Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part II. 第十五章 基督教的传播——第二节

The enfranchisement of the church from the bonds of the synagogue was a work, however, of some time and of some difficulty. The Jewish converts, who acknowledged Jesus in the character of the Messiah foretold by their ancient oracles, respected him as a prophetic teacher of virtue and religion; but they obstinately adhered to the ceremonies of their ancestors, and were desirous of imposing them on the Gentiles, who continually augmented the number of believers. These Judaizing Christians seem to have argued with some degree of plausibility from the divine origin of the Mosaic law, and from the immutable perfections of its great Author. They affirmed, that if the Being, who is the same through all eternity, had designed to abolish those sacred rites which had served to distinguish his chosen people, the repeal of them would have been no less clear and solemn than their first promulgation: that, instead of those frequent declarations, which either suppose or assert the perpetuity of the Mosaic religion, it would have been represented as a provisionary scheme intended to last only to the coming of the Messiah, who should instruct mankind in a more perfect mode of faith and of worship: 15 that the Messiah himself, and his disciples who conversed with him on earth, instead of authorizing by their example the most minute observances of the Mosaic law, 16 would have published to the world the abolition of those useless and obsolete ceremonies, without suffering Christianity to remain during so many years obscurely confounded among the sects of the Jewish church. Arguments like these appear to have been used in the defence of the expiring cause of the Mosaic law; but the industry of our learned divines has abundantly explained the ambiguous language of the Old Testament, and the ambiguous conduct of the apostolic teachers. It was proper gradually to unfold the system of the gospel, and to pronounce, with the utmost caution and tenderness, a sentence of condemnation so repugnant to the inclination and prejudices of the believing Jews.
然而,教会要挣脱会堂的束缚,却颇费了一番时日,也历经了一番周折。归信基督的犹太人,承认耶稣就是他们古老神谕所预言的弥赛亚(Messiah),敬他为宣讲德行与信仰的先知般的导师;然而他们又死守祖先传下的种种礼仪,还想把这些礼仪一并强加给外邦人(Gentiles)——而信徒的队伍,正是靠外邦人不断壮大起来的。这些主张遵行犹太律法的基督徒,立论似乎也不无几分道理,所据的是摩西律法源出神授,而颁布此律的那位伟大创制者又完美无缺、永恒不易。他们断言:那位亘古如一、永世不变的存在,倘若当真有意废除他曾用以区别选民的神圣礼仪,那么废止之举,必定与当初颁布时同样明白、同样庄严;他也就不会一再宣告,或默认、或明言摩西之教万世长存,而会言明它不过是一套权宜之制,只维持到弥赛亚降临为止,届时弥赛亚自会以更完善的信仰与敬拜之道教诲世人;15弥赛亚本人,连同那些在世间与他朝夕相处的门徒,也就不会以身作则,连摩西律法最细枝末节的规条都一一遵行,16而会向世人宣告这些无用而过时的礼仪就此作废,绝不会任由基督教在如许漫长的岁月里隐没不彰,混迹于犹太教的各个派别之间。诸如此类的论据,看来都曾被搬出来,为摩西律法这桩气数将尽的旧案辩护;然而,我们那些博学的神学家勤勉考订,早已把《旧约》含糊的措辞与使徒时代传道者含糊的行事,解说得头头是道:福音的整套义理,本就该循序渐进地展开,这纸定罪的判决既然如此违逆归信犹太人的心愿与成见,也理应以最审慎、最体贴的口吻宣告。
The history of the church of Jerusalem affords a lively proof of the necessity of those precautions, and of the deep impression which the Jewish religion had made on the minds of its sectaries. The first fifteen bishops of Jerusalem were all circumcised Jews; and the congregation over which they presided united the law of Moses with the doctrine of Christ. 17 It was natural that the primitive tradition of a church which was founded only forty days after the death of Christ, and was governed almost as many years under the immediate inspection of his apostle, should be received as the standard of orthodoxy. The distant churches very frequently appealed to the authority of their venerable Parent, and relieved her distresses by a liberal contribution of alms. But when numerous and opulent societies were established in the great cities of the empire, in Antioch, Alexandria, Ephesus, Corinth, and Rome, the reverence which Jerusalem had inspired to all the Christian colonies insensibly diminished. 18b The Jewish converts, or, as they were afterwards called, the Nazarenes, who had laid the foundations of the church, soon found themselves overwhelmed by the increasing multitudes, that from all the various religions of polytheism enlisted under the banner of Christ: and the Gentiles, who, with the approbation of their peculiar apostle, had rejected the intolerable weight of the Mosaic ceremonies, at length refused to their more scrupulous brethren the same toleration which at first they had humbly solicited for their own practice. The ruin of the temple of the city, and of the public religion of the Jews, was severely felt by the Nazarenes; as in their manners, though not in their faith, they maintained so intimate a connection with their impious countrymen, whose misfortunes were attributed by the Pagans to the contempt, and more justly ascribed by the Christians to the wrath, of the Supreme Deity. The Nazarenes retired from the ruins of Jerusalem 18 to the little town of Pella beyond the Jordan, where that ancient church languished above sixty years in solitude and obscurity. 