的敌人，陷入的是同样的困境。
90
↩
Ammian. xxiv. 8, xxv. 1. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 184, 185, 186. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 134, 135, p. 357, 358, 359. The sophist of Antioch appears ignorant that the troops were hungry.
Ammian. xxiv. 8, xxv. 1；佐西莫斯，l. iii. p. 184, 185, 186；利巴尼乌斯，Orat. Parent. c. 134, 135, p. 357, 358, 359。这位安条克的辩士似乎并不知道罗马军队正在挨饿。
91
↩
Ammian. xxv. 2. Julian had sworn in a passion, nunquam se Marti sacra facturum, (xxiv. 6.) Such whimsical quarrels were not uncommon between the gods and their insolent votaries; and even the prudent Augustus, after his fleet had been twice shipwrecked, excluded Neptune from the honors of public processions. See Hume’s Philosophical Reflections. Essays, vol. ii. p. 418.
Ammian. xxv. 2。尤利安曾在盛怒之下发誓：nunquam se Marti sacra facturum（意为“他绝不再向玛尔斯献祭”，xxiv. 6）。诸神与其傲慢的信徒之间，这类古怪的龃龉并不罕见；连一向持重的奥古斯都，也曾在舰队两度遭遇海难之后，把尼普顿逐出公众庆典的行列、不再予以尊崇。参见休谟《哲学随想》（Philosophical Reflections），载《论说文集》第二卷，第418页。
92
↩
They still retained the monopoly of the vain but lucrative science, which had been invented in Hetruria; and professed to derive their knowledge of signs and omens from the ancient books of Tarquitius, a Tuscan sage.
他们始终垄断着这门虚妄却有利可图的学问——它原是在伊特鲁里亚发明的；他们自称，其辨识征兆与预兆的本领，得自伊特鲁里亚智者塔尔奎提乌斯的古老典籍。
93
↩
Clambant hinc inde candidati (see the note of Valesius) quos terror, ut fugientium molem tanquam ruinam male compositi culminis declinaret. Ammian. xxv 3.
Clambant hinc inde candidati（参瓦莱修斯的注释）quos terror, ut fugientium molem tanquam ruinam male compositi culminis declinaret.（大意：白袍卫士〔candidati〕惊恐地四下攀避，唯恐溃逃的人群像一堵砌歪的墙垣般轰然压下。）Ammian. xxv. 3.
94
↩
Sapor himself declared to the Romans, that it was his practice to comfort the families of his deceased satraps, by sending them, as a present, the heads of the guards and officers who had not fallen by their master’s side. Libanius, de nece Julian. ulcis. c. xiii. p. 163.
沙普尔本人曾对罗马人宣称：凡有总督阵亡，他惯常这样去抚慰其家眷——把那些不曾随主将一同战死的卫士与军官的首级，当作礼物送去。Libanius, de nece Julian. ulcis. c. xiii. p. 163.
95
↩
The character and situation of Julian might countenance the suspicion that he had previously composed the elaborate oration, which Ammianus heard, and has transcribed. The version of the Abbé de la Bleterie is faithful and elegant. I have followed him in expressing the Platonic idea of emanations, which is darkly insinuated in the original.
以尤利安的性情与处境而论，人们不免疑心：那篇精心结撰、经阿米阿努斯亲耳听闻并笔录下来的致辞，其实是他早已预先拟好的。布莱特里神父的译本忠实而典雅；原文对柏拉图“流溢”之说的暗示晦涩难明，我在表达这一层意思时沿用了他的译法。
96
↩
Herodotus (l. i. c. 31,) has displayed that doctrine in an agreeable tale. Yet the Jupiter, (in the 16th book of the Iliad,) who laments with tears of blood the death of Sarpedon his son, had a very imperfect notion of happiness or glory beyond the grave.
希罗多德（l. i. c. 31）曾以一则动人的故事阐明这一道理。不过，《伊利亚特》第十六卷里那位为爱子萨尔佩冬之死而洒下血泪的朱庇特，对于死后的幸福或荣耀，所持的观念却极不完备。
97
↩
The soldiers who made their verbal or nuncupatory testaments, upon actual service, (in procinctu,) were exempted from the formalities of the Roman law. See Heineccius, (Antiquit. Jur. Roman. tom. i. p. 504,) and Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxvii.)
凡在实际服役期间（in procinctu，即临阵之时）以口头方式立下遗嘱的士兵，都可免除罗马法所规定的种种手续。参见海涅克丘斯（Antiquit. Jur. Roman. tom. i. p. 504）与孟德斯鸠（Esprit des Loix, l. xxvii）。
98
↩
This union of the human soul with the divine æthereal substance of the universe, is the ancient doctrine of Pythagoras and Plato: but it seems to exclude any personal or conscious immortality. See Warburton’s learned and rational observations. Divine Legation, vol ii. p. 199-216.