19 They still enjoyed the comfort of making frequent and devout visits to the Holy City, and the hope of being one day restored to those seats which both nature and religion taught them to love as well as to revere. But at length, under the reign of Hadrian, the desperate fanaticism of the Jews filled up the measure of their calamities; and the Romans, exasperated by their repeated rebellions, exercised the rights of victory with unusual rigor. The emperor founded, under the name of Ælia Capitolina, a new city on Mount Sion, 20 to which he gave the privileges of a colony; and denouncing the severest penalties against any of the Jewish people who should dare to approach its precincts, he fixed a vigilant garrison of a Roman cohort to enforce the execution of his orders. The Nazarenes had only one way left to escape the common proscription, and the force of truth was on this occasion assisted by the influence of temporal advantages. They elected Marcus for their bishop, a prelate of the race of the Gentiles, and most probably a native either of Italy or of some of the Latin provinces. At his persuasion, the most considerable part of the congregation renounced the Mosaic law, in the practice of which they had persevered above a century. By this sacrifice of their habits and prejudices, they purchased a free admission into the colony of Hadrian, and more firmly cemented their union with the Catholic church. 21
耶路撒冷教会的历史,恰好生动地印证了如此审慎确属必要,也印证了犹太教在信徒心中烙下的印记何等深刻。耶路撒冷最初的十五位主教,无一不是受过割礼的犹太人;他们所主持的会众,也把摩西律法与基督的教义合为一体。17这间教会创立之时,距基督之死不过四十天,此后近四十年间,又一直由基督的使徒亲自督导;它原初的传统被奉为正统的圭臬,也就理所当然了。远方各教会屡屡诉诸这位可敬母会的权威,又慷慨解囊、以施舍纾解她的困厄。然而,及至安条克(Antioch)、亚历山大里亚(Alexandria)、以弗所(Ephesus)、科林斯(Corinth)与罗马这些帝国大城之中,一个个人多财厚的教团相继建立,各地基督徒团体对耶路撒冷素来怀有的敬仰,便悄然淡薄了下去。18b当初奠定教会根基的那批归信的犹太人——后来人称拿撒勒派(Nazarenes)——不久便发觉自己被日益膨胀的人潮所淹没:这些人本出自形形色色的多神教,如今尽归于基督的旗下。而外邦人早已得了他们自己那位使徒的首肯,卸下了摩西礼仪这副不堪其重的担子;当初他们曾为自己的做法卑辞恳求宽容,到头来,却不肯以同样的宽容对待这些守礼更严的弟兄。拿撒勒派在信仰上虽与那些不虔敬的同胞分道,在习俗上却仍同他们过从甚密,因此耶路撒冷的圣殿连同犹太人的公共宗教一朝倾覆,他们也身受切肤之痛。犹太人的这些祸患,异教徒归因于至高上帝对他们的鄙弃,基督徒则更公允地归之于上帝的震怒。拿撒勒派离开耶路撒冷的废墟,18退往约旦河(Jordan)彼岸的佩拉(Pella)小镇;那间古老的教会在孤寂与湮没之中苟延了六十余年。19他们仍以时常虔诚地探访圣城为慰藉,也仍抱着一线指望:有朝一日重返那片天性与信仰都教他们既爱且敬的故土。可是到了哈德良(Hadrian)在位时,犹太人狂热发作,铤而走险,终于把自己的灾祸推到了极点;他们一再叛乱,罗马人被激得怒不可遏,便以异乎寻常的严酷,行使胜利者的权利。皇帝在锡安山(Mount Sion)上另建新城,命名为埃利亚·卡皮托利纳,20授以殖民地的种种特权;同时严令,凡犹太人胆敢靠近城界者,一律课以最重之罚;又派驻一支罗马步兵大队严加戒备,确保禁令得以执行。拿撒勒派要逃过这道针对全体的驱逐令,就只剩一条路可走;而这一回,真理的力量又得了现世利益的一臂之助。他们推选马可(Marcus)为主教;此人出身外邦,十有八九是意大利人,或生于某个拉丁行省。在他的劝导下,会众中最主要的一部分,终于舍弃了他们奉行逾一个世纪的摩西律法。他们牺牲了自己的积习与成见,由此换得自由进入哈德良新城的资格,与大公教会的联合也更加牢固。21
When the name and honors of the church of Jerusalem had been restored to Mount Sion, the crimes of heresy and schism were imputed to the obscure remnant of the Nazarenes, which refused to accompany their Latin bishop. They still preserved their former habitation of Pella, spread themselves into the villages adjacent to Damascus, and formed an inconsiderable church in the city of Berœa, or, as it is now called, of Aleppo, in Syria. 22 The name of Nazarenes was deemed too honorable for those Christian Jews, and they soon received, from the supposed poverty of their understanding, as well as of their condition, the contemptuous epithet of Ebionites. 23 In a few years after the return of the church of Jerusalem, it became a matter of doubt and controversy, whether a man who sincerely acknowledged Jesus as the Messiah, but who still continued to observe the law of Moses, could possibly hope for salvation. The humane temper of Justin Martyr inclined him to answer this question in the affirmative; and though he expressed himself with the most guarded diffidence, he ventured to determine in favor of such an imperfect Christian, if he were content to practise the Mosaic ceremonies, without pretending to assert their general use or necessity. But when Justin was pressed to declare the sentiment of the church, he confessed that there were very many among the orthodox Christians, who not only excluded their Judaizing brethren from the hope of salvation, but who declined any intercourse with them in the common offices of friendship, hospitality, and social life. 24 The more rigorous opinion prevailed, as it was natural to expect, over the milder; and an eternal bar of separation was fixed between the disciples of Moses and those of Christ. The unfortunate Ebionites, rejected from one religion as apostates, and from the other as heretics, found themselves compelled to assume a more decided character; and although some traces of that obsolete sect may be discovered as late as the fourth century, they insensibly melted away, either into the church or the synagogue. 25
耶路撒冷教会的名号与荣光既已重归锡安山,拿撒勒派中还有一小撮默默无闻的残余,不肯随从那位拉丁主教,便被扣上了异端与分裂之罪。他们仍守着旧居佩拉,又散布到大马士革邻近的村落,还在叙利亚的贝罗埃亚(Berœa)城——即今人所称的阿勒颇(Aleppo)——建起一间无足轻重的教会。22拿撒勒这个名号,用在这些信基督的犹太人身上,被认为未免太过尊贵;于是不久,人们便因他们据说见识浅陋、境况寒微,给他们安上了“伊便尼派(Ebionites)”这个含轻蔑之意的绰号。23耶路撒冷教会回迁后没几年,便生出一桩疑案与争议:一个人若真心承认耶稣就是弥赛亚,却仍旧遵守摩西律法,他究竟还能不能指望得救?殉道者查士丁(Justin Martyr)天性仁厚,对此倾向于肯定;他措辞虽极其谨慎、满怀顾忌,却仍敢断言:这种残缺不全的基督徒,只要甘于奉行摩西礼仪,而不妄称这些礼仪人人适用、不可或缺,便仍有得救之望。然而,当有人逼着查士丁(Justin)道出教会的公议时,他也只得承认:在正统的基督徒当中,确有许多人不但把这些犹太化的弟兄摒于得救的指望之外,甚至连友谊、款待与日常交际这些寻常的往来,也一概不肯与他们相与。24不出所料,严苛的一派终究压倒了温和的一派;于是,摩西的门徒与基督的门徒之间,从此立起了一道永世不可逾越的壁垒。可怜的伊便尼派,在一教中被斥为叛教者,在另一教中又被斥为异端,进退无路,再也不能依违两可,只得更鲜明地表明身份;虽说直到四世纪,这个早已过时的教派仍有些许踪迹可寻,他们终究还是渐渐消融殆尽,不是并入了教会,便是归入了会堂。25
While the orthodox church preserved a just medium between excessive veneration and improper contempt for the law of Moses, the various heretics deviated into equal but opposite extremes of error and extravagance. From the acknowledged truth of the Jewish religion, the Ebionites had concluded that it could never be abolished. From its supposed imperfections, the Gnostics as hastily inferred that it never was instituted by the wisdom of the Deity. There are some objections against the authority of Moses and the prophets, which too readily present themselves to the sceptical mind; though they can only be derived from our ignorance of remote antiquity, and from our incapacity to form an adequate judgment of the divine economy. These objections were eagerly embraced and as petulantly urged by the vain science of the Gnostics. 26 As those heretics were, for the most part, averse to the pleasures of sense, they morosely arraigned the polygamy of the patriarchs, the gallantries of David, and the seraglio of Solomon. The conquest of the land of Canaan, and the extirpation of the unsuspecting natives, they were at a loss how to reconcile with the common notions of humanity and justice. 261 But when they recollected the sanguinary list of murders, of executions, and of massacres, which stain almost every page of the Jewish annals, they acknowledged that the barbarians of Palestine had exercised as much compassion towards their idolatrous enemies, as they had ever shown to their friends or countrymen. 27 Passing from the sectaries of the law to the law itself, they asserted that it was impossible that a religion which consisted only of bloody sacrifices and trifling ceremonies, and whose rewards as well as punishments were all of a carnal and temporal nature, could inspire the love of virtue, or restrain the impetuosity of passion. The Mosaic account of the creation and fall of man was treated with profane derision by the Gnostics, who would not listen with patience to the repose of the Deity after six days’ labor, to the rib of Adam, the garden of Eden, the trees of life and of knowledge, the speaking serpent, the forbidden fruit, and the condemnation pronounced against human kind for the venial offence of their first progenitors. 28 The God of Israel was impiously represented by the Gnostics as a being liable to passion and to error, capricious in his favor, implacable in his resentment, meanly jealous of his superstitious worship, and confining his partial providence to a single people, and to this transitory life. In such a character they could discover none of the features of the wise and omnipotent Father of the universe. 29 They allowed that the religion of the Jews was somewhat less criminal than the idolatry of the Gentiles; but it was their fundamental doctrine that the Christ whom they adored as the first and brightest emanation of the Deity appeared upon earth to rescue mankind from their various errors, and to reveal a new system of truth and perfection. The most learned of the fathers, by a very singular condescension, have imprudently admitted the sophistry of the Gnostics. 291 Acknowledging that the literal sense is repugnant to every principle of faith as well as reason, they deem themselves secure and invulnerable behind the ample veil of allegory, which they carefully spread over every tender part of the Mosaic dispensation. 30
正统教会在对摩西律法的过度尊崇与不当轻蔑之间恪守中道,形形色色的异端却各自滑向了两个相反、却同样极端的谬误与悖妄。伊便尼派从犹太宗教公认的真确出发,断定它绝不可能被废除;诺斯替派(Gnostics)则从这宗教所谓的种种不完善出发,同样草率地推论:它从来就不是出自上帝智慧的创设。多疑者的心头,极易涌起一些诘难,质疑摩西与众先知的权威;只是这些诘难,无非出于我们对远古的无知,出于我们无力恰当判断上帝经纶世事的深意。诺斯替派却凭着那套虚妄的学问,把这些诘难如获至宝地接了过来,又气势汹汹地一味强辩。26这些异端多半厌弃感官之乐,于是绷着脸把列祖的多妻、大卫(David)的风流、所罗门(Solomon)的三宫六院一一提上公堂问罪。至于征服迦南(Canaan)之地、并把毫无防备的土著斩尽杀绝这桩事,他们更不知该如何同人道与公义的寻常观念调和起来。261不过,他们一想起犹太史册上那一长串凶残的谋杀、处决与屠戮,几乎页页染血,便也承认:这些巴勒斯坦的野蛮人倒是一视同仁,对拜偶像的仇敌,并不比对自家亲友同胞少几分怜悯。27从律法的信奉者转到律法本身,他们又断言:一种宗教若只由血腥的祭献与琐屑的礼仪构成,其赏罚又无一不属肉体、属今世,那么它绝无可能激起人对德行的热爱,也绝无可能约束情欲的横冲直撞。摩西所记的创世与人类堕落,诺斯替派也报以亵慢的讥嘲:上帝六日劳作之后的安息、亚当的肋骨、伊甸的乐园、生命树与知识树、那条会说话的蛇、那枚禁果,以及只因人类始祖一桩无足轻重的过失、便加诸全人类头上的那道罪罚——凡此种种,他们都听不下去。28诺斯替派更以大不敬的口吻描画以色列(Israel)的上帝:他会动情,会犯错,施恩则喜怒无常,衔恨则不肯干休,把自己所受的迷信敬拜看得极重,妒心卑琐;他的眷顾又有所偏私,只及于一个民族,只限于这短暂的今生。在这样一副面目里,他们丝毫寻不见那位睿智全能、统御宇宙之天父的影子。29他们倒也承认,犹太人的宗教比起外邦人的偶像崇拜,罪愆略轻一些;但他们有一条根本教义:他们所崇奉的基督,乃是上帝最初、最灿烂的一道流溢,如今降临人间,是要把人类从种种谬误中拯救出来,并启示一套崭新的真理与至善之道。众教父中最博学的几位,竟异乎寻常地屈尊俯就,轻率地认可了诺斯替派的诡辩。291他们承认律法的字面意义与信仰、理性的每一条原则都相牴牾,便把寓意解经这面宽大的帷幕,小心翼翼地覆在摩西律法体制(Mosaic dispensation)每一处不堪触碰的地方,自以为躲在帷幕之后,就安然无虞、无懈可击。30
It has been remarked with more ingenuity than truth, that the virgin purity of the church was never violated by schism or heresy before the reign of Trajan or Hadrian, about one hundred years after the death of Christ. 31 We may observe with much more propriety, that, during that period, the disciples of the Messiah were indulged in a freer latitude, both of faith and practice, than has ever been allowed in succeeding ages. As the terms of communion were insensibly narrowed, and the spiritual authority of the prevailing party was exercised with increasing severity, many of its most respectable adherents, who were called upon to renounce, were provoked to assert their private opinions, to pursue the consequences of their mistaken principles, and openly to erect the standard of rebellion against the unity of the church. The Gnostics were distinguished as the most polite, the most learned, and the most wealthy of the Christian name; and that general appellation, which expressed a superiority of knowledge, was either assumed by their own pride, or ironically bestowed by the envy of their adversaries. They were almost without exception of the race of the Gentiles, and their principal founders seem to have been natives of Syria or Egypt, where the warmth of the climate disposes both the mind and the body to indolent and contemplative devotion. The Gnostics blended with the faith of Christ many sublime but obscure tenets, which they derived from oriental philosophy, and even from the religion of Zoroaster, concerning the eternity of matter, the existence of two principles, and the mysterious hierarchy of the invisible world. 