人的灵魂与宇宙那神圣的以太本体合而为一——这是毕达哥拉斯与柏拉图的古老学说；然而此说似乎排除了任何个体的、有意识的不朽。参见沃伯顿博洽而通达的论述，《神圣使命》，vol. ii. p. 199-216。
99
↩
The whole relation of the death of Julian is given by Ammianus, (xxv. 3,) an intelligent spectator. Libanius, who turns with horror from the scene, has supplied some circumstances, (Orat. Parental. c 136-140, p. 359-362.) The calumnies of Gregory, and the legends of more recent saints, may now be silently despised. * Note: A very remarkable fragment of Eunapius describes, not without spirit, the struggle between the terror of the army on account of their perilous situation, and their grief for the death of Julian. “Even the vulgar felt that they would soon provide a general, but such a general as Julian they would never find, even though a god in the form of man—Julian, who, with a mind equal to the divinity, triumphed over the evil propensities of human nature,—* * who held commerce with immaterial beings while yet in the material body—who condescended to rule because a ruler was necessary to the welfare of mankind.” Mai, Nov. Coll. ii. 261. Eunapius in Niebuhr, 69.
尤利安之死的完整记述，出自明察秋毫的目击者阿米阿努斯之手（xxv. 3）。利巴尼乌斯不忍目睹这一幕，掉头而去，却也补充了若干细节（Orat. Parental. c. 136-140, p. 359-362）。至于格列高利的诬蔑之词，以及后世圣徒传说中的种种臆造，如今大可默然置之、不予理会。＊注：欧纳皮乌斯有一段极为出色的残篇，颇为传神地描绘了这样一种矛盾心境：军中一面因处境凶险而惊惧，一面又为尤利安之死而悲恸。“便是那些平庸之辈也都明白：新的统帅很快就会有，但像尤利安这样的统帅，他们却再也寻不到了——纵使那是一位化作人形的神也罢。尤利安，他以堪与神明比肩的心智，战胜了人性中种种趋恶的倾向……他身在物质的肉体之中，却与非物质的存在往来相通；他之所以屈尊治理天下，只因人类的福祉需要有一位统治者。”Mai, Nov. Coll. ii. 261. Eunapius in Niebuhr, 69.
100
↩
Honoratior aliquis miles; perhaps Ammianus himself. The modest and judicious historian describes the scene of the election, at which he was undoubtedly present, (xxv. 5.)
Honoratior aliquis miles（“某位品级较高的军人”），或许就是阿米阿努斯本人。这位谦逊而审慎的史家，描述了那场推选的场面，而他无疑亲历其境（xxv. 5）。
101
↩
The primus or primicerius enjoyed the dignity of a senator, and though only a tribune, he ranked with the military dukes. Cod. Theodosian. l. vi. tit. xxiv. These privileges are perhaps more recent than the time of Jovian.
这位primus（或称primicerius）享有元老的尊荣；他虽仅为一名军事保民官(tribune)，地位却与各军事统领(dux)相当。见 Cod. Theodosian. l. vi. tit. xxiv。不过这些特权也许比约维安的时代来得更晚。
10111
↩
The soldiers supposed that the acclamations proclaimed the name of Julian, restored, as they fondly thought, to health, not that of Jovian. loc.—M.
士兵们还以为这阵欢呼喊的是尤利安的名字——他们一厢情愿地以为他已康复——而非约维安。loc.—M
102
↩
The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates, (l. iii. c. 22,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 3,) and Theodoret, (l. iv. c. 1,) ascribe to Jovian the merit of a confessor under the preceding reign; and piously suppose that he refused the purple, till the whole army unanimously exclaimed that they were Christians. Ammianus, calmly pursuing his narrative, overthrows the legend by a single sentence. Hostiis pro Joviano extisque inspectis, pronuntiatum est, &c., xxv. 6.
教会史家苏格拉底（l. iii. c. 22）、索佐门（l. vi. c. 3）与狄奥多勒（l. iv. c. 1）都把在前朝作过信仰宣信者的功劳归于约维安；他们更虔诚地设想：他起初拒绝紫袍，直到全军异口同声地宣称自己都是基督徒，他才肯接受。阿米阿努斯却不动声色地接着叙述，一句话便推翻了这段传说：Hostiis pro Joviano extisque inspectis, pronuntiatum est, &c.（意为“为约维安献牲、察看内脏之后，便宣布……”云云，xxv. 6）。
103
↩
Ammianus (xxv. 10) has drawn from the life an impartial portrait of Jovian; to which the younger Victor has added some remarkable strokes. The Abbé de la Bleterie (Histoire de Jovien, tom. i. p. 1-238) has composed an elaborate history of his short reign; a work remarkably distinguished by elegance of style, critical disquisition, and religious prejudice.
阿米阿努斯（xxv. 10）据其生平，为约维安勾勒了一幅不偏不倚的画像；小维克托又添了几笔传神之处。布莱特里神父（Histoire de Jovien, tom. i. p. 1-238）为其短暂的一朝撰写了一部详尽的历史，此书文笔之典雅、考订之精审，与其宗教偏见一样，都格外引人注目。