32 As soon as they launched out into that vast abyss, they delivered themselves to the guidance of a disordered imagination; and as the paths of error are various and infinite, the Gnostics were imperceptibly divided into more than fifty particular sects, 33 of whom the most celebrated appear to have been the Basilidians, the Valentinians, the Marcionites, and, in a still later period, the Manichæans. Each of these sects could boast of its bishops and congregations, of its doctors and martyrs; 34 and, instead of the Four Gospels adopted by the church, 341 the heretics produced a multitude of histories, in which the actions and discourses of Christ and of his apostles were adapted to their respective tenets. 35 The success of the Gnostics was rapid and extensive. 36 They covered Asia and Egypt, established themselves in Rome, and sometimes penetrated into the provinces of the West. For the most part they arose in the second century, flourished during the third, and were suppressed in the fourth or fifth, by the prevalence of more fashionable controversies, and by the superior ascendant of the reigning power. Though they constantly disturbed the peace, and frequently disgraced the name, of religion, they contributed to assist rather than to retard the progress of Christianity. The Gentile converts, whose strongest objections and prejudices were directed against the law of Moses, could find admission into many Christian societies, which required not from their untutored mind any belief of an antecedent revelation. Their faith was insensibly fortified and enlarged, and the church was ultimately benefited by the conquests of its most inveterate enemies. 37
有人曾说,在图拉真(Trajan)或哈德良治世之前,亦即基督死后约一百年间,教会一直保有处子般的纯洁,从未遭分裂或异端玷污;此说巧则巧矣,却未必合乎事实。31我们不妨说得更中肯些:正是在那段时期,弥赛亚的门徒无论在信仰还是在践行上,所享有的自由都远比后世任何时代宽松。教会共融的条件悄然越收越窄,占上风的一派行使属灵权柄也日益严酷;许多素受敬重的信徒被勒令弃绝私见,反倒被激得坚持己见,把那些谬误的原则一路推演到底,终于公开树起叛旗,对抗教会的合一。诺斯替派向以基督徒中最文雅、最博学、最富有著称;“诺斯替”这个泛称,标榜的是知识高人一等,要么是他们骄矜自封,要么是对手出于妒忌,讥讽相赠。他们几乎无一例外都是外邦血统,几位主要的创派者似乎都出身叙利亚或埃及——那里气候炎热,最易使人身心俱怠,沉溺于慵懒而玄想的虔修。诺斯替派把许多虽崇高却晦涩的教义掺进对基督的信仰之中,这些教义源自东方哲学,甚至源自琐罗亚斯德(Zoroaster)的宗教,内容涉及物质的永恒、善恶二元本原的并存,以及那不可见世界神秘的层级。32他们一旦纵身跃入那无边的深渊,便听凭紊乱的想象牵引;而歧路纷繁,无穷无尽,诺斯替派也就渐渐分裂成五十多个派别,33其中最著名的,似乎要数巴西里德派(Basilidians)、瓦伦廷派(Valentinians)、马西昂派(Marcionites),以及年代更晚的摩尼教徒(Manichæans)。这些教派个个都能夸口自己有主教、有会众,有宗师、有殉道者;34而且,他们不用教会所采纳的四福音书,341反倒炮制出五花八门的史传,把基督及其使徒的言行按各自的教义加以牵合。35诺斯替派的得势既迅猛又广泛。36他们遍布亚细亚与埃及,在罗马站稳脚跟,有时还渗入西部各行省。他们大多兴起于二世纪,鼎盛于三世纪,到四、五世纪便被压制下去:一则更时兴的论争占了上风,二则当权者的势力凌驾其上。他们固然屡屡扰乱宗教的安宁,也常常玷辱宗教的名声,可对于基督教的传播,他们与其说是阻碍,不如说反倒助了一臂之力。外邦归信者最强烈的反感与成见,本都冲着摩西律法而来;而许多基督教团体都肯接纳他们,并不要求这些未经教化的人先去相信基督以前的任何启示。这些人的信仰不知不觉间日渐坚固,也日渐开阔;到头来,教会最顽固的死敌攻城略地,得益的反倒是教会。37
But whatever difference of opinion might subsist between the Orthodox, the Ebionites, and the Gnostics, concerning the divinity or the obligation of the Mosaic law, they were all equally animated by the same exclusive zeal, and by the same abhorrence for idolatry, which had distinguished the Jews from the other nations of the ancient world. The philosopher, who considered the system of polytheism as a composition of human fraud and error, could disguise a smile of contempt under the mask of devotion, without apprehending that either the mockery, or the compliance, would expose him to the resentment of any invisible, or, as he conceived them, imaginary powers. But the established religions of Paganism were seen by the primitive Christians in a much more odious and formidable light. It was the universal sentiment both of the church and of heretics, that the dæmons were the authors, the patrons, and the objects of idolatry. 38 Those rebellious spirits who had been degraded from the rank of angels, and cast down into the infernal pit, were still permitted to roam upon earth, to torment the bodies, and to seduce the minds, of sinful men. The dæmons soon discovered and abused the natural propensity of the human heart towards devotion, and artfully withdrawing the adoration of mankind from their Creator, they usurped the place and honors of the Supreme Deity. By the success of their malicious contrivances, they at once gratified their own vanity and revenge, and obtained the only comfort of which they were yet susceptible, the hope of involving the human species in the participation of their guilt and misery. It was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that they had distributed among themselves the most important characters of polytheism, one dæmon assuming the name and attributes of Jupiter, another of Æsculapius, a third of Venus, and a fourth perhaps of Apollo; 39 and that, by the advantage of their long experience and ærial nature, they were enabled to execute, with sufficient skill and dignity, the parts which they had undertaken. They lurked in the temples, instituted festivals and sacrifices, invented fables, pronounced oracles, and were frequently allowed to perform miracles. The Christians, who, by the interposition of evil spirits, could so readily explain every præternatural appearance, were disposed and even desirous to admit the most extravagant fictions of the Pagan mythology. But the belief of the Christian was accompanied with horror. The most trifling mark of respect to the national worship he considered as a direct homage yielded to the dæmon, and as an act of rebellion against the majesty of God.
不过,正统派、伊便尼派与诺斯替派之间,对摩西律法是否神圣、是否仍有约束力,尽可众说纷纭,却都怀着同样排他的热忱,对偶像崇拜也同样深恶痛绝;古代世界里,犹太人正是以此与其余各民族判然有别。哲学家视多神崇拜的整套体系为人为的欺诈与谬误的拼凑,尽可在虔敬的面具下藏起一抹轻蔑的微笑,全不必担心这讥嘲也好、顺从也罢,会招来什么无形之力的怨怒——照他看来,那不过是些虚构之物罢了。然而,异教那些由官方奉行的宗教,在早期基督徒眼中,却显得远为可憎、可怖。无论教会还是异端,都一致公认:偶像崇拜的始作俑者、庇护(Pius)者与崇拜对象,全都是魔鬼。38这些叛逆的灵,本已从天使的行列中被贬黜、被打入地狱的深渊,却仍获准在地上四处游荡,折磨罪人的肉体,诱惑罪人的心智。人心天生向往崇拜,魔鬼很快便窥见这一点,并加以利用:他们巧施手段,把世人的敬拜从造物主(Creator)那里悄悄引开,篡夺了至高上帝应得的位置与尊荣。这些阴毒的诡计一旦得逞,他们既满足了自家的虚荣与报复之心,又得到了此时唯一还消受得起的一点慰藉:指望把整个人类也一并拖进他们的罪愆与苦难。据魔鬼自己供认,或者至少据人们想象,他们彼此瓜分了多神教中那些最要紧的角色:某个魔鬼冒领朱庇特的名号与属性,另一个冒领埃斯库拉庇乌斯,第三个冒领维纳斯(Venus),或许还有第四个冒领阿波罗(Apollo);39又凭着阅历久长、生就一副空灵缥缈的形质,他们得以相当娴熟而得体地扮演各自领受的角色。他们潜伏于神庙之中,创设节庆与祭祀,编造神话,颁降神谕,还每每获准施行神迹。基督徒只消搬出恶灵作梗,便能轻而易举地解释一切超乎自然的怪象;于是他们反倒乐于、甚至巴不得把异教神话中最荒诞不经的虚构照单全收。只是基督徒的这份笃信,总伴着一层惊惧。在他看来,对本邦的祭拜哪怕只流露出最微不足道的一分敬意,也无异于直接向魔鬼致敬,是对上帝威权的反叛。

Notes 注释

15 ↩
These arguments were urged with great ingenuity by the Jew Orobio, and refuted with equal ingenuity and candor by the Christian Limborch. See the Amica Collatio, (it well deserves that name,) or account of the dispute between them.
这些论据由犹太人奥罗比奥(Orobio)以极高的巧思提出,又由基督徒林博尔赫(Limborch)以同样的巧思与坦诚予以驳斥。参见《Amica Collatio》(此书当得起这个名字),即二人辩论的记述。
16 ↩
Jesus... circumcisus erat; cibis utebatur Judaicis; vestitu simili; purgatos scabie mittebat ad sacerdotes; Paschata et alios dies festos religiose observabat: Si quos sanavit sabbatho, ostendit non tantum ex lege, sed et exceptis sententiis, talia opera sabbatho non interdicta. Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianæ, l. v. c. 7. A little afterwards, (c. 12,) he expatiates on the condescension of the apostles.
Jesus... circumcisus erat; cibis utebatur Judaicis; vestitu simili; purgatos scabie mittebat ad sacerdotes; Paschata et alios dies festos religiose observabat: Si quos sanavit sabbatho, ostendit non tantum ex lege, sed et exceptis sententiis, talia opera sabbatho non interdicta.(大意:耶稣受过割礼,进犹太人的饮食,衣着也无异;他打发洁净了的麻风病人去见祭司,虔守逾越节与其他节期;他若在安息日治好了人,便是表明:这类善工不但按律法,而且按公认的例外,本就不在安息日禁止之列。)Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianæ, l. v. c. 7。稍后(见第十二章),他又铺陈了众使徒何等地曲意迁就。
17 ↩
Pæne omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione credebant Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31. See Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. iv. c. 5.
Pæne omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione credebant(大意:几乎人人都在遵守律法的同时,信基督为上帝)。Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31。另参 Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. iv. c. 5。
18b ↩
Footnote 18b: Mosheim de Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum Magnum, page 153. In this masterly performance, which I shall often have occasion to quote he enters much more fully into the state of the primitive church than he has an opportunity of doing in his General History.
Mosheim de Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum Magnum, page 153。在这部堪称大手笔的著作里(我以后还会时常引用它),他对早期教会状况的探讨,远比他在《教会通史》中所能容纳的要详尽得多。
18 ↩
This is incorrect: all the traditions concur in placing the abandonment of the city by the Christians, not only before it was in ruins, but before the seige had commenced. Euseb. loc. cit., and Le Clerc.—M.
此说有误:所有传说都一致认为,基督徒弃城而去,不仅在城池化为废墟之前,更在围城开始之前。Euseb. loc. cit.,及勒克莱尔(Clerc)。—M
19 ↩
Eusebius, l. iii. c. 5. Le Clerc, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 605. During this occasional absence, the bishop and church of Pella still retained the title of Jerusalem. In the same manner, the Roman pontiffs resided seventy years at Avignon; and the patriarchs of Alexandria have long since transferred their episcopal seat to Cairo.
Eusebius, l. iii. c. 5。Le Clerc, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 605。在这段暂离期间,佩拉的主教与教会仍保留着“耶路撒冷”的名号。同样,罗马教宗也曾在阿维尼翁(Avignon)驻留七十年;亚历山大里亚的牧首更早已把主教座迁往开罗(Cairo)。
20 ↩
Dion Cassius, l. lxix. The exile of the Jewish nation from Jerusalem is attested by Aristo of Pella, (apud Euseb. l. iv. c. 6,) and is mentioned by several ecclesiastical writers; though some of them too hastily extend this interdiction to the whole country of Palestine.
Dion Cassius, l. lxix。犹太民族被逐出耶路撒冷一事,有佩拉的阿里斯托(Aristo of Pella,见 apud Euseb. l. iv. c. 6)为证,若干教会作家也曾提及;只是其中有些人未免过于草率,把这道禁令扩大到整个巴勒斯坦地方。
21 ↩
Eusebius, l. iv. c. 6. Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31. By comparing their unsatisfactory accounts, Mosheim (p. 327, &c.) has drawn out a very distinct representation of the circumstances and motives of this revolution.
Eusebius, l. iv. c. 6。Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31。莫斯海姆(p. 327 及以下)比对了这些语焉不详的记载,从中理出了这场变革的来龙去脉与动因,叙述得相当清晰。
22 ↩
Le Clerc (Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477, 535) seems to have collected from Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, and other writers, all the principal circumstances that relate to the Nazarenes or Ebionites. The nature of their opinions soon divided them into a stricter and a milder sect; and there is some reason to conjecture, that the family of Jesus Christ remained members, at least, of the latter and more moderate party.
勒克莱尔(Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477, 535)似乎已从优西比乌(Eusebius)、哲罗姆(Jerome)、埃皮法尼乌斯(Epiphanius)等作家那里,搜罗了与拿撒勒派或伊便尼派相关的一切主要情节。他们的主张本身,不久便使他们分成了较严与较宽两派;也有一些根据可以推测,耶稣基督(Jesus Christ)的家族至少还留在后面那较温和的一派。
23 ↩
Some writers have been pleased to create an Ebion, the imaginary author of their sect and name. But we can more safely rely on the learned Eusebius than on the vehement Tertullian, or the credulous Epiphanius. According to Le Clerc, the Hebrew word Ebjonim may be translated into Latin by that of Pauperes. See Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477. * Note: The opinion of Le Clerc is generally admitted; but Neander has suggested some good reasons for supposing that this term only applied to poverty of condition. The obscure history of their tenets and divisions, is clearly and rationally traced in his History of the Church, vol. i. part ii. p. 612, &c., Germ. edit.—M.
有些作家乐于凭空造出一个名叫“伊便(Ebion)”(Ebion)的人,充当这一教派及其名称的虚构始祖。但我们与其信从措辞激烈的德尔图良(Tertullian)、或轻信盲从的埃皮法尼乌斯,倒不如更稳妥地倚重博学的优西比乌。据勒克莱尔说,希伯来语 Ebjonim 一词可译作拉丁文的 Pauperes(意为“贫者”)。见 Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477。* 编者按:勒克莱尔之说素为学界所公认;不过尼安德(Neander)提出了若干有力的理由,认为此词仅指境况上的贫寒。关于他们教义与分派那段晦暗不明的历史,尼安德在其《教会史》(History of the Church,德文版,vol. i. part ii. p. 612 及以下)中作了清晰而合理的梳理。—M
24 ↩
See the very curious Dialogue of Justin Martyr with the Jew Tryphon. The conference between them was held at Ephesus, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and about twenty years after the return of the church of Pella to Jerusalem. For this date consult the accurate note of Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. ii. p. 511. * Note: Justin Martyr makes an important distinction, which Gibbon has neglected to notice. * * * There were some who were not content with observing the Mosaic law themselves, but enforced the same observance, as necessary to salvation, upon the heathen converts, and refused all social intercourse with them if they did not conform to the law. Justin Martyr himself freely admits those who kept the law themselves to Christian communion, though he acknowledges that some, not the Church, thought otherwise; of the other party, he himself thought less favorably. The former by some are considered the Nazarenes the atter the Ebionites—G and M.
参见殉道者查士丁与犹太人特里丰(Tryphon)那篇极为奇特的《对话录》。二人的辩论在以弗所举行,时值安敦尼·庇护(Antoninus Pius)在位,约在佩拉教会回迁耶路撒冷之后二十年。此年代可参蒂耶蒙(Tillemont)的准确注释,Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. ii. p. 511。* 编者按:殉道者查士丁作了一个重要的区分,吉本却未曾留意。* * * 有些人不满足于自己遵守摩西律法,还硬要外邦归信者也照样遵行,视之为得救所必需,倘若对方不肯守律法,便与之断绝一切往来。那些只是自己守律法的人,查士丁本人坦然接纳他们进入基督徒的共融;他也承认有些人不以为然,但并非整个教会都这样看。至于另一派,即强求外邦归信者守律法的人,他本人对他们的看法就没那么宽厚了。有人认为,只是自己守律法的一派便是拿撒勒派,强求他人守律法的一派则是伊便尼派。—G and M
25 ↩
Of all the systems of Christianity, that of Abyssinia is the only one which still adheres to the Mosaic rites. (Geddes’s Church History of Æthiopia, and Dissertations de La Grand sur la Relation du P. Lobo.) The eunuch of the queen Candace might suggest some suspicious; but as we are assured (Socrates, i. 19. Sozomen, ii. 24. Ludolphus, p. 281) that the Æthiopians were not converted till the fourth century, it is more reasonable to believe that they respected the sabbath, and distinguished the forbidden meats, in imitation of the Jews, who, in a very early period, were seated on both sides of the Red Sea. Circumcision had been practised by the most ancient Æthiopians, from motives of health and cleanliness, which seem to be explained in the Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii. p. 117.
在基督教的所有体系中,唯有阿比西尼亚(Abyssinia)一支至今仍恪守摩西的礼仪。(Geddes’s Church History of Æthiopia,及 Dissertations de La Grand sur la Relation du P. Lobo。)女王干大基(Candace)的那位太监,或许会让人疑心埃塞俄比亚人早在他那个时代便已归信;但既然我们已获确证(Socrates, i. 19;Sozomen, ii. 24;Ludolphus, p. 281),埃塞俄比亚人直到四世纪才归信基督教,那么更合理的推想便是:他们守安息日、分辨哪些肉食为律法所禁,乃是效法犹太人,而犹太人早在极古的年代,便已在红海两岸落脚定居。最古老的埃塞俄比亚人早已行割礼,那是出于健康与洁净的考量;这些缘由,似乎在 Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii. p. 117 中已有解说。
26 ↩
Beausobre, Histoire du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 3, has stated their objections, particularly those of Faustus, the adversary of Augustin, with the most learned impartiality.
博索布尔(Beausobre)在 Histoire du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 3 中,以最为渊博而不偏不倚的态度,陈述了他们的种种诘难,尤其是奥古斯丁(Augustin)的论敌福斯图斯(Faustus)的诘难。
261 ↩
On the “war law” of the Jews, see Hist. of Jews, i. 137.—M.
关于犹太人的“战争法”,参见 Hist. of Jews, i. 137。—M
27 ↩
Apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu: adversus amnes alios hostile odium. Tacit. Hist. v. 4. Surely Tacitus had seen the Jews with too favorable an eye. The perusal of Josephus must have destroyed the antithesis. * Note: Few writers have suspected Tacitus of partiality towards the Jews. The whole later history of the Jews illustrates as well their strong feelings of humanity to their brethren, as their hostility to the rest of mankind. The character and the position of Josephus with the Roman authorities, must be kept in mind during the perusal of his History. Perhaps he has not exaggerated the ferocity and fanaticism of the Jews at that time; but insurrectionary warfare is not the best school for the humaner virtues, and much must be allowed for the grinding tyranny of the later Roman governors. See Hist. of Jews, ii. 254.—M.
Apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu: adversus amnes alios hostile odium.(大意:在他们内部,信义坚执,怜悯随处可见;对其余一切人,则怀敌意的仇恨。)Tacit. Hist. v. 4。塔西佗看待犹太人,眼光未免太过宽厚了。只要读一读约瑟夫斯(Josephus),他这番内外对举的说法便必然不攻自破。* 编者按:几乎没有作家会疑心塔西佗偏袒犹太人。犹太人后来的整部历史,既显出他们对同胞怀有强烈的人道之情,也显出他们对其余人类的敌意。研读约瑟夫斯的《历史》时,须始终记住他的为人,以及他同罗马当局之间的处境。或许他并未夸大当时犹太人的凶暴与狂热;但揭竿而起的战乱,本不是涵养仁厚德行的好学堂,何况后期罗马总督敲骨吸髓的暴政,也须充分考虑在内。参见 Hist. of Jews, ii. 254。—M
28 ↩
Dr. Burnet (Archæologia, l. ii. c. 7) has discussed the first chapters of Genesis with too much wit and freedom. * Note: Dr. Burnet apologized for the levity with which he had conducted some of his arguments, by the excuse that he wrote in a learned language for scholars alone, not for the vulgar. Whatever may be thought of his success in tracing an Eastern allegory in the first chapters of Genesis, his other works prove him to have been a man of great genius, and of sincere piety.—M
伯内特(Burnet)博士(Dr. Burnet,Archæologia, l. ii. c. 7)讨论《创世记(Genesis)》起首几章时,未免过于机智放诞。* 编者按:伯内特博士为自己论证中某些轻佻之处辩解,托辞说他用的是学者通用的语言,专为学者而写,并非为俗众而作。姑且不论他在《创世记》起首几章中钩沉某种东方寓意是否成功,他的其他著作都足以证明:他是一位天纵其才、又虔诚笃信之人。—M
29 ↩
The milder Gnostics considered Jehovah, the Creator, as a Being of a mixed nature between God and the Dæmon. Others confounded him with an evil principle. Consult the second century of the general history of Mosheim, which gives a very distinct, though concise, account of their strange opinions on this subject.
较温和的诺斯替派把造物主耶和华(Jehovah)看作一种介于上帝与魔鬼之间、性质驳杂的存在;另有一些人则干脆把他与某个恶的本原混为一谈。可参莫斯海姆《教会通史》论二世纪的部分,其中对他们在这一问题上的种种怪论,有相当清晰而简明的交代。
291 ↩
The Gnostics, and the historian who has stated these plausible objections with so much force as almost to make them his own, would have shown a more considerate and not less reasonable philosophy, if they had considered the religion of Moses with reference to the age in which it was promulgated; if they had done justice to its sublime as well as its more imperfect views of the divine nature; the humane and civilizing provisions of the Hebrew law, as well as those adapted for an infant and barbarous people. See Hist of Jews, i. 36, 37, &c.—M.
诺斯替派也好,那位把这些貌似有理的诘难陈述得如此有力、几乎当作自家见解的史家也好,倘若肯做到下面几点,他们的哲学本可更加周全,合理之处也丝毫不减:把摩西的宗教放回它颁行的时代去衡量;公允看待它对神性的见解,既看到其中的崇高,也看到其中的欠缺;公允看待希伯来律法,既看到那些体现人道、开化民智的规定,也看到那些为一个幼稚而蛮野的民族量身而设的条款。参见 Hist. of Jews, i. 36, 37 及以下。—M
30 ↩
See Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 4. Origen and St. Augustin were among the allegorists.
参见博索布尔,Hist. du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 4。奥利金(Origen)与圣奥古斯丁都属于寓意解经者之列。
31 ↩
Hegesippus, ap. Euseb. l. iii. 32, iv. 22. Clemens Alexandrin Stromat. vii. 17. * Note: The assertion of Hegesippus is not so positive: it is sufficient to read the whole passage in Eusebius, to see that the former part is modified by the matter. Hegesippus adds, that up to this period the church had remained pure and immaculate as a virgin. Those who labored to corrupt the doctrines of the gospel worked as yet in obscurity—G
Hegesippus, ap. Euseb. l. iii. 32, iv. 22。Clemens Alexandrin. Stromat. vii. 17。* 编者按:赫格西普斯(Hegesippus)的断言其实并不那么斩钉截铁:只要通读优西比乌书中那整段文字,便可看出前半截已为后文所修正。赫格西普斯还补充说,直到此时,教会仍如处子般纯洁无瑕;那些一心要败坏福音教义的人,此刻还只在暗处活动。—G
32 ↩
In the account of the Gnostics of the second and third centuries, Mosheim is ingenious and candid; Le Clerc dull, but exact; Beausobre almost always an apologist; and it is much to be feared that the primitive fathers are very frequently calumniators. * Note The Histoire du Gnosticisme of M. Matter is at once the fairest and most complete account of these sects.—M.
在叙述二、三世纪的诺斯替派时,莫斯海姆见解精辟而坦诚;勒克莱尔虽枯燥,却准确;博索布尔则几乎一味替他们辩护;至于那些早期教父,只怕十有八九是诬蔑者。* 编者按:马特尔(M. Matter)的 Histoire du Gnosticisme,是对这些教派最为公允、也最为完备的记述。—M
33 ↩
See the catalogues of Irenæus and Epiphanius. It must indeed be allowed, that those writers were inclined to multiply the number of sects which opposed the unity of the church.
参见爱任纽(Irenæus)与埃皮法尼乌斯所列的名录。诚然,我们必须承认,这两位作家总爱把反对教会合一的教派数目往多里算。
34 ↩
Eusebius, l. iv. c. 15. Sozomen, l. ii. c. 32. See in Bayle, in the article of Marcion, a curious detail of a dispute on that subject. It should seem that some of the Gnostics (the Basilidians) declined, and even refused the honor of Martyrdom. Their reasons were singular and abstruse. See Mosheim, p. 539.
Eusebius, l. iv. c. 15。Sozomen, l. ii. c. 32。培尔(Bayle)《辞典》“马西昂(Marcion)”条下,有一桩关于此题的争论,记述颇为奇异,可参看。看来诺斯替派中有些人(即巴西里德派)并不看重、甚至拒绝殉道的荣誉;他们的理由既古怪又玄奥。参见 Mosheim, p. 539。
341 ↩
M. Hahn has restored the Marcionite Gospel with great ingenuity. His work is reprinted in Thilo. Codex. Apoc. Nov. Test. vol. i.—M.
哈恩(Hahn)先生(M. Hahn)以极高的巧思复原了马西昂派的福音书。其著作重刊于 Thilo, Codex. Apoc. Nov. Test. vol. i。—M
35 ↩
See a very remarkable passage of Origen, (Proem. ad Lucam.) That indefatigable writer, who had consumed his life in the study of the Scriptures, relies for their authenticity on the inspired authority of the church. It was impossible that the Gnostics could receive our present Gospels, many parts of which (particularly in the resurrection of Christ) are directly, and as it might seem designedly, pointed against their favorite tenets. It is therefore somewhat singular that Ignatius (Epist. ad Smyrn. Patr. Apostol. tom. ii. p. 34) should choose to employ a vague and doubtful tradition, instead of quoting the certain testimony of the evangelists. Note: Bishop Pearson has attempted very happily to explain this singularity.’ The first Christians were acquainted with a number of sayings of Jesus Christ, which are not related in our Gospels, and indeed have never been written. Why might not St. Ignatius, who had lived with the apostles or their disciples, repeat in other words that which St. Luke has related, particularly at a time when, being in prison, he could have the Gospels at hand? Pearson, Vind Ign. pp. 2, 9 p. 396 in tom. ii. Patres Apost. ed. Coteler—G.
参见奥利金一段极为值得注意的文字(Proem. ad Lucam)。这位笔耕不辍的作者,毕生沉潜于《圣经(Scriptures)》的研究,却把经文的真确性,系于教会那受圣灵默示的权威之上。诺斯替派绝无可能接受我们今日所用的这几卷福音书,因为其中许多段落(尤以基督复活一节为甚)都直截了当、且看似有意地针对着他们所钟爱的教义。因此,颇为奇怪的是,伊格纳修(Epist. ad Smyrn.,Patr. Apostol. tom. ii. p. 34)竟宁可援用一则含糊而可疑的传闻,而不去征引福音书作者们确凿的见证。* 编者按:皮尔逊(Pearson)主教(Bishop Pearson)对这一奇特之处作了极为圆满的解释:最初的基督徒熟知耶稣基督的不少言论,这些言论并未载于我们的福音书,实则也从未见诸文字。圣伊格纳修曾与众使徒或其门徒生活在一起,他何以不能用另一种措辞,复述圣路加(Luke)所记之事——尤其是在他身陷囹圄、手边未必有福音书可查之时?Pearson, Vind. Ign. pp. 2, 9;p. 396 in tom. ii. Patres Apost. ed. Coteler。—G
36 ↩
Faciunt favos et vespæ; faciunt ecclesias et Marcionitæ, is the strong expression of Tertullian, which I am obliged to quote from memory. In the time of Epiphanius (advers. Hæreses, p. 302) the Marcionites were very numerous in Italy, Syria, Egypt, Arabia, and Persia.
“Faciunt favos et vespæ; faciunt ecclesias et Marcionitæ.”(大意:黄蜂也会筑巢,马西昂派也会立教会。)这是德尔图良一句有力的措辞,我只能凭记忆引用。到埃皮法尼乌斯的时代(advers. Hæreses, p. 302),马西昂派在意大利、叙利亚、埃及、阿拉伯与波斯,人数都极为众多。
37 ↩
Augustin is a memorable instance of this gradual progress from reason to faith. He was, during several years, engaged in the Manichæar sect.
像这样由理性渐入信仰的,奥古斯丁便是一个值得铭记的例子。他曾有若干年委身于摩尼教派。
38 ↩
The unanimous sentiment of the primitive church is very clearly explained by Justin Martyr, Apolog. Major, by Athenagoras, Legat. c. 22. &c., and by Lactantius, Institut. Divin. ii. 14—19.
早期教会众口一词的看法,殉道者查士丁(Apolog. Major)、阿特那哥拉(Athenagoras, Legat. c. 22 等)与拉克坦提乌斯(Institut. Divin. ii. 14—19)都作了极为清晰的阐说。
39 ↩
Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23) alleges the confession of the dæmons themselves as often as they were tormented by the Christian exorcists
德尔图良(Apolog. c. 23)举出魔鬼自己的供认为证——每当他们被基督徒的驱魔者所折磨,便如此招